V.Ordonnance du comte Philippe d’Alsace, sur les attributs des Baillis en Flandre.Vers 1178.
V.Ordonnance du comte Philippe d’Alsace, sur les attributs des Baillis en Flandre.Vers 1178.
V.Ordonnance du comte Philippe d’Alsace, sur les attributs des Baillis en Flandre.Vers 1178.
“Hæc sunt puncta, quæ per universam terram suam Comes observari præcepit.
Ҥ 1.Primo qui hominem occiderit, caput pro capite dabit.
Ҥ 2.Item baillivus Comitis poterit arrestare hominem qui forefecit sine Scabinis donec ante Scabinos veniat, et per consilium eorum plegium accipiat de forisfacto.
“§ 3.Item si baillivus volens hominem arrestare, non potuerit et auxilium vocaverit, qui primus fuerit, et baillivum non adiuverit in forisfacto erit, sicut Scabini considerabunt; nisi forte ostendere quis potuerit per Scabinos quod ille qui arrestandus erat, inimicus eius sit de mortali faidâ; et tunc sine forisfacto erit licet baillivum non adiuverit ad capiendum suum inimicum.
“§ 4.Item baillivus Comitis erit cum Scabinis, qui eligent probos viros villæ ad faciendas tallias et Assisas, sed cum talliabunt Scabini vel Iudicia facient, vel inquisitiones veritatis, vel protractiones, non intererit baillivus: aliis autem consiliis quæ ad utilitatem villæ pertinebunt, baillivus intererit cum Scabinis, scriptum autem talliæ et assisæ reddent Scabini baillivo, si postulaverit.
Ҥ 5.Item baillivus accipiet forisfactum adiudicatum Comiti per Scabinos, ubicumque illud invenerit extra ecclesiam et ubicumque accipi debet per Scabinos.
“§ 6.Item qui bannitum de pecuniâ receptaverit eâdem lege de pecuniâ tenebitur quâ bannitus; et si fuerit capite bannitus qui receptatus est, tunc receptans tenebitur de forisfactoLXlib. Quod si vir domi non fuerit, et ejus uxor bannitum receptaverit, rediensque vir, tertiâ manu proborum virorum iurare potuerit: quod bannitum in domam suam receptum esse nescierit; sine forisfacto remanebit: si autem absentiâ mariti, uxori prohibitum fuerit per Scabinos, ne bannitum receptet, de cætero non poterit eum sine forisfacto receptare.
“§ 7.Item de quindenâ in quindenam, habet comes, vel baillivus ex eius parte, veritatem si voluerit.
“§ 8.Item domus diruenda Judicio Scabinorum, post quindenam a scabinis indultam, quandocunque Comes præceperit, aut baillivus eius, diruetur a Communia villæ, campana pulsata per Scabinos: et qui ad diruendam domum illam non venerit, in forisfacto erit, sicut Scabini considerabunt, nisi talem excusationem habuerit, quæ Scabinis sufficiens videatur.
“§ 9.Item pater non poterit forisfacere domum vel rem filiorum, quæ eis ex parte matris contingit; nec filii poterunt forisfacere rem vel domum patris, quæ ex parte patris venit.
Ҥ 10.Item si homo per Scabinos domum suam sine scampo invadiaverit, eam forisfacere non poterit, nisi salvo catallo eius, qui domum illam vadet in vadio.
“§ 11.Item fugitivus de aliquâ villâ pro debito, si in aliâ villâ inventus fuerit, arrestabitur, et ad villam, de quâ fugerat, reducetur, et iudicium Scabinorum illius villæ subire cogetur.
“§ 12.Item si quis vulneratus fuerit, et videatur Scabinis’ quod non sit vulneratus ad mortem, et postea de illo vulnere mortuus fuerit, Scabini non erunt in forisfacto contra Comitem, qui minorem plegiaturam acceperunt de eo qui cum vulneravit, quam si mortaliter fuisset vulneratus.”
The following charters of the French communes are taken from M. Thierry’sLettres sur l’Histoire de France.
I.Charte de Beauvais.—“Tous les hommes domiciliés dans l’enceinte du mur de ville et dans les faubourgs, de quelque seigneur que relève le terrain où ils habitent, prêteront serment à la commune.Dans toute l’étendue de la ville, chacun prêtera secours aux autres, loyalement et selon son pouvoir.
“Treize pairs seront élus par la commune, entre lesquels, d’après le vote des autres pairs et de tous ceux qui auront juré la commune, un ou deux seront créés majeurs.
“Le majeur et les pairs jureront de ne favoriser personne de la commune pour cause d’amitié, de ne léser personne pour cause d’inimitié, et de donner en toute chose, selon leur pouvoir, une décision équitable. Tous les autres jureront d’obéir et de prêter main forte aux décisions du majeur et des pairs[1036].
“Quiconque aura forfait envers un homme qui aura juré cette commune, le majeur et les pairs, si plainte leur en est faite, feront justice du corps et des biens du coupable.
“Si le coupable se réfugie dans quelque château fort, le majeur et les pairs de la commune parleront sur cela au seigneur du château ou à celui qui sera en son lieu; et si, à leur avis, satisfaction leur est faite de l’ennemi de la commune, ce sera assez; mais si le seigneur refuse satisfaction, ils se feront justice à eux-mêmes sur ses hommes.
“Si quelque marchand étranger vient à Beauvais pour le marché, et que quelqu’un lui fasse tort ou injure dans les limites de la banlieue; si plainte en est faite au majeur et aux pairs, et que le marchand puisse trouver son malfaiteur dans la ville, la majeur et les pairs en feront justice, à moins que le marchand ne soit un des ennemis de la commune.
“Nul homme de la commune ne devra prêter ni créancer son argent aux ennemis de la commune tant qu’il y aura guerre avec eux, car s’il le fait il sera parjure; et si quelqu’un est convaincu de leur avoir prêté ou créance quoique ce soit, justice sera faite de lui, selon que le majeur et les pairs en décideront.
“S’il arrive que le corps des bourgeois marche hors de la ville contre ses ennemis, nul le parlamentera avec eux si ce n’est avec licence du majeur et des pairs.
“Si quelqu’un de la commune a confié son argent à quelqu’un de la ville, et que celui auquel l’argent aura été confié se réfugie dans quelque château fort, le seigneur du château, en ayant reçu plainte, ou rendra l’argent ou chassera le débiteur de son château; et s’il ne fait ni l’une ni l’autre de ces choses, justice sera faite sur les hommes de ce château.
“Si quelqu’un enlève de l’argent à un homme de la commune et se réfugie dans quelque château fort, justice sera faite sur lui si on peut le recontrer, ou sur les hommes et les biens du seigneur du château, à moins que l’argent ne soit rendu.
“S’il arrive que quelqu’un de la commune ait acheté quelque héritage et l’ait tenu pendant l’an et jour, et si quelqu’un vient ensuite réclamer et demander le rachat, il ne lui sera point fait de réponse, mais l’acheteur demeurera en paix.
“Pour aucune cause la présente charte ne sera portée hors de la ville.”
II.Charter of the Commune of Laon.—“Nul ne pourra se saisir d’aucun homme, soit libre, soit serf, sans le ministère de la justice.
“Si quelqu’un a, de quelque manière que ce soit, fait tort à un autre, soit clerc, soit chevalier, soit marchand indigène ou étranger, et que celui qui a fait le tort soit de la ville, il sera sommé de se présenter en justice par-devant le majeur et les jurés, pour se justifier ou faire amende; mais s’il se refuse à faire réparation, il sera exclu de la ville avec tous ceux de sa famille. Si les propriétés du délinquant en terres ou en vignes sont situées hors du territoire de la ville, le majeur et les jurés réclameront justice contre lui, de la part du seigneur dans le ressort duquel ses biens seront situés; mais si l’on n’obtient pas justice de ce seigneur, les jurés pourront faire dévaster les propriétés du coupable. Si le coupable n’est pas de la ville, l’affaire sera portée devant la cour del’évêque, et si, dans le délai do cinq jours, la forfaiture n’est pas reparée, le majeur et les jurés en tireront selon leur pouvoir.
“En matière capitale, la plainte doit d’abord être portée devant le seigneur justicier dans le ressort duquel aura été pris le coupable, ou devant son bailli s’il est absent; et si le plaignant ne peut obtenir justice ni de l’un ni de l’autre, il s’adressera aux jurés.
“Les censitaires ne paieront à leur seigneur d’autre cens que celui qu’ils le doivent par tête. S’ils ne le paient pas au temps marqué, ils seront punis selon la loi qui les régit, mais n’accorderont rien en sus à leur seigneur que de leur propre volonté.
“Les hommes de la commune pourront prendre pour femmes les filles des vassaux ou des serfs de quelque seigneur que ce soit, à l’exception des seigneuries et des églises qui font partie de cet commune. Dans les familles de ces dernières ils ne pourront prendre des épouses sans le consentement du seigneur.
“Aucun étranger censitaire des églises ou des chevaliers de la ville ne sera compris dans la commune que du consentement de son seigneur.
“Quiconque sera reçu dans cet commune, bâtira une maison dans le délai d’un an, ou achetera des vignes, ou apportera dans la ville assez d’effets mobiliers pour que justice puisse être faite, s’il y a quelque plainte contre lui. Les main-mortes sont entièrement abolies. Les tailles seront réparties de manière que tout homme devant taille paie seulement quatre deniers à chaque terme et rien de plus, à moins qu’il n’ait une terre devant taille, à laquelle il tienne assez pour consentir à payer la taille.”
III.Charter of the Commune of Amiens.—“Chacun gardera fidélité à son juré et lui prêtera secours et conseil en tout ce qui est juste.
“Si quelqu’un viole sciemment les constitutions de la commune et qu’il en soit convaincu, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison et ne lui permettra point d’habiter dans ses limites jusqu’à ce qu’il ait donné satisfaction.
“Quiconque aura sciemment reçu dans sa maison un ennemi de la commune et aura communiqué avec lui, soit en vendant et achetant, soit en buvant et mangeant, soit en lui prêtant un secours quelconque, ou lui aura donné aide et conseil contre le commune, sera coupable de lèse-commune, et, à moins qu’il ne donne promptementsatisfaction en justice, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison.
“Quiconque aura tenu devant témoin des propos injurieux pour la commune, si la commune en est informée, et que l’inculpé refuse de répondre en justice, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison et ne lui permettra pas d’habiter dans ses limites jusqu’à ce qu’il ait donné satisfaction.
“Si quelqu’un attaque de paroles injurieuses le majeur dans l’exercice de sa juridiction, sa maison sera démolie, ou il paiera rançon pour sa maison en la miséricorde des juges.
“Que nul n’ait la hardiesse de vexer au passage, dans la banlieue de la cité, les personnes domiciliées dans la commune, ou les marchands qui viennent à la ville pour y vendre leurs denrées. Si quelqu’un ose le faire, il sera réputé violateur de la commune et justice sera faite sur sa personne ou sur ses biens.
“Si un membre de la commune enlève quelque chose à l’un de ses jurés, il sera sommé par le maire et les échevins de comparaître en présence de la commune, et fera réparation suivant l’arrêt des échevins.
“Si le vol a été commis par quelqu’un qui ne soit pas de la commune, et que cet homme ait refusé de comparaître en justice dans les limites de la banlieue, la commune, après l’avoir notifié aux gens du château où le coupable a son domicile, le saisira, si elle le peut, lui ou quelque chose qui lui appartienne, et le retiendra jusqu’à ce qu’il ait fait réparation.
“Quiconque aura blessé avec armes un de ses jurés, à moins qu’il ne se justifie par témoins et par le serment, perdra le poing ou paiera neuf livres, six pour les fortifications de la ville et de la commune, et trois pour la rançon de son poing; mais s’il est incapable de payer, il abandonnera son poing à la miséricorde de la commune.
“Si un homme, qui n’est pas de la commune, frappe ou blesse quelqu’un de la commune, et refuse de comparaître en jugement, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison; et si elle parvient à le saisir, justice sera faite de lui par-devant le majeur et les échevins.
“Quiconque aura donné à l’un de ses jurés les noms de serf, récréant, traître ou fripon, paiera vingt sous d’amende.
“Si quelque membre de la commune a sciemment acheté ou vendu quelque article provenant de pillage, il le perdra et sera tenu de le restituer aux dépouillés, à moins queux-mêmes ou leurs seigneurs n’aient forfait en quelque chose contre la commune.
“Dans les limites de la commune, on n’admettra aucun champion gagé au combat contre l’un de ses membres.
“En toute espèce de cause, l’accusateur, l’accusé et les témoins s’expliqueront, s’ils le veulent, par avocat.
“Tous ces articles, ainsi que les ordonnances du majeur et de la commune, n’ont force de loi que de juré à juré: il n’y a pas égalité en justice entre le juré et le non-juré.”
IV.Charter of the Commune of Soissons.—“Tous les hommes habitant dansl’enceintel’enceintedes murs de la ville de Soissons et en dehors dans le faubourg, sur quelque seigneurie qu’ils demeurent, jureront la commune: si quelqu’un s’y refuse, ceux qui l’auront jurée feront justice de sa maison et de son argent.
“Dans les limites de la commune, tous les hommes s’aideront mutuellement, selon leur pouvoir, et ne souffriront en nulle manière que qui que ce soit enlève quelque chose ou fasse payer des tailles à l’un d’entre eux.
“Quand la cloche sonnera pour assembler la commune, si quelqu’un ne se rend pas à l’assemblée, il payera douze deniers d’amende.
“Si quelqu’un de la commune a forfait en quelque chose, et refuse de donner satisfaction devant les jurés, les hommes de la commune en feront justice.
“Les membres de cette commune prendront pour épouses les femmes qu’ils voudront, après en avoir demandé la permission aux seigneurs dont ils relèvent; mais, si les seigneurs s’y refusaient, et que, sans l’aveu du sien, quelqu’un prîtuneunefemme relevant d’une autre seigneurie, l’amende qu’il paierait dans ce cas, sur la plainte de son seigneur, serait de cinq sols seulement.
“Si un étranger apporte son pain ou son vin dans la ville pourles y mettre en sûreté, et qu’ensuite un différend survienne entre son seigneur et les hommes de cette commune, il aura quinze jours pour vendre son pain et son vin dans la ville et emporter l’argent, à moins qu’il n’ait forfait ou ne soit complice de quelque forfaiture.
“Si l’évêque de Soissons amène par mégarde dans la ville un homme qui ait forfait envers un membre de cette commune, après qu’on lui aura remontré que c’est l’un des ennemis de la commune, il pourra l’emmener cette fois; mais ne le ramènera en aucune manière, si ce n’est avec l’aveu de ceux qui ont charge de maintenir la commune.
“Toute forfaiture, hormis l’infraction de commune et la vieille haine, sera punie d’une amende de cinq sous.”
It would be easy to add other examples of these early covenants between the towns and their seigneurs: but enough seems to have been said, to illustrate the line of argument adopted in the text. There is no single point in all mediæval history of more importance than the manner in which the towns assumed their municipal form; and none in which the gradual progress of the popular liberties can be more securely traced. But all these compromises imply a long apprenticeship to freedom before the “master’s” dignity was attained: and great is the debt of gratitude we owe to those whose sufferings and labour have enabled us to understand and to record their struggles.
APPENDIX B.TITHE.
The importance of this subject requires a full statement of details: the following are all the passages in the Anglosaxon law which have reference to this impost.
“I Æðelstán the king, with the counsel of Wulfhelm, archbishop, and of my other bishops, make known to the reeves in each town, and beseech you, in God’s name, and by all his saints, and also by my friendship, that ye first of my own goods render the tithes both of live stock and of the year’s increase, even as they may most justly be either measured or counted or weighed out; and let the bishops then do the like from their own property, and my ealdormen and reeves the same. And I will, that the bishop and the reeves command it to all who are bound to obey them, so that it be done at the right term. Let us bear in mind how Jacob the Patriarch spoke: ‘Decimas et hostias pacificas offeram tibi;’ and how Moses spake in God’s law: ‘Decimas et primitias non tardabis offerre Domino.’ It is for us to reflect how awfully it is declared in the books: if we will not render the tithes to God, that he will take from us the nine parts when we least expect; and, moreover, we have the sin in addition thereto.” Æðelst. i. Thorpe, i. 195.
There is a varying copy of this circular, or whatever it is, coinciding as to the matter, but differing widely in the words. Thorpe, i. 195. The nature of the sanction is obvious: it is the old, unjustifiable application of the Jewish practice, which fraud or ignorance had made generally current in Europe. The tithe mentioned by Æðelstán is the prædial tithe, or that of increase of the fruits of the earth, and increase of the young of cattle.
The next passage is in the law of Eádmund, about 940. He says: “Tithe we enjoin to every Christian man on his christendom, and church-shot, and Rome-fee and plough-alms. And if any one will not do it, be he excommunicate.” Thorpe, i. 244.
“Let every tithe be paid to the old minster to which the district belongs; and let it be so paid both from a thane’sinlandand fromgeneátland, as the plough traverses it. But if there be any thane who on his bookland has a church, at which there is a burial-place, let him give the third part of his own tithe to his church. If any one have a church at which there is not a burial-place, then of the nine parts let him give his priest what he will.... And let tithe of every young be paid by Pentecost, and of the fruits of the earth by the equinox ... and if any one will not pay the tithe, as we have ordained, let the king’s reeve go thereto, and the bishop’s, and the mass-priest of the minster, and take by force a tenth part for the minster whereunto it is due; and let them assign to him the ninth part; and let the eight parts be divided into two, and let the landlord seize half, the bishop half, be it a king’s man or a thane’s.” Eádg. i. § 1, 2, 3. Thorpe, i. 262. Cnut, i. § 8. 11. Thorpe, i. 366.
“This writing manifests how Eádgár the king was deliberating what might be a remedy for the pestilence which greatly afflicted and decreased his people, far and wide throughout his realm. And first of all it seemed to him and his Witan that such a misfortune had been merited by sin, and by contempt of God’s commandments, and most of all by the diminution of thatneed-gafol(necessary tax or rent or recognitory service) which men ought to render to God in their tithes. He looked upon and considered the divine usage in the same light as the human. If a geneát neglect his lord’sgafol, and do not pay it at the appointed time, it may be expected, if the lord be merciful, that he will grant forgiveness of the neglect, and accept thegafolwithout inflicting a further penalty. But if the lord, by his messengers, frequently remind him of hisgafol, and he be obdurate and devise to resist payment, it is to be expected that the lord’s anger will so greatly increase, that he will grant his debtor neither life nor goods. Thusis it to be expected that our Lord will do, through the audacity with which the people have resisted the frequent admonition of their teachers, respecting theneed-gafolof our Lord, namely our tithes and church-shots. Now I and the archbishop command that ye anger not God, nor earn either sudden death in this world, nor a future and eternal death in hell, by any diminution of God’s rights; but that rich and poor alike, who have any tilth, joyfully and ungrudgingly yield his tithes to God, according to the ordinance of the witan at Andover, which they have now confirmed with their pledges at Wihtbordesstán. And I command my reeves, on pain of losing my friendship and all they own, to punish all that will not make this payment, or by any remissness break the pledge of my witan, as the aforesaid ordinance directs: and of such punishment let there be no remission, if he be so wretched as either to diminish what is God’s to his own soul’s perdition, or in the insolence of his mood to account them of less importance than what he reckoneth as his own: for that is much more his own which lasteth to all eternity, if he would do it without grudging and with perfect gladness. Now it is my will that these divine rights stand alike all over my realm, and that the servants of God who receive the moneys which we give to God, live a pure life: that so, through their purity, they may intercede for us with God; and that I and my thanes direct our priests to that which the shepherds of our soul’s teach us, that is, our bishops, whom we ought never to disobey in any of those things which they declare to us in God’s behalf; so that through the obedience with which we obey them for God’s sake, we may merit that eternal life for which they fit us by their doctrine and the example of their good works.” Eádgár, Suppl. Thorpe, i. 270seq.Such are the views of Eádgár under the influence of Dúnstán, Æðelwold and Oswald.
“And let God’s dues be willingly paid every year; that is, plough-alms fifteen days after Easter, the tithe of young by Pentecost, and of the fruits of the earth by Allhallows’ Mass, and Rome-fee by St. Peter’s mass, and lightshot thrice a year.” Æðelr. v. § 11; vi. § 17; ix. § 9. Cnut, i. § 8.
“Et ut detur de omni caruca denarius vel denarium valens, etomnis qui familiam habet, efficiat ut omnis hirmannus suus det unum denarium; quod si non habeat, det dominus eius pro eo. Et omnino Thaynus decimet totum quicquid habet.” Æðelr. viii. § 1. Thorpe, i. 336.
“Et praecipimus, ut omnis homo, super dilectionem Dei et omnium sanctorum, det Cyricsceattum et rectam decimam suam, sicut in diebus antecessorum nostrorum stetit, quando melius stetit; hoc est, sicut aratrum peragrabit decimam aeram. Et omnis consuetudo reddatur super amicitiam Dei ad matrem nostram aecclesiam cui adiacet. Et nemo auferat Deo quod ad Deum pertinet, et praedecessores nostri concesserunt.” Æðelr. viii. § 4. Thorpe, i. 338.
“And with respect to tithe, the king and his witan have chosen and decreed, as right it is, that one third part of the tithe which belongs to the church, go to the reparation of the church, and a second part to God’s servants there; the third part to God’s poor and needy men in thraldom.” Æðelr. ix. § 6. Thorpe, i. 342.
“And be it known to every Christian man that he pay to the Lord his tithe justly, ever as the plough traverses the tenth field, on peril of God’s mercy, and of the full penalty, which king Eádgár decreed; that is; If any one will not justly pay the tithe, then let the king’s reeve go, and the mass-priest of the minster or the landlord, and the bishop’s reeve, and take by force the tenth part for the minster to which it is due, and assign to him the ninth part: and let the remaining eight parts be divided into two; and let the landlord seize half, and the bishop half, be it a king’s man or a thane’s.” Æðelr. ix. § 7, 8. Thorpe, i. 342. Cnut, i. § 8. Thorpe, i. 366. Leg. Hen. I. xi. § 2. Thorpe, i. 520.
“De omni annona decima garba sanctae aecclesiae reddenda est. Si quis gregem equarum habuerit, pullum decimum reddat; qui unam solam vel duas, de singulis pullis singulos denarios. Qui vaccas plures habuerit, vitulum decimum; qui unam vel duas, de singulis obolos singulos. Et si de eis caseum fecerit, caseum decimum, vel lac decima die. Agnum decimum, vellus decimum, caseum decimum, butirum decimum, porcellum decimum. De apibus, secundum quod sibi per annum inde profecerit. Quinetiamde boscis et pratis, aquis, molendinis, parcis, vivariis, piscariis, virgultis, ortis, negotiationibus, et de omnibus similiter rebus quas dederit Dominus, decima reddenda est; et qui eam detinuerit, per iusticiam sanctae aecclesiae et regis, si necesse fuerit, ad redditionem cogatur. Haec praedicavit sanctus Augustinus, et haec concessa sunt a rege, et confirmata a baronibus et populis: sed postea, instigante diabolo, ea plures detinuerunt, et sacerdotes qui divites erant non multum curiosi erant ad perquirendas eas, quia in multis locis sunt modo iiii vel iii aecclesiae, ubi tunc temporis non erat nisi una; et sic inceperunt minui.” Eádw. Conf. § vii. viii.
Such are all the passages in the Anglosaxon Laws, directing the levy and distribution of the tithe.
APPENDIX C.TOWNS.
The strict meaning ofburh, appears to befortified placeorstronghold. It can therefore be applied to a single house or castle, as well as to a town. There is a softer formbyrig, which in the sense of a town can hardly be distinguished fromburh, but which, as far as I know, is never used to denote a single house or castle. Rome and Florence, and in general all large towns, are called Burh or Byrig. This is the widest term.
Portstrictly means an enclosed place, for sale and purchase, a market: for “Portus est conclusus locus, quo importantur merces, et inde exportantur. Est et statio conclusa et munita.” (Thorpe, i. p. 158.)
Wícis originallyvicus, a vill or village. It is strictly used to denote the country-houses of communities, kings or bishops.
Ceasterseems universally derived fromcastrum, and denotes a place where there has been a Roman station. Now every one of these conditions may concur in one single place, and we accordingly find much looseness in the use of the terms: thus,
London is called Lundenwíc[1037], Hhoðh. § 16. Chron. 604: but Lundenburh or Lundenbyrig, Chron. 457, 872, 886, 896, 910, 994, 1009, 1013, 1016, 1052. And it was also a port, for we find itsgeréfa, aport-geréfa. Again York, sometimes Eoferwíc, sometimes Eoferwíc-ceaster (Chron. 971) is also said to be aburh, Chron. 1066. Dovor is called aburh, Chron. 1048; but a port, Chron. 1052. So again Hereford, in Chron. 1055, 1056, is called a port, but in Chron. 1055 also aburh. Nor do the Latin chroniclershelp us out of the difficulty; on the contrary, they continually use the wordsoppidum,civitas,urbsand evenarxto denote the same place.
The Saxon Chronicle mentions the undernamed cities:—
Ægeles byrig, now Aylesbury in Bucks. Chron. Sax. 571, 921.
Acemannes ceaster orBaðan byrig, often called alsoÆt baðumorÆt hátum baðum, the Aquae Solis of the Romans and now Bath in Somerset. This town in the year 577 was taken from the British. The Chronicle calls it Baðanceaster: see also Chron. 973.
Ambresbyrig, now Amesbury, Wilts. Chron. 995.
Andredesceaster. Anderida, sacked by Ælli. Chron. 495. Most probably near the site of the present Pevensey: see a very satisfactory paper by Mr. Hussey, Archæol. Journal, No. 15, Sept. 1847.
Baddanbyrig, now Badbury, Dorset. Chron. 901.
Badecanwyl, now Bakewell, Derby, fortified by Eádweard. Chron. 923. Florence says he built and garrisoned a town there: “urbem construxit, et in illa milites robustos posuit.” an. 921.
Banesingtún, now Bensington, Oxf. Chron. 571, 777.
Bebbanburh, now Bamborough in Northumberland. This place, we are told, was first surrounded with a hedge, and afterwards with a wall. Chron. 642, 926, 993. Florence calls it “urbs regia Bebbanbirig.” an. 926.
Bedanford, now Bedford. There was a burh here which Eádweard took in 919: he then built a second burh upon the other side of the Ouse. Chron. 919. Florence calls it “urbem.” an. 916.
Beranbyrig. Chron. 556.
Bremesbyrig. At this place Æðelflǽd built a burh. Chron. 910. Florence says “urbem.” an. 911: perhaps Bromsgrove in Worcestershire, the Æt Bremesgráfum of the Cod. Dipl. Nos. 183, 186.
Brunanburh, Brunanbyrig, and sometimes Brunanfeld: the site of this place is unknown, but here Æðelstán and Eádmund defeated the Scots. Chron. 937.
Brycgnorð, Bridgenorth, Salop. Here Æðelflǽd built a burh. Chron. 912: “arcem munitam.” Flor. an. 913.
Bucingahám, now Buckingham. Here Eádweard built two burhs, one on each side of the Ouse. Chron. 918. Florence calls them “munitiones.” an. 915.
Cantwarabyrig, the city of Canterbury. Dorobernia, ciuitas Doruuernensis, the metropolis of Æðelberht’s kingdom in 597. Beda, H. E. lib. i. c. 25. In the year 1011 Canterbury was sufficiently fortified to hold out for twenty days against the Danish army which had overrun all the eastern and midland counties, and was then only entered by treachery. Flor. Wig. an. 1011. I have already noticed both king’s reeves and port-reeves, theingang burhwareandcnihta gyldof Canterbury. There can be little doubt that king, archbishop, abbot and corporation had all separate jurisdictions and rights in Canterbury: see Chron. 633, 655, 995, 1009, 1011.
Cirenceaster, now Cirencester in Gloucestershire, the ancient Durocornovum. Chron. 577, 628.
Cissanceaster, now Chichester, the Roman Regnum. Chron. 895.
Cledemúða. Here Eádweard built a burh. Chron. 921.
Colnceaster, now Colchester in Essex, the first Roman Colonia, destroyed by Boadicea. In 921 Colchester was sacked by Eádweard’s forces, and taken from the Danes, some of whom escaped over thewall. In the same year Eádweard repaired and fortified it. Chron. 921. “murum illius redintegravit, virosque in ea bellicosos cum stipendio posuit.” Flor. 918.
Coludesburh, Coldingham. Chron. 679.
Cyppanham, Chippenham, Wilts. Chron. 878.
Cyricbyrig, a city built by Æðelflǽd. Flor. 916. Cherbury.
Deóraby, Derby, one of the Five Burgs taken by Æðelflǽd from the Danes. Chron. 917, 941. A city with gates. Flor. 918. “civitas.” Flor. 942.
Dofera, Dover in Kent. Chron. 1048, 1052. There was a fortified castle on the cliff, which in 1051 was seized by the people of Eustace, count of Boulogne, against the town. Flor. Wig. 1051.
Dorceceaster, Dorchester, Oxon. Chron. 954, 971. For some time a bishop’s see, first for Wessex, which was afterwards removed to Winchester: afterwards for Leicester.
Dorceceaster, Dornwaraceaster, Dorchester, Dorset. Chron. 635, 636, 639.
Eádesbyrig, a place where Æðelflǽd built a burh. Chron. 914. Florence says a town. an. 915. Eddisbury, Cheshire?
Eligbyrig, Ely in Cambridgeshire. Chron. 1036.
Egonesham, now Eynesham, Oxon. Chron. 571.
Eoforwíc, Eoforwíc ceaster, now York; Kair Ebrauc, Eboracum; the seat of an archbishop, a bishop, and again an archbishop. It seems to have been always a considerable and important town. In the tenth century it was one of the seven confederated burgs, which Æðelflǽd reduced. The strength however which we should be inclined to look for in a city, which once boasted the name ofaltera Roma, is hardly consistent with Asser’s account of it. Describing the place in the year 867, he says: “Praedictus Paganorum exercitus ... ad Eboracum ciuitatem migravit, quae in aquilonari ripa Humbrensis fluminis[1038]sita est.” After stating that Ælla and Osberht, the pretenders to the Northumbrian crown, became reconciled in presence of the common danger, he continues: “Osbyrht et Ælla, adunatis viribus, congregatoque exercitu Eboracum oppidum adeunt, quibus advenientibus Pagani confestim fugam arripiunt, et intra urbis moenia se defendere procurant: quorum fugam et pavorem Christiani cernentes, etiam intra urbis moenia persequi, et murum frangere instituunt: quod et fecerunt, non enim tunc adhuc illa civitas firmos et stabilitos muros illis temporibus habebat. Cumque Christiani murum, ut proposuerant, fregissent, etc.[1039]” We may infer from Asser himself that the Saxon mode of fortification. was not strong: speaking of a place in Devonshire, called Cynuit (which he describes asarx), he says: “Cum Pagani arcem imparatam atque omnino immunitam, nisi quod moenia nostro more erecta solummodo haberet,cernerent, non enim effringere moliebantur, quia et ille locus situ terrarum tutissimus est ab omni parte, nisi ab orientali, sicut nos ipsi vidimus, obsidere eam coeperunt[1040].” York however continued to be an important town. It was retaken by Æðelflǽd who subdued the Danes there; and again by Eádred in 950. At this time it appears to have been principally ruled by its archbishop Wulfstán. For York, see Chron. 971, 1066, etc.
Exanceaster, now Exeter, the Isca Damnoniorum or Uxella, of the Romans. Chron. 876, 894, 1003. As the Saxon arms advanced westward, Exeter became for a time the frontier town and market between the British and the men of Wessex: in the beginning of the tenth century there appears to have been a mixed population. But at that period[1041]Æðelstán expelled the British inhabitants, and fortified the town: he drove the Cornwealhas over the Tamar, and made that their boundary, as he had the Wye for the Bretwealas. William of Malmesbury tells us: “Illos (i. e. Cornewalenses) impigre adorsus, ab Excestra, quam ad id temporis aequo cum Anglis iure inhabitarunt, cedere compulit: terminum provinciae suae citra Tambram fluvium constituens, sicut aquilonalibus Britannis amnem Waiam limitem posuerat. Urbem igitur illam, quam contaminatae gentis repurgio defaecaverat, turribus munivit, muro ex quadratis lapidibus cinxit[1042]. Et licet solum illud, ieiunum et squalidum, vix steriles avenas, et plerumque folliculum inanem sine grano producat, tamen pro civitatis magnificentia, et incolarum opulentia, tum etiam convenarum frequentia, omne ibi adeo abundat mercimonium, ut nihil frustra desideres quod humano usui conducibile existimes[1043].” Thus situated, about ten miles from the sea, Exanceaster could not fail to become an important commercial station; the Exa being navigable for ships of considerable burthen, till in 1284, Hugh Courtenay interrupted the traffic, by building aweir and quay at Topsham. It is probable that Æðelstán placed his owngeréfain the city. But in the year 1003, queen Emme Ælfgyfu seems to have been its lady; for it is recorded that through the treachery of a Frenchman Hugo, whom she had made her reeve there, the Danes under Svein sacked and destroyed the city, taking great plunder[1044]. It was afterwards restored by Cnut; but appears to have been still attached to the queens of England, for after the conquest we find it holding out against William, under Gýð, the mother of Harald.
Exanmúða, now Exmouth. Chron. 1001.
Genisburuh, now Gainsborough. Chron. 1013, 1014.
Glæstingaburh or Glæstingabyrig, now Glastonbury, Som. Urbs Glastoniae, Chron. 688, 943.
Gleawanceaster, now Gloucester; Kair glou, and the Roman Glevum. Urbs Gloverniae, Glocestriae. A fortified city of Mercia. Chron. 577, 918.
Hæstingas, now Hastings in Kent. A fortification, and probably at one time the town of a tribe so called. Chron. 1066. It was reduced by Offa, and probably ruined in the Danish wars of Ælfred and Æðelred.
Hagustaldes hám or Hagstealdeshám, now Hexham in Northumbria: the ancient seat of a bishopric. Chron. 685.
Hamtún, now Southampton. Chron. 837.
Hamtún, now Northampton,quod vide.
Heanbyrig, now Hanbury in Worcest. Chron. 675.
Heortford, now Hertford. Chron. 913.urbs. Flor. 913.
Hereford, now Hereford. Chron. 918, 1055, 1066.
Hrofesceaster, Durocobrevis, Hrofesbreta, now Rochester; a bishop’s see for West Kent, probably once the capital of the West Kentish kingdom: a strong fortress. Chron. 604, 616, 633, 644. Asser. 884.
Huntena tún, now Huntingdon. Originally, as its name implies, a town or enclosed dwelling of hunters; but in process of time a city. Chron. 921.civitas. Flor. 918.
Judanbyrig, perhaps Jedburgh. Chron. 952.
Legaceaster, Kairlegeon, now Chester, a Roman city. Chron. 607; deserted, Chron. 894; restored, Chron. 907. Flor. 908.
Legraceaster, now Leicester. Chron. 918, 941, 943.civitas. Flor. 942.
Lindicoln, the ancient Lindum, now Lincoln, the capital city of the Lindissi; a bishop’s see: then one of the five or seven burhs. Chron. 941.civitas. Flor. 942.
Lundenbyrig, Lundenwíc, Londinium, now London. The principal city of the Cantii; then of the Trinobantes; Kair Lunden, Troynovant. Locally in Essex, but usually subject to Mercian sovereignty. Towards the time of the conquest more frequently the residence of the Saxon kings, and scene of theirwitena gemóts. A strongly fortified city with a fortified bridge over the Thames connecting it with Southwark, apparently its Tête de pont. Chron. 457, 604, 872, 886, 896, 910, 994, 1009, 1013, 1016, 1052.
Lygeanbyrig, now Leighton buzzard. Chron. 571.
Maidulfi urbs, Meldumesbyrig, now Malmesbury in Wilts. Flor. 940.
Mameceaster, now Manchester: “urbem restaurarent, et in ea fortes milites collocarent.” Flor. 920.
Mealdun, now Maldon in Essex. Chron. 920, 921.urbs; rebuilt and garrisoned by Eádweard. Flor. 917.
Medeshámstede: afterwards Burh, and from its wealth Gyldenburh: now Peterborough. Chron. 913.
Merantún, now Merton in Oxfordshire. Chron. 755.
Middeltún, Middleton in Essex, a fortress built by Hæsten the Dane. Chron. 893.
Norðhamtún, more frequently Hámtún only, now Northampton: a town or “Port,” burnt by the Danes under Svein. Chron. 1010.
Norðwíc, now Norwich, a burh, burned by Svein. Chron. 1004.
Oxnaford, Oxford: a burh in Mercia, taken into his own hands by Eádweard on the death of Æðelflǽd. The burh was burnt by Svein. Chron. 1009.
Possentesbyrig. Chron. 661. ? Pontesbury, co. Salop.
Rædingas, now Reading: a royal vill, but, as many or all probably were, fortified. Asser. 871.
Runcofa, now Runcorn,urbs, Flor. Wig. 916.
Sandwíc, now Sandwich, a royal vill, and harbour, whose tolls belonged to Canterbury. Chron. 851.
Scaroburh, now Salisbury, the ancient Kairkaradek. Chron. 552.
Scærgeat, now Scargate, built by Æðelflǽd. Chron. 912;arx munita, Flor. Wig. 913.
Sceaftesbyrig, Shaftsbury, the seat of a nunnery founded by Ælfred. Chron. 980, 982.
Sceobyrig, now Shoebury in Essex; a fort was built there in 894 by the Danes. Chron. 894.
Seletún, perhaps Silton in Yorkshire. Chron. 780.
Snotingahám, now Nottingham: the British Tinguobauc,orurbs speluncarum. Asser. 868; Chron. 868, 922, 923, 941. There were two towns here, one on each side the river. Flor. Wig. 919, 921;civitas, Flor. Wig. 942.
Soccabyrig, probably Sockburn in Durham. Chron. 780.
Stæfford, now Stafford, a vill of the Mercian kings, fortified by Æðelflǽd. Chron. 913;arx, Flor. Wig. 914.
Stamford in Lincolnshire. Chron. 922, 941;arxandcivitas, Flor. Wig. 919, 942.
Sumertún, now Somerton in Oxfordshire, taken by Æðelbald of Mercia from Wessex. Chron. 733.
Súðbyrig, now Sudbury in Suffolk. Chron. 797.
Swanawíc, probably Swanwick, Hants. Chron. 877.
Temesford, Tempsford in Bedfordshire, a Danish fortress and town. Chron. 921.
Tofeceaster, Towchester in Northampton. Chron. 921;civitas, Flor. Wig. 918; walled with stone, Flor. ibid.
Tomaworðig, now Tamworth in Staffordshire; a favourite residence of the Mercian kings. Chron. 913, 922; fortified by Æðelflǽd;urbs, Flor. Wig. 914.
Wæringawíc, now Warwick. Chron. 914;urbs, Flor. Wig. 915.
Weardbyrig, now Warborough, Oxford;urbs, Flor. Wig. 916.
Wigingamere, probably in Hertfordshire. Chron. 951;urbs, Flor. Wig. 918;civitas, ibid.
Wigornaceaster, Worcester, a fortified city. Chron. 922, 1041.
Wihtgarabyrig, now Carisbrook. Chron. 530, 544.
Wiltún, Wilton in Wiltshire. Chron. 1008.
Wintanceaster, Winchester, the capital of Wessex, a fortified city. Chron. 643, 648.
Withám, now Witham in Essex; a city and fortress. Chron. 913; Flor. Wig. 914.
Ðelweal, Thelwall in Cheshire, a fortress and garrison town. Chron. 923; Flor. Wig. 920.
Ðetford, now Thetford in Norfolk; a fortress and city. Chron. 952, 1004.
It is not to be imagined that this list nearly exhausts the number of fortresses, towns and cities extant in the Saxon times. It is only given as a specimen, and as an illustration of the averments in the text. The reader who wishes to pursue the subject, will find the most abundant materials in the Index Locorum appended to Vol. VI. of the “Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici;” and to this I must refer him for any ampler information.