Chapter 6

42. Ælfr. § 3. Cnut, ii. § 59.

43. Æðelst. iii. § 6; iv. § 4; v. § 4.

44. Ælfr. § 2.

45. Ini, § 19.

46. Ini, § 33.

47. Ibid. § 76.

48. Ælf. § 4. Cnut, ii. § 58.

49. “Imprimis ut omnes iurent in nomine Domini, pro quo sanctum illud sanctum est, fidelitatem Eádmundo regi, sicut homo debet esse fidelis domino suo, sine omni controversia et seditione, in manifesto, in occulto, in amando quod amabit, nolendo quod nolet.” Eádm. iii. § 1. Thorpe, i. 252. “And it is our will, that every man above twelve years of age, make oath that he will neither be a thief, nor cognizant of theft.” Cnut, ii. § 21. Thorpe, i. 388. “Omnis enim duodecim annos habens et ultra, in alicuius frithborgo esse debet et in decenna; sacramentumque regi et hæredibus suis facere fidelitatis, et quod nec latro erit, nec latrocinio consentiet.” Fleta, lib. i. cap. 27. § 4. This was the basis upon which the associations of freemen among the Anglosaxons entered into their alliances, offensive and defensive, with their kings. Charlemagne caused an oath to be taken to himself as emperor, by all his subjects above twelve years old. Dönniges, p. 3. The Hyldáð or oath of fealty is given in the Anc. Laws, i. 178. The dependent engages to love all the lord loves, and shun all that he shuns: these are the technical terms throughout Europe. The king himself took a corresponding oath to his people. We still have the words of that which was administered by Dúnstán to Æðelred at Kingston.“Ðis gewrit is gewriten, stæf be stæfe, be ðám gewrite ðe Dúnstán arcebisceop sealde úrum hláforde æt Cingestúne á on dæg ðá hine man hálgode tó cinge, and forbeád him ælc wedd tó syllanne bútan ðysan wedde, ðe he úp on Cristes weofod léde, swá se bisceop him dihte. ‘On ðǽre hálgan Þrynnesse naman, Ic þreo þing beháte cristenum folce and me underþeóddum: án ærest, ðæt ic Godes cyrice and eall cristen folc mínra gewealda sóðe sibbe healde: óðer is, ðæt ic reáflác and ealle unrihte þing eallum hádum forbeóde: þridde, þæt ic beháte and bebeóde on eallum dómum riht and mildheortnisse, ðæt ús eallum ærfaest and mildheort God þurh ðæt his écean mittse forgife, se lifað and rixað.’”—Reliq. Ant. ii. 194.“This writing is copied, letter for letter, from the writing which archbishopDúnstánDunstándelivered to our lord at Kingston on the very day when he was consecrated king, and he forbad him to give any other pledge but this pledge, which he laid upon Christ’s altar, as the bishop instructed him. ‘In the name of the Holy Trinity, three things do I promise to this Christian people, my subjects: first, that I will hold God’s church and all theChristianChirstianpeople of my realm in true peace: second, that I will forbid all rapine and injustice to men of all conditions: third, that I promise and enjoin justice and mercy in all judgements, whereby the just and merciful God may give us all his eternal favour, who liveth and reigneth!’”It is worth while to compare with this the coronation oath of king Eirek Magnusson, of Norway, which we learn from the following valuable document of July 25th, 1280.“Pateat universis tam clericis quam laicis per regnum Norwegie constitutis presens scriptum visuris vel audituris quod anno domini mo. cco. lxxxo. in festo sancti Suithuni Bergio in ecclesia cathedrali magnificus princeps et nobilis dominus . Eiricus dei gracia rex Norwegie illustris filius domini Magni quondam regis coram reverendo patre et venerabili domino Johanne secundo divina miseracione . Nidrosiensi archiepiscopo qui eum coronando in regem coronam capiti eius inposuit . ipsiusque suffraganeis et multis clericis et laicis qui presentes fuerant . tactis ewangeliis iuramentum prestitit in hunc modum . Profiteor et promitto coram deo et sanctis eius a modo pacem et iusticiam ecclesie dei . populoque mihi subiecto observare . pontificibus et clero . prout teneor . condignum honorem exhibere . secundum discrecionem mihi a deo datam . atque ea que a regibus ecclesiis collata ac reddita sunt . sicut compositum est inter ecclesiam et regnum . inviolabiliter conservare . malasque leges et consuetudines perversas precipue contra ecclesiasticam libertatem facientes abolere et bonas condere prout de concilio fidelium nostrorum melius invenire poterimus.þæt jatta ek gudi ok hans helgum mannum . at ek skal vardvæita frid ok rettyndi hæilagre kirkiu ok þui folki sem ek er overðugr ivir skipaðr . Byscopum ok lærdom mannum skal ek væita vidrkvæmelega soemd efter þui sem ek er skyldugr . ok gud giæfr mer skynsemd til . ok þa luti halda obrigðilega . sem af konunggum ero kirkiunni gefner . ok aftr fegner sua sem samþykt er millum kirkiunnar ok rikissens . Rong log ok illar siðueniur einkanlega þær . sem mote ero hæilagrar kirkiu frælsi af taka ok betr skipa, eftir þui sem framazt faam ver raad til af varoni tryggastu mannum.Cum igitur ante coronacionem dicti regis dubitacio fuerit . de regis iuramento . volens predictus pater ne huiusmodi dubitacio rediviva foret in posterum precavere. utile quippe etenim est eam rem cognitam esse que ignorata vel dubia possit occasionem litigii ministrare . iuramentum seu professionem factam a domino rege . ad perpetuam memoriam . presentibus literis duxit inserendam . et ad pleniorem rei evidenciam sigillum suum apposuit una cum sigillis venerabilium partum . domini Andree Osloensis . Jorundi Holensis . Erlendi Ferensis . Arnonis Skalotensis . Arnonis Stawangrensis . Nerue Bergensis . Thorfinni Hamarensis suffraganeorum Nidrosiensis ecclesie . Actum viii. Kal. Augusti loco et anno supradictis.”—Diplomatarium Norwegicum, No. 69. p. 62.It is very uncertain at what time the custom of coronation, andunction, by the hands of the clergy, commenced. The usurpation which Pipin ventured and Pope Zachary lent himself to, which Charlemagne repeated and Pope Leo confirmed, may have acted as a valuable precedent, especially as the power of the King was sufficient to justify the claim of the Pope. Thirty years later (A.D.787), the English bishops put forward the somewhat bold claim to be, with theseniorespopuli, electors of the king: “Duodecimo sermone sanximus; Ut in ordinatione regum nullus permittat pravorum praevalere assensum; sed legitime reges a sacerdotibus et senioribus populi eligantur, et non de adulterio vel incoestu procreati; quia sicut nostris temporibus ad sacerdotium, secundum Canones, adulter pervenire non potest, sic nec Christus domini esse valet, et rex totius regni, et haeres patriae, qui ex legitimo non fuerit connubio generatus.” Conc. Calcuth. Legat. Spelm. p. 296. No doubt from their position in theWitena gemót, and the authority which they derived from their birth as well as station, they always played an important part in the elections of kings, but not quite so leading a part in the eighth century as they here attempt to claim. The Diplomatarium Norwegicum supplies an interesting illustration of the above-cited canon, in a dispensation issued by Pope Innocent IV. (A.D.1246) to Haakon Haakonson, from the disqualification of illegitimate birth: “Cum itaque clare memorie Haquinus, Norwegie rex pater tuus, te, prout accepimus, solutus susceperit de soluta, nos tuam celsitudinem speciali benevolentia prosequentes, ut huiusmodi non obstante defectu ad regalis solii dignitatem et omnes actus legitimos admittaris, nec non quod heredes tui legitimi tibi in dominio et honore succedant, fratrum nostrorum communicato consilio, tecum auctoritate apostolica dispensamus.” No. 38, p. 30. This was not however considered a valid ground of objection among the Anglosaxons, if the personal qualities of the prince were such as to recommend him. From the words used by William of Malmesbury we might infer that as late as the time of Æðelstán, the functions of the bishops at the coronation were confined to anathematizing those who would not be obedient subjects, but that the nobles performed the actual coronation: he cites the following lines from an earlier author, and one apparently contemporaneous with Æðelstán himself:—“Tunc iuvenis nomen regni clamatur in omen,Ut fausto patrias titulo moderetur habenas:Conveniunt proceres et componunt diadema,Pontifices pariter dant infidis anathema.”De Gest. ii. § 133.That Harold crowned himself is an old story; but it is very certain that whatever he did, was done with the full consent of theWitena gemót.

It is worth while to compare with this the coronation oath of king Eirek Magnusson, of Norway, which we learn from the following valuable document of July 25th, 1280.

“Pateat universis tam clericis quam laicis per regnum Norwegie constitutis presens scriptum visuris vel audituris quod anno domini mo. cco. lxxxo. in festo sancti Suithuni Bergio in ecclesia cathedrali magnificus princeps et nobilis dominus . Eiricus dei gracia rex Norwegie illustris filius domini Magni quondam regis coram reverendo patre et venerabili domino Johanne secundo divina miseracione . Nidrosiensi archiepiscopo qui eum coronando in regem coronam capiti eius inposuit . ipsiusque suffraganeis et multis clericis et laicis qui presentes fuerant . tactis ewangeliis iuramentum prestitit in hunc modum . Profiteor et promitto coram deo et sanctis eius a modo pacem et iusticiam ecclesie dei . populoque mihi subiecto observare . pontificibus et clero . prout teneor . condignum honorem exhibere . secundum discrecionem mihi a deo datam . atque ea que a regibus ecclesiis collata ac reddita sunt . sicut compositum est inter ecclesiam et regnum . inviolabiliter conservare . malasque leges et consuetudines perversas precipue contra ecclesiasticam libertatem facientes abolere et bonas condere prout de concilio fidelium nostrorum melius invenire poterimus.þæt jatta ek gudi ok hans helgum mannum . at ek skal vardvæita frid ok rettyndi hæilagre kirkiu ok þui folki sem ek er overðugr ivir skipaðr . Byscopum ok lærdom mannum skal ek væita vidrkvæmelega soemd efter þui sem ek er skyldugr . ok gud giæfr mer skynsemd til . ok þa luti halda obrigðilega . sem af konunggum ero kirkiunni gefner . ok aftr fegner sua sem samþykt er millum kirkiunnar ok rikissens . Rong log ok illar siðueniur einkanlega þær . sem mote ero hæilagrar kirkiu frælsi af taka ok betr skipa, eftir þui sem framazt faam ver raad til af varoni tryggastu mannum.Cum igitur ante coronacionem dicti regis dubitacio fuerit . de regis iuramento . volens predictus pater ne huiusmodi dubitacio rediviva foret in posterum precavere. utile quippe etenim est eam rem cognitam esse que ignorata vel dubia possit occasionem litigii ministrare . iuramentum seu professionem factam a domino rege . ad perpetuam memoriam . presentibus literis duxit inserendam . et ad pleniorem rei evidenciam sigillum suum apposuit una cum sigillis venerabilium partum . domini Andree Osloensis . Jorundi Holensis . Erlendi Ferensis . Arnonis Skalotensis . Arnonis Stawangrensis . Nerue Bergensis . Thorfinni Hamarensis suffraganeorum Nidrosiensis ecclesie . Actum viii. Kal. Augusti loco et anno supradictis.”—Diplomatarium Norwegicum, No. 69. p. 62.

It is very uncertain at what time the custom of coronation, andunction, by the hands of the clergy, commenced. The usurpation which Pipin ventured and Pope Zachary lent himself to, which Charlemagne repeated and Pope Leo confirmed, may have acted as a valuable precedent, especially as the power of the King was sufficient to justify the claim of the Pope. Thirty years later (A.D.787), the English bishops put forward the somewhat bold claim to be, with theseniorespopuli, electors of the king: “Duodecimo sermone sanximus; Ut in ordinatione regum nullus permittat pravorum praevalere assensum; sed legitime reges a sacerdotibus et senioribus populi eligantur, et non de adulterio vel incoestu procreati; quia sicut nostris temporibus ad sacerdotium, secundum Canones, adulter pervenire non potest, sic nec Christus domini esse valet, et rex totius regni, et haeres patriae, qui ex legitimo non fuerit connubio generatus.” Conc. Calcuth. Legat. Spelm. p. 296. No doubt from their position in theWitena gemót, and the authority which they derived from their birth as well as station, they always played an important part in the elections of kings, but not quite so leading a part in the eighth century as they here attempt to claim. The Diplomatarium Norwegicum supplies an interesting illustration of the above-cited canon, in a dispensation issued by Pope Innocent IV. (A.D.1246) to Haakon Haakonson, from the disqualification of illegitimate birth: “Cum itaque clare memorie Haquinus, Norwegie rex pater tuus, te, prout accepimus, solutus susceperit de soluta, nos tuam celsitudinem speciali benevolentia prosequentes, ut huiusmodi non obstante defectu ad regalis solii dignitatem et omnes actus legitimos admittaris, nec non quod heredes tui legitimi tibi in dominio et honore succedant, fratrum nostrorum communicato consilio, tecum auctoritate apostolica dispensamus.” No. 38, p. 30. This was not however considered a valid ground of objection among the Anglosaxons, if the personal qualities of the prince were such as to recommend him. From the words used by William of Malmesbury we might infer that as late as the time of Æðelstán, the functions of the bishops at the coronation were confined to anathematizing those who would not be obedient subjects, but that the nobles performed the actual coronation: he cites the following lines from an earlier author, and one apparently contemporaneous with Æðelstán himself:—

“Tunc iuvenis nomen regni clamatur in omen,Ut fausto patrias titulo moderetur habenas:Conveniunt proceres et componunt diadema,Pontifices pariter dant infidis anathema.”De Gest. ii. § 133.

“Tunc iuvenis nomen regni clamatur in omen,

Ut fausto patrias titulo moderetur habenas:

Conveniunt proceres et componunt diadema,

Pontifices pariter dant infidis anathema.”

De Gest. ii. § 133.

That Harold crowned himself is an old story; but it is very certain that whatever he did, was done with the full consent of theWitena gemót.

50. See hereafter the several chaptersEaldorman,GeréfaandWitena gemót.

51. The principal cases will be found in the following passages of the Laws: Eádw. § 1. Æðelst. i. § 20, 22, 26; iii. § 7; iv. §1, 7; v. § 11. Eádm. iii. § 2, 6, 7. Eádg. i. § 4; ii. § 7, etc.

52. Hloðh. § 9, 11, 12, 13, 14. Ælf. § 37. Æðelst. i. § 1; iii. § 4; v. § 5.

53. Æðelst. iii. § 3; iv. § 1.

54. Eád. Gúð. § 13. Eádm. ii. § 1, 6, 7.

55. Eád. Conf. § 12. Cross roads and small streams are not in the king’s peace, but that of the county.

56. This peace was called the King’s Handsell, “cyninges handsealde gríð.” The extent to which his peace extended around his dwelling, that is, within the verge of the court, has been noticed in the fourth chapter of the First Book. The right subsisted throughout the Middle Ages and yet subsists, though differently motived and measured. The king’shandsealde gríðwas by Æðelred’s law made bótless, that is, had no settled compensation. Æðelr. iii. § 1.

57. Eádw. Conf. § 13.

58. “Æðelingawudu, Colmanora and Geátescumbe belong to these twenty hides, which I myself, now rode, now rowed, and widely divided off, for myself, my predecessors, and those that shall come after me, for an eternal separation, before God and the world.” Eádred. an. 955. Cod. Dipl. No. 1171. “Now I greet well my relative Mygod of Wallingford, and command thee in my stead [on mínre stede] to ride round the land to the saint’s hand.” Eádw. Conf., Cod. Dipl. No. 862. The force of the wordberídanis very difficult to convey in words, but still perfectly obvious. Another difficulty arises from the wordstede, which is properly masculine, but here given as a feminine. I think it impossible that it should meanstéde, a mare (i. e. on my mare), and prefer the supposition either thatstedehad changed its gender, or that the copy of the charter is an incorrect one.

59. There are cases nevertheless which seem to favour the supposition that a similar power was ultimately lodged in the king and, at least occasionally, exercised.

60. I may here say once for all, that I see no reason to doubt the authenticity of Asser’s Annals, or to attribute them to any other period than the one at which they were professedly composed.

61. Ælfred himself mentions the Kentish, Mercian and Westsaxon laws. The Danes had another. Peculiarities of the Northangle and Southangle laws are also noticed.

62. By the contract entered into with his people: but when? when they first elected him? or when they restored him to his throne?

63. “And let him that applies to the king before he has prayed for justice as often as it behoveth him [that is, made the legal number of formal applications to the shiremoot, etc.] pay the same fine as the other should had he denied him justice.” Æðelst. i. 1. § 3. Thorpe, i. 200. Eádgar, ii. § 2. Thorpe, i. 266. “And let no one apply to the king, unless he cannot get justice within his hundred: but let the hundred-gemót be duly applied to, according to right, under penalty of the wíte, or fine.” Cnut, ii. § 17. Thorpe, i. 384seq.Similarly Will. Conq. i. § 43. Thorpe, i. 485. It is impossible to believe that Ælfred possessed a right which later and much more powerful kings did not.

64. “And let no one have sócn over a king’s thane save the king himself.” Æðelr. iii. § 11. Thorpe, i. 296.

65. If the ealdorman connive at theft, or at the escape of a thief, he is to forfeit his office. Ini, § 36. Thorpe, i. 124. If ageréfado so, he shall forfeit all he hath. Æðelst. i. § 3. If he will not put the law in execution, he shall lose his office. Æðelst. i. 26; v. § 11. Eádg. ii. § 3. Thorpe, i. 200, 212, 240, 266.

66. There is an instance where the parties to a suit weresimilarlysimilarlycircumstanced. The matter was brought into the king’sþeningmanna gemótin London, and there decided in favour of the plaintiff, a bishop. But the defendant was not satisfied, and carried the cause to the shire, who at once claimed jurisdiction and exercised it too, coming to a decision diametrically opposite to that of the þeningmen orministri regii. It seems to have been a dirty business on the part of the bishop of Rochester, and the freemen of Kent so treated it, in defiance of the King’s Court. Cod. Dipl. No. 1258. The document is so important, that it appears desirable to give it at full length. “Thus were the lands at Bromley and Fawkham adjudged to king Eádgár in London, through the charters of Snodland, which the priests stole from the bishop of Rochester and secretly sold for money to Ælfric the son of Æscwyn: and the same Æscwyn, Ælfric’s mother, had previously granted them thither. Now when the bishop found the books were stolen he made earnest demand for them. Meanwhile Ælfric died, and he (the bishop) afterwards sued the widow so long that in the king’s thanes-court the stolen books of Snodland were adjudged to him, and damages for the theft, thereto; that was in London, and there were present Eádgár the king, archbishop Dúnstán, bishop Æðelwold, bishop Ælfstán and the other Ælfstán, Ælfhere the ealdorman and many of the king’s witan: then they adjudged the books to the bishop for his cathedral: so all the widow’s property stood in the king’s hand. Then would Wulfstán thegeréfaseize the property to the king’s hand, both Bromley and Fawkham; but the widow sought the holy place and the bishop, and surrendered to the king the charter of Bromley and Fawkham: and the bishop bought the charters and the land of the king at Godshill, for fifty mancuses of gold, and a hundred and thirty pounds, through intercession and interest: afterwards the bishop permitted the widow the usufruct of the land. During this time the king died; and then Bryhtríc the widow’s relative began, and compelled her, so that they took violent possession of the land [brúcon ðára landa on reáfláce]. And they sought Eádwine the ealdorman, who was God’s adversary, and the folk, and compelled the bishop to restore the books on peril of all his property: he was not allowed to enjoy his rights in any one of the three things which had been given him in pledge by all theleódscipe, neither his plea, his succession, nor his ownership. This is the witness of the purchase: Eádgár the king, Dunstan the archbishop, Oswald the archbishop, bishop Æðelwold, bishop Æðelgar, bishop Æscwig, bishop Ælfstán, the other bishop Ælfstán, bishop Sideman, Ælfðrýð the king’s mother, Osgar the abbot, Ælfhere the ealdorman, Wulfstan of Delham, Ælfric of Epsom, and the leading people [dúgúð folces] of West Kent, where the land and lathe lie.” Here I take it theþeningmenorservientes regisand theleódscipe(leudes) are identical and opposed to theFolcwho under “God’s adversary” Eádwine made the bishop disgorge his plunder. We see who they were; Dunstan and various bishops, ealdorman Ælfhere and several of the king’s witan. This is the only instance I have been able to discover of anything approaching to acuria regisapart from the greatWitena gemót. There are, no doubt, several cases where the king appears to have been applied to in the first instance, by one of the parties; but in all of them trial subsequently was had before the shiremoot. It is natural that agreements should have been made by consent, before the king as arbitrator, and these were probably frequent among his intimate councillors, friends and relatives: but they were not trials, nor did they settle the litigation as a judgement of the courts would have done. Such arbitrements were also made by the ealdorman, who like the king received presents for his good offices. The advantage gained was this; both parties were satisfied, without the danger of trying the suit, which entailed very heavy penalties on the loser, amounting sometimes to total forfeiture. The disadvantage was that there was noge-endodu spræcor finished plea, and consequently the award was sometimes violated, when either party thought this could be done with impunity.

67. Excepting a very indefinite expression in the Law of Henry the First, § 13.

68. Cod. Dipl. No. 693. Cwichelmeshlǽw, now Cuckamsley or Cuckamslow Hills, in Berkshire; these run east and west and probably cut off the north-western portion of the county, forming the watershed from which the Ock and Lambourn descend on opposite sides. The exact spot of thegemótwas probably near a mound which is now called Scutchamfly Barrow, and which is very plainly marked in the Ordnance Map, nearly due north of West Ilsey.

69. The lands are Bradfield, Hagborne and Datchet, in Berks and Bucks. Wulfamere I am unable to identify. At all events, had the matter been cognizable in a superior court of the king’s, Leófwine could not have carried his point of having it brought to trial before the shiremoot in Berkshire, which he clearly did against the king’s wish.

70. Cod. Dipl. No. 641.

71. “If a man fight or draw weapon in the king’s hall and be taken in the act, he shall lie at the king’s mercy, to slay or pardon him.” Ælf. § 7. Ini, § 6. Thorpe, i. 66, 106. “The ealdorman who connives at theft shall forfeit his office, unless the king pardonhim.”him.”Ini, § 36. Thorpe, i. 124. See also Æðelst. v. 1. § 4, 5, Eádm. § 6. Eádg. ii. § 7. Æðelr. iii. § 16; vii. § 9. Thorpe, i. 230, 250, 268, 298, 330.

72. Ælf. § 4. Thorpe, i. 62.

73. Ini, § 6. Thorpe, i. 106.

74. Æðelst. i. § 3. Thorpe, i. 200.

75. Æðelst. i. § 20. Thorpe, i. 210; see also § 26. Thorpe, i. 214. Æðelst. iii. § 3. Thorpe, i. 218; iv. § 1; v. § 1, 5. Eádm. ii. § 1, 6. Eádg. Hund. § 2, 3. Eádg. i. § 4. Æðelr. v. § 28, 29; vi. § 35, 37: vii. § 9; ix. § 42. Cnut, ii. § 13, 58, 67, 78, 84. Thorpe, i. 220, 228, 230, 248, 250, 258, 264, 310, 312, 324, 330, 350, 382, 408, 410, 420, 422.

76. Cod. Dipl. No. 328. “Eánwulf the reeve ... took all he owned at Tisbury ... and the chattels were adjudged to the king, because he was the king’s man: and Ordláf took to his own land, because it was his lǽn that he sat upon: that he could notforfeit.”forfeit.”

77. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 601, 1090.

78. Cod. Dipl. No. 1295. “Quae portio terrae cuiusdam foeminae fornicaria praevaricatione mihimet vulgari subacta est traditione.” Æðelred, an. 1002.

79. Cod. Dipl. No. 1258. “Ða stód ðáre wydewan áre on ðæs cynges handa: ðá wolde Wulfstán se geréfa niman ða áre tó ðæs cynges handa, Brómleáh ⁊ Fealcnahám.”

80. Cod. Dipl. Nos. 579, 1112. “Quo mortuo praedicta mulier Ælfgyfu alio copulata est marito, Wulfgat vocabulo; qui ambo crimine pessimo iuste ab omni incusati sunt populo, causa suae machinationis propriae, de qua modo non est dicendum per singula, propter quam vero machinationem quae iniuste adquisierunt iuste perdiderunt.” Cod. Dipl. No. 1305. The exile of Wulfgeat is mentioned by the Chronicle and Florence, an. 1006. Again, “Nam quidam minister Wulfget vulgari relatu nomine praefatam terram aliquando possederat, sed quia inimicis regis se in insidiis socium applicavit, et in facinore inficiendo etiam legis satisfactio ei defecit, ideo haereditatis suberam penitus amisit, et ex ea praedictus episcopus praescriptam villulam, me concedente, suscepit.” Cod. Dipl. No. 1310. “Has terrarum portiones Ælfríc cognomento Puer a quadam vidua Eádfléd appellata violenter abstraxit, ac deinde cum in ducatu suo contra me et contra omnem gentem meam reus existeret, et hae quas praenominavi portiones et universae quas possederat terrarum possessiones meae subactae sunt ditioni, quando ad synodale conciliabulum ad Cyrneceastre universi optimates mei simul in unum convenerunt, et eundem Ælfricum maiestatis reum de hac patria profugum expulerunt, et universa ab illo possessa michi iure possidenda omnes unanimo consensu decreverunt.” Cod. Dipl. No. 1312. “Emit quoque praedictus vir Æðelmarus a me, cum triginta libris, duodecim mansiones de villulis quas matrona quaedam nomine Leoflǽd suis perdidit ineptiis et amisit.” Cod. Dipl. No. 714. “Hoc denique rus cuiusdam possessoris Leofricus onomate quondam et etiam nostris diebus paternae haereditatis hire fuerat, sed ipse impie vivendo, hoc est rebellando meis militibus in mea expeditione, ac rapinis insuetis et adulteriis multisque aliis nefariissceleribus semet ipsum condempn avitsceleribus semet ipsum condempn avitsimul et possessiones.” Cod. Dipl. No. 1307. “Erat autem eadem villa cuidam matronae, nomine Æðelflǽde, derelicta a viro suo, obeunte illo, quae etiam habebat germanum quendam, vocabulo Leófsinum, quem de satrapis nomine tuli, ad celsioris dignitatis dignum duxi promovere, ducem constituendo, scilicet, eum, unde humiliari magis debuerat, sicut dicitur, ‘Principem te constituerunt, noli extolli,’ et caetera. Sed ipse hoc oblitus, cernens se in culmine maioris status sub rogatu famulari sibi pestilentes spiritus promisit, superbiae scilicet et audaciae, quibus nichilominus ipse se dedidit in tantum, ut floccipenderet quin offensione multimoda me multoties graviter offenderet; nam praefectum meum Æficum, quem primatem inter primates meos taxavi, non cunctatus in propria domo eius eo inscio perimere, quod nefarium et peregrinum opus est apud christianos et gentiles. Peracto itaque scelere ab eo, inii consilium cum sapientibus regni mei petens, ut quid fieri placuisset de illo decernerent; placuitque in commune nobis eum exulare et extorrem a nobis fieri cum complicibus suis: statuimus etiam inviolatum foedus inter nos, quod qui praesumpsisset infringere, exhaereditari se sciret omnibus habitis, hoc est, ut nemo nostrum aliquid humanitatis vel commoditatis ei sumministraret. Hanc optionis electionem posthabitam nichili habuit soror eius Æðelflǽd omnia quae possibilitatis eius erant, et utilitatis fratris omnibus exercitiis studuit explere, et hac de causa aliarumque quamplurimarum exhaeredem se fecit omnibus.” Cod. Dipl. No. 719.The murder of Æfic is mentioned in the Chronicle, an. 1002, where he is calledheáhgeréfa.

The murder of Æfic is mentioned in the Chronicle, an. 1002, where he is calledheáhgeréfa.

81. Cod. Dipl. No. 1035. But not if he had legal heirs. See Cnut, ii. § 71. Thorpe, i. 412. In this case the king could claim only the Heriot, a custom retained even by the Normans. “Item si liber homo intestatus decesserit, et subito, dominus suus nihil se intromittet de bonis suis, nisi tantum de hoc quod ad ipsum pertinuerit, scilicet quod habeat suum Heriettum.” Fleta, ii. cap. 57, § 10.

82. Cod. Dipl. No. 1078.

83. Hist. Eliens. i. 1. “Sicque postea per destitutionem, regiae sorti, sive fisco, idem locus additus est.” See also vol. i. p. 302, note 2.

84. Cnut, ii. § 12. Thorpe, i. 382.

85. Cnut, ii. § 14. Thorpe, i. 384.

86. Cnut, ii. § 15. Thorpe, i. 384.

87. Beow. l. 6016seq.: compare l. 5583seq.

88. Ibid. l. 6320.

89. See the account of the burial of Haraldr Hilditavn in the Fornald. Savg. i. 387. “Ok áðr enn havgrinn væri aptr lokinn, þá biðr Hríngr Konúngr til gánga allt stórmenni ok alla Kappa, ok við voru staddir, at kasta í havginn stórum hríngum ok góðum vápnum, til sæmdr Haraldi Konúngi Hilditavn; ok eptir þat var aptr byrgði havgrinn vandliga.” Brynhildr caused the jewels which her father Buðli had given her, to be burnt with herself and Sigurðr. Sigurd, evid. iii. 65.

90. In Ireland this is so common as to have caused the existence of what we may call a professional class of treasure-seekers, whose idle, gambling pursuit is in admirable harmony with the Keltic hatred for honest, steady labour.

91. To this cause may be attributed the hoards discovered within a few years at Cuerdale, Hexham, and other places on the borders; and some perhaps of the numerousfindsat Wisby and in Gothland.

92. “Partim sepultis thesauris, quorum plerique in hac aetate defodiuntur, Romam ad petendas suppetias ire intendunt.” Gest. Reg. i. § 3. It is well worth the consideration of our antiquarians who have devoted pains and money to the opening of barrows, how far the notorious searches which have been made for treasure in these repositories, by successive generations of Saxons, Danes and Normans, may have interfered with theoriginaldisposition of sepulchral mounds, cairns and cromlechs. The legend of Gúðlác supplies a Saxon instance of the highest antiquity. “Wæs ðǽr on ðám ealande sum hláw mycel ofer eorðan geworht, ðone ylcan men iúgeara for feos wilnunga gedulfon and brǽcon: ðá was ðǽr on óðre sídan ðæs hláwes gedolfen swylíc mycel wæterseáð wǽre.” Cap. 4. Godw. Ed. p. 26.

93. Beów. l. 6100. In the North it is difficult to find a hoard without a dragon, or a dragon without a hoard.

94. Concealment of treasure-trove is a grave offence, inasmuch as it immediately touches the person and dignity of the king: “De inventoribus thesauri occultati inventi, haec quidem graviora sunt et maiora, eo quod personam regis tangunt principaliter. Sunt etiam crimina aliquantulum minora ... sicut haec; de homicidiis causalibus et voluntariis,”seq.Fleta, lib. 1. cap. 20. § 1, 2, 3seq., where this offence is assimilated to high-treason, and classed above all offences against individuals, including murder, rape, arson and burglary.

95. For a full account of this see Grimm, Rechtsalt. p. 237.

96. See Grimm, Rechtsalt. p. 262.

97. I have little doubt that, when Beda speaks of the pomp with which Eádwini of Northumberland was accustomed to ride, he refers to this ceremony. Hist. Eccl. ii. 16. The well-known tales of Eádgár, rowed by six kings on the Dee, and Cnut at Ely, will at once occur to the reader: but has it never occurred to him to ask what Eádgár could possibly be doing at the one place, or Cnut at the other? See Will. Malm. Gest. Reg. ii. § 148. The same author tells us of Eádgár: “Omni aestate, emensa statim Paschali festivitate, naves per omnia littora coadunari praecipiebat; ad occidentalem insulae partem cum orientali classe, et illa remensa cum occidentali ad borealem, inde cum boreali ad orientalem remigare consuetus; pius scilicet explorator, ne quid piratae turbarent. Hyeme et vere, per omnes provincias equitando, iudicia potentiorum exquirebat, violati iuris severus ultor; in hoc iustitiae, in illo fortitudini studens; in utroque reipublicae utilitatibus consulens.” Gest. Reg. ii. § 156. Flor. Wig. an. 975. “Cummore assuetorex Cnuto regni fines peragrarat.” Hist. Rames. Eccl. (Gale, iii. 441.)

98. Cod. Dipl. No. 143. “Necnon et trium annorum ad se pertinentes pastiones, id est sex convivia, libenter concedendo largitus est.” Probably they were in arrear, and Offa excused them: but they could not have been in arrear unless they were payable any under circumstances; that is, whether the king visited the monastery or not. I take this to be a standing tax, known under the name of Cyninges feorm, the king’s farm: it was probably commuted for money, and after a time rendered certain as to amount. In 814 Cénwulf released the Bishop of Worcester from apastusof twelve men which he was bound to find at his different monasteries, and the exemption was worth an estate of thirteen hides. Cod. Dipl. No. 203.

99. See Vol. I. p. 294,seq.Examples may be found in almost every other page of the Codex Diplomaticus. See also Hist. Rames. Eccl. 85.

100. “Faciebant servitium regis cum equis vel per aquam usque ad Blidbeream, Reddinges, Sudtone, Besentone: et hoc facientibus dabat praepositus mercedem non de censu regis, sed de suo.” Domesd. Berks. Many of these burthens are summed up in a charter of liberties granted by Eédweard of Wessex at Taunton, to Winchester: “Erat namque antea in illo supradicto monasterio pastus unius noctis regi, et octo canum, et unius caniculari pastus, et pastus novem noctium accipitrariis regis, et quidquid rex vellet inde ducere usque ad Curig vel Willettun[Curry and Wilton in Somerset]cum plaustris et equis, et si advenae de aliis regionibus advenirent, debebant ducatum habere ad aliam regalem villam quae proxima fuisset in illorum via.” Cod. Dipl. No. 1084. The Vorspann in Hungary, which is a right to a peasant’s horses on the production of an order from the county authorities, is generally a convenience to himself as well as the traveller, who does not object to pay for much better accommodation than he could obtain from the ordinary posting establishment. But it is nevertheless a remnant of barbarism which we may now hope to see vanish, together with every other obstacle to free communication, under the management of that most patriotic and enlightened gentleman Count Stephen Szechenji.

101. On the complaint of the clergy of the diocese of Cremona, the emperor Lothaire decided thattheywere not bound to supply waggons and horses for his service. Böhm. Reg. Karol. No. 544.

102. “Homines de his terris custodiebant regem apud Cantuariam vel apud Sandwic per tres dies, si rex illuc venisset.” Domesd. Kent. “Quando rex iacebat in hac civitate, servabant eum vigilantes duodecim homines de melioribus civitatis. Et cum ibi venationem exerceret, similiter custodiebant eum cum armis meliores burgenses cabalos habentes.” Domesd. Shropsh. “Isti debent vigilare in curia domini, cum praesens fuerit.” Chartul. Evesh. f. 24.

103. “Qui monitus ad stabilitionem venationis non ibat quinquaginta solidos regi emendabat.” Domesd. Berks.

104. Hist. Rams. 106.

105. There are two places of this name on the coast of the Wash near Burnham Market in Norfolk. The one intended is most probably Ringstead St. Andrew’s.

106. Cod. Dipl. No. 809.

107. See Bracton, ii. 5. § 7. Westm. i. cap. 4. Stat. Praerog. Reg. cap. 11. Also 17. Edw. II. cap. 11. Rot. Chart. 20. Hen. III. m. 3. and 14. Edw. III. m. 6. Pat. 42. Hen. III. m. 1. dorso. See also Sir W. Stamford, Expos. King’s Prerog. fol 37, b.

108. Leg. Hen. I. 10. § 1. Ducange readslaganumforalgarum.

109. Cod. Dipl. No. 737, where it is printed both in Latin and Saxon.

110. Cod. Dipl. No. 871.

111. Matt. Westm. an. 975.

112. “Ibi erant duo monetarii; quisque eorum reddebat regi unam marcam argenti, et viginti solidos, quando moneta vertebatur.” Domesd. Dorset. “Septem monetarii erant ibi; unus ex his erat monetarius episcopi. Quando moneta vertebatur, dabat quisque eorum octodecim solidos pro cuneis recipiendis, et ex eo die quo redibant usque ad unum mensem, dabat quisque eorum regi viginti solidos, et similiter habebat episcopus de suo monetario. In civitate Wirecestre habuit rex Edwardus hanc consuetudinem. Quando moneta vertebatur, quisque monetarius dabatXXsolidos ad Londoniam, pro cuneis monetae accipiendis.” Domesd. Worcester. See also Domesd. Hereford.

113. Æðelr. iii. § 8; iv. § 9. Thorpe, i. 296, 303.

114. Æðelst. i. § 14. Thorpe, i. 206.

115. Or perhaps his relative, the abbess of Bedford, for it is difficult to conceive how during coverture, the queen could have coined, and proof is wanting that she was ever regent of his kingdom.

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