The central Southern Slav (Serbian) countries—Illyria, Moesia, and Dalmatia—for a long time remained broken up into separate counties. Not before the twelfth century did Rasa become the centre of a Serbian state, founded by Stefan Nemanya (1165), to whom the Serbs owe the famous Nemanya dynasty. After their victory over the Byzantines at Kossovo the Serbs penetrated further and further south towards Macedonia. Under Dušan Silni (1331-1355) Serbian power reached its meridian. He organized the nation into a state and gave the people good laws. In his time Serbia reached from the Save and the Danube to the Gulf of Corinth, and from the Adriatic to Mesta on the frontiers of Thrace and Macedonia. After the battle of Belbushde (1330) even the Bulgars had to acknowledge the supremacy of Serbia. The Serbian Metropolitan of Petcha was made Patriarch, the National Serb Church was founded, and, in the Macedonian town of Skoplye, Dušan Silni proclaimed himself Tsarof the Serbs, Bulgars and Greeks. With an army of 100,000 men he marched on Constantinople in order to establish his throne there, and to be revenged upon the Greeks who had a few years previously called the Ottoman Turks to Europe.11But he died on the way,—it is said that he was poisoned by a Greek.
Architectural and literary monuments from the age of the Serbian rulers in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries still clearly show traces of the high degree of culture that had spread from Byzantium, Venice and Florence. But these are merely sparks which the Serbian discriminative genius and natural ability would doubtless have kindled into a bright flame had not the advent of the Turks frustrated the great plans of Dušan Silni. Constantinople would have remained in the hands of a Christian people who love art and progress. No other nation was so well fitted as the Serbs to infuse new life into the culture of the ancients. The presence of this sane and strong young nation would have saved the humanists their flight from Byzantium.
After the death of Dušan Silni the great Serbian Empire crumbled into a large number of small states, whose rulers played a dangerous game, and intrigued one against the other, whilst the Turks were conquering Thrace. TheMacedonian despots became vassals to the Turks, and only a few countries like Zeta, Bosnia, and the empire of Prince Lazar (the Serbia of to-day) maintained their independence. So long as these countries were free, the Ottoman invasion of Europe was delayed, because in the Kossovo polje (the field of Kossovo) Serbia held the key of Europe. The Turks knew this and constantly prepared their attacks accordingly. On Vidovdan (St. Vitus Day, 1387) 100,000 Serbs and 300,000 Turks met in battle on the Kossovo. The battle was fierce and the losses on both sides were enormous. The Serbs lost their Prince Lazar and all their nobility; the Turks the greater part of their army and their Sultan Murat I. In Europe the report spread that the Serbs had been victorious; in Florence and Paris all the bells were rung for joy, and a service of thanksgiving was held in Notre Dame, which was attended by Charles VI. with all his Court.
Murat’s successor, Bayazit did not penetrate further; he permitted the Serbs to retain their own laws, but they had to acknowledge him as their suzerain. In 1459 Serbia was finally crushed and fell completely under Turkish rule. Soon after (1463) the same fate befell Bosnia and Hercegovina. Only the mountain fastnesses of Montenegro remained unconquered.
When Serbia began her life as an independent State, she was still bleeding from the many wounds inflicted upon her through centuries of slavery, and first of all these wounds had to be tended. The Serbian nation, intellectually and economically bankrupt from long Turkish misrule, was in the position of a merchant—an honest fellow, but robbed to his last farthing, whose ruined shop is being restored to him, and who is expected to work up the old business to its former prosperity out of these ruins. Years had to elapse ere the people got accustomed to the new order of things, and, out of the welter of beginnings, found the way to sound civic development. In those days Serbia fell a victim to every political infantile disease, but on the other hand she was inspired with a poetic, truly Slav patriotism. Their golden freedom, which they had so long yearned and fought for, and had now at last won, affected the nation not as a political event but as a greatfamily festival, in which all the members were united in love and joy. Theyrevelledin their new-found freedom; the sordid considerations of the day were put off till the morrow, or left to the care of a small body of “cold-blooded” men. Civic law and order, and regularity in the administration—unheard of under Turkish rule—were first looked upon aspurely miraculous, and then tacitly accepted as the inevitable consequences of freedom. The idea of afree Stateis only of theoretical value to the Serbs, the main thing for them is that they should be afree people. As a free people they followed their leaders—not as superiors, but as children obey their fathers. With childlike simplicity they gathered round their rural magistrate to hear his instructions, and in the same spirit they assembled under the ancient plane-tree in the Topchider Park to hear Miloš, their first Gospodar and Prince, dispense wise counsel and even-handed justice. But in these council-meetings between ruler and people was sown the seed of the true constitution of the State, and, like the empire of Dušan Silni in days gone by, modern Serbia has grown up out of her own people. And this is why Serbia is aneminently nationalisticstate, free and independent of foreign influence. Perhaps in some ways this has been a drawback, but it has also been a great source of strength to Serbia. The intimate connection between the reigning house and the people proved a bulwark against foreign attempts at denationalization, and gave Serbia the necessary strength to keep herself free from Germany’s corroding influence to this day.
In every way the patriarchal state of Prince Miloš proved the best possible preparation for Serbia’s political future. She matured slowly, like an apple in the sun, and fortunately was notcompelled to ripen unnaturally. Moreover, the inborn gifts of the Serbian people, which I have already mentioned, proved a great help to this process. They began to see that poetry has its limitations, that a free people must become an organized state, and that political order, though it cannot be set in verse, is the only guarantee of prosperity to the nation. Of course, legal decisions and taxes were vexatious matters, but their good effect on the community was recognized. The law expressed the will of the people and was no longer resented as an imposition.
It was fortunate for the young State thatDositij Obradović, the greatest educational genius of Serbia, had lived before this critical time. He laid the foundations of a national educational system—that most necessary discipline for a young nation—and was beyond doubt one of the greatest men the Southern Slavs have produced in modern times. In Serbia he is called “the great sower.” He truly sowed the seed of enlightenment, not only in Serbia but wherever Serbs and Croats live. Dositij Obradović has not educated individuals, but whole generations, and through them the entire nation. And if the modern State is synonymous with civilization, then Dositij Obradović was the true founder of Serbia. He sowed the seed, all others have only been reapers.
Prince Miloš, who abdicated in 1839, was succeeded by his son Milan Obrenović II. Hedied, however, within a month of his accession. His successor and younger brother, Michael, was soon involved in serious differences with the Senate, and had to quit the country in 1842. Serbia now elected Alexander Karagjorgjević, son of the Black Kara-Gjorgje, who headed the insurrection against Turkey in 1804. In spite of his great gifts as a statesman, he failed to maintain himself on the throne on account of his leanings towards Austria. The nation, who instinctively scented their ancient enemy, mistrusted him, and matters finally came to a crisis in 1858. The Serbian Skuptchina (Parliament) formally deposed Alexander and again elected an Obrenović to the throne of Serbia. This was Miloš Obrenović, whose short reign was not remarkable for any striking events. His son Michael succeeded him in 1860.
Michael Obrenovićwas a brilliant, broad-minded, noble-hearted man. He found the national harvest already well grown, and courageously continued the work of his early predecessors. He thoroughly understood his people, with all their gifts and limitations, and, above all, he realized that the moment had arrived for Serbia to become “westernized” without sacrificing her national qualities. He “Europeanized” the State and made it respected at home and abroad. The educational system made great strides and was modernized in his reign. The finances of the country were placed on a sound basis, agriculturewas developed on modern, rational lines, and industrial enterprise and foreign trade made their first appearance. Under the strong guiding hand of their prince, the organization of thearmykept pace with the economic development of the nation. He initiated Serbian foreign policy12and was the best and wisest diplomat of his country. His policy towards Russia resulted in the Russian protectorate, which has proved so powerful to this very day, but it also aroused the jealousy of Austria. Above all things Michael Obrenović was a Serb, and his Slav policy was not only carried on in the interests of the nation, but dictated by his heart. He evolved the idea of a Serbia with a seaboard on the Ægean as well as the Adriatic. He knew that the future of his country will never be secure until all Serbs and Croats are united, and the ways open which will permit of a corresponding economic prosperity. Serbia’s demand for a seaboard isnotmere aggression, but the recognition of a vital problem which will be disposed of as soon as her minimum requirements are satisfied.
Under the next Obrenović, the jovial Prince Milan (subsequently King Milan), Serbian policy occasionally deviated from the lines laid down by Prince Michael. Unfortunately, the good services whichKingMilan undoubtedly rendered his country are overshadowed by his manyserious mistakes. At first his genial personality and great popularity seemed to fit him very well for the continuation and completion of the workPrinceMilan had begun. But apparently his ambitions did not lie that way, for his reign presents a long record of discord at home and abroad. The party-spirit in civil and military affairs assumed formidable dimensions, and the State repeatedly barely escaped shipwreck. Milan was a spoilt man of the world. He preferred to live abroad and often left the administration for long periods wholly in the hands of the Cabinet of the moment, who, in the absence of the ruler, often found it most difficult to maintain their authority in the face of opposing factions. Abroad the king became acquainted with eminent foreign nobles and statesmen, and, as in most cases these were Austrians, he fell under the influence of the Monarchy. The tide of German pressure towards the East began to filter through into Serbia, and at times the official policy was frankly pro-Austrian. The King was still popular, but the people gradually lost confidence in him, and on several critical occasions he was fain to “save” himself by brilliant addresses to the people.13But the Royal blunders became increasingly frequent, and were further aggravated by intolerabledomestic dissensions which finally led to the divorce of Queen Natalie. Fortunately Serbia possessed singularly able statesmen during the reign of King Milan, and it is solely due to their efforts that the country escaped public disaster. The present Serbian Premier, Nikola Pašić, already played a prominent part in those days, and repeatedly saved his King and country in times of imminent danger. But presently matters became intolerable, and King Milan abdicated in favour of his son Alexander, who was still under age. The reign of Alexander is the darkest period in the history of modern Serbia. During his minority the country was governed by a regency, and all went well; but when Alexander assumed the sceptre himself, the state began to crumble in its very foundations. Mentally deficient, and therefore dangerous in all his actions, he inaugurated a rule of autocracy, tolerated no opposition, and endowed every one of his mistakes with the distinction of a “supreme command.” The rift between King and people grew wider and more impassable, and finally became an abyss when he insisted on raising his mistress Draga Maschin to the position of legal wife and Queen of Serbia. But even this was not all. The new queen, with all the blind conceit of aparvenue, introduced the worst type of petticoat government at court and in politics, which showed itself in graft, corruption, unblushing exhibitions of contempt for the people,and insults to statesmen, scholars and especially to the officers of the army. When the scandal about the supposititious birth of an heir occurred, the wrath of the people turned to fury, and, in the night of May 28th, 1903, the garrison of Belgrade carried out the sentence of the nation upon the King and Queen.
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The accession of the Karagjorgjević dynasty, who were really entitled to the crown, opens a new national and political era for Serbia. An old man was called to the throne, but agrand seigneurof the best French school—a school which did not produce debauchees and Boulevard-trotters, but soldiers and statesmen of the first order. King Peter was a Western European in the best sense of the word. He was not only of the blood of the black Karagjorgje, the scion of a house of heroes, but an experienced soldier and statesman. During the long years of his exile he was an officer in the French army, and in virtue of his social position had every opportunity of garnering valuable experience both in peace and in war. All this time he was emphatically the “one who looked on” and watched the development of his country from afar—her struggles and her trials. Although he never resigned his pretendership to the Serbian throne he was often, surely very often, convinced that he himself would never be called to ascendit. But his heart and his love ruled with the Serbian people, and probably he felt the misfortunes of his country more keenly than any other Serbian. It is absurd to hold King Peter responsible for the murder of his predecessor. Any one privileged to know him would indignantly repudiate the thought. His accession to the throne was merely a consequence and in no way a cause of the Obrenović tragedy. But Europe was too horrified at the murder to discriminate at the time, and would accept neither reasons nor explanations proving the necessity of making a fresh start—and this quite apart from the circumstance of the murder. Europe regarded thedeedand not thecausesof the deed; and refused to search her own histories for similar deeds provoked by similar causes. Thus King Peter was confronted with a two-fold difficulty. On the one hand both he and his country had forfeited the sympathies of Europe, and on the other he succeeded to the government of a country demoralized by the previous reign, and torn by party dissensions. It was a most difficult situation, so many conflicting interests had to be reconciled! Truly a very weighty task for an elderly and perhaps already world-weary man.
But King Peter did not come to Serbia as a pretender who has at last gained the crown he has coveted; he came as the champion of the Serb ideal of the past—whose last representativehad been Michael Obrenović,—the ideal of national expansion, of a Serbian future. He recognized his difficulties but attacked them without flinching. For the Serb nation—impulsive, tempestuous and sensitive—it was a blessing to pass under the guidance of a calm, wisely deliberate king. He went his way step by step, firmly, and without illusions. Amid the tumult of acclamations that greeted him in Belgrade his was probably the only heart heavy with care. He knew only too well that the violentcoup d’étatwas not the solution but merely the beginning of the problem. This consciousness and his patriotic ideal have been the ruling motives of his reign from the very first. One of King Peter’s first tasks was the rehabilitation of Serbia in the eyes of Europe. Unjustly enough the entire responsibility for the loss of Serbia’s prestige was laid to his charge, and it was uphill work to alter the opinion of Europe, but he refrained from protestations and excuses. He realized that Serbia must be regenerated in such a fashion as to win back the full confidence of Europe. By the wisdom of his policy and with the help of able statesmen—principally Nikola Pašić—he steered Serbia’s foreign policy back into a healthy, normal channel, and within a few years the country once more took her position as a well-ordered European State—apart from the calumnies and enmity of Germany and Austria. In fact, this successful reconstructionwas proof in the eyes of Europe that the dynastic change was a necessity for Serbia, and that in the solution of the Balkan problem she might certainly be trusted to take her part of the burden as a civilized State. She proved her mettle soon afterwards in the first Balkan War, for in this war the ideal of the King—which he shares with his people—scored its first great success, when the hard-pressed nation displayed a high degree of valour, statesmanship and true nobility.
In his ten years’ reign King Peter has gone far to restore to Serbia her ancient glories. During his reign her politics have become more settled at home and abroad. Agriculture, trade and industry have improved and expanded. Literature and art have made miraculous strides, so that Serbia may fairly consider herself the equal of the Western nations; and the Serbian army has now demonstrated its excellent organization and great military value in three successive wars.
King Peter, whose short reign became so stormy towards the end, may look back on the results of his labours with the same calm assurance with which he took up the sceptre. He has quickened the new soul of Serbia, and although he retired shortly before the outbreak of the present war, and entrusted the sceptre to his son, his spirit still lives in his people and army and—please God—will lead them both to victory.IV.
Serbian relations with Austria have been an important, and indeed the decisive, factor in recent Serb history; and the events which are the outcome of these relations will either bring about the territorial consolidation of Serbia or her final ruin. Austria-Hungary was never a well-wisher of Serbia, although she has often brazenly posed as her benefactor. It has always been Austria’s aim to detach Serbia from Russian influence, and to bring her under the soul-saving protectorate of the Monarchy. The nearest road to Salonika lies through Serbia, and at all costs this route had to be secured. If only Serbia could be made dependent upon Austria-Hungary, it would be much better for the aims of Germanistic expansive policy; it would also paralyse the Southern Slavs in the Monarchy. Knowing that the Great Powers, especially Russia, would never permit an effective occupation of Serbia, Austria sought by intrigues in the spirit of Metternich to make her influence predominant in Serbia, also economically to weaken her as a state, by vexatious commercial treaties in the hope of rendering her more amenable towards the Monarchy. Serbia bravely resisted all these attempts and suffered considerable material loss; but she stood firm in the knowledge that she isthe first and strongest fortress in the way of German pressure towards the East, and staunchly believed in the ultimate success of her cause. The brave little country had a mission to fulfil, not only in her own interest, but in that of the Slav race and the whole of Europe. Vienna and Berlin knew that Serbia was a very hard nut, but they felt confident of cracking it in the end. When open aggression failed, they put a good face on the matter, and assured the hard-pressed Serbs of their kind intentions. The occupation of Bosnia and Hercegovina was the first tangible proof of these kind intentions, for on that occasion Austria “delivered” two million Serbs and Croats from Turkish bondage. Unfortunately Serbia did not in the least appreciate this “benefit,” whereby a large number of her kindred were handed over to the tender mercies of Austria, whose solicitous care of her Southern Slav subjects was only too well known—in fact, instead of being grateful, Serbia never ceased to point out her own national and territorial claims upon Bosnia and Hercegovina. Naturally this insolent attitude on the part of Serbia provoked the animosity, and presently the official disfavour, of Austria. This disfavour was displayed on every possible occasion although it always wore a sanctimonious garb. Serbia was too weak and unprepared to retort aggressively upon this animosity; her defence was limited to diplomatic measures and the moral support of Russia. Itwas a marvellous achievement on the part of her statesmen that in the face of strong popular feeling they so long staved off an open rupture; and that they did not let the thirty-five years of misgovernment in Bosnia and Hercegovina, or the oppression of the Southern Slavs, drive them to a desperate decision. The influence of European diplomacy was doubtless very helpful; still, the Serbian people displayed admirable restraint under constant provocation. Germany and Austria, who are able to corrupt the greater part of their own Press, and even many foreign newspapers, and can command a whole staff of political agitators, never relaxed their campaign of abuse and calumny against Serbia, and everywhere represented her as an incapable, barbarous, and dangerous State. In this they were only too successful. Unfortunately the condition of Serbian home politics has often been deplorable, and in addition to this the murder of the King and Queen in 1903 provided ample material for biassing public opinion in Europe. On the whole Europe endorsed these calumnies and refused to listen to the counter-protestations of Russia and other Slavs, because the testimony of barbarians and troglodytes was obviously valueless. Serbia was frequently reduced to desperate straits. She was really defending the cause of civilization by stemming the tide of Germanism in the East—she waspreparinga great world-work, and her reward was merelycontempt or a pitying smile. Without Russia’s moral support she must have been swamped by Austria long ago.
With the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina in 1909 and the disgraceful circumstances that preceded it (which I shall touch upon in a later chapter), the mutual enmity between Austria and Serbia reached its height. War between Austria-Hungary on the one hand and Russia and Serbia on the other, seemed imminent, and was only averted by the intervention of European diplomacy, especially by the efforts of Sir Edward Grey. In a declaration dated March 31st, 1909, Serbia acknowledged the annexation as an accomplished fact, and promised henceforth to conduct her policy in a neighbourly and friendly spirit towards Austria. This was the last act of self-abasement extorted from the unhappy country, but by no means the end of hostile agitations. On the contrary, these only became more virulent, because Austria considered the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina merely a prelude to the invasion of Serbia. Hence the necessity of representing Serbia as a menace to the peace of Europe, and especially to the position of the Monarchy as a Great Power. Serbia’s prestige declined still further. But suddenly a new contingency arose, and theBalkan Warof 1912 brought to light a series of glorious proofs of heroism, self-control, statesmanship, and military and national ability on thepart of Serbia. The contempt of Europe was transformed into admiration, and Serbia suddenly found herself appreciated at her true value. This was a blow Austria could not forgive, and still less the fact that the criminal blunder of the second Balkan War, whereby she fondly hoped that Serbia would be crushed, proved unsuccessful. A strong and respected Serbia was a thorn in the flesh to Austria and a disquieting influence among her Southern Slav subjects. Henceforth the Viennese Foreign Office concentrated its efforts on the destruction of Serbia at all costs. First of all Serbia was confronted with a demand for such trade concessions as would render her economically dependent upon Austria, and the next commercial treaty was to have placed Austria in the position of a “most favoured nation.” In politics Austria had recourse to the invention of the spectre of a “Greater Serbia,”—an idea which hitherto had merely possessed intellectual significance, and whose representatives were a few hot-heads quite unconnected with Serbian official policy. To make this new propaganda convincing Austria employed a large number ofagents provocateurs, whose masterpiece appears to have been the attempt upon the Archduke Francis Ferdinand at Serajevo, June 28th, 1914. Truly, when all the side-issues are taken into account, it seems more than likely that theattemptat least was staged by Austrian agents. Was the assassinationmerely an accident?14It is to be feared that this is one of the unhappy mysteries which will never be fully cleared up.
The Country of the Black Mountain—Women Warriors—King, Poet and Farmer—Historical Sketch of Montenegro—Petar I., Petrović—Petar II.—Pro-Russian Policy—A Royal Poet—Nikola I.
AllI have said about Serbia applies equally to Montenegro. The nations are one and the same: they are identical in every respect and only geographically divided. Montenegro is the Serbian advance guard on the Adriatic. It is the eagle’s nest of Europe, the loftiest symbol of freedom and independence. Nature herself has given this people an impregnable fortress, and placed in their hands the keys of Southern Slav liberty. From the height of their barren Black Mountains the valiant high-spirited Montenegrin has looked down for centuries on the rise and fall of his kinsmen all around him. In all the tragedies that have passed in the shadow of his eyrie he has played his part, both as dauntless warrior, and the bard of freedom who from his mountain heights sang the song of the future to his enslaved brothers. The Montenegrin has always been the same. In war-time130he is a warrior, in times of peace a shepherd armed to the teeth. He is inseparable from his weapons, but only uses them against his enemies. Though his aspect is martial and his glance fierce, he bears a kindly, loveable heart. Comparing his outward appearance with his soul, one might call him a lion with the heart of a dove. A friend, whoever he may be, is welcomed with open arms, and his rough, powerful hand can be gently caressing as a child’s. But an enemy will be crushed by its weight; for the Montenegrinhateshis foe, hates him passionately, fiercely and implacably, and he is ever on the watch for him. Even at tender age the children are decked with weapons and have to learn the use of them under the eyes of their elders. And the enemy is always the “Schwabo.” The women are just as efficiently trained to arms as the men, and it has often happened that the Montenegrin Amazons played a decisive part in warfare; and, when weapons were scarce, the women rolled mighty rocks from the heights down upon their enemies. Fighting is a grim pleasure to the Montenegrin in war-time, and his recreation in times of peace. Whoever has travelled in the Montenegrin mountains cannot fail often to have noticed two goatherds in the midst of their herds, fencing with their “Handzars” (the sheathless scimitar of the Montenegrins) and not far off two goat-girls similarly engaged.
The Montenegrin is not a great farmer. Thesoil is poor and barren; yet every patch of fertile ground is utilized to the utmost of its resources, and good soil is often carried from a great distance and deposited in the stony corries for the cultivation of a little maize and corn. But the Montenegrin cares less for a full stomach than for a light heart. It is a people that is for ever singing, and the wealth of Serbo-Croat folk-songs provides them with ample material.
The relations between the Montenegrins and their rulers is without parallel in Europe. Certainly the King is the “Gospodar” (ruler), but he is really only the chief warrior, the chief farmer, and the chief poet of his country. The dynasty is descended from Montenegrin farmers and is deep-rooted in the people themselves. The Montenegrin does not consider his King so much the head of the State, as the leader of the nation, and relations between them are familiar and fraternal. The King is the father, and the people are his children in a perfectly patriarchal sense. There is no trace of Western European formality in their intercourse. The familiar “thou” is used on either side, and the simplest peasant shakes hands with the King as a matter of course. But in war time the King’s word is law, and the unquestioning discipline of the people is founded on their mutual relations in times of peace—founded on the love of the people for their ruler.
The Montenegrins are Serbs by nationality,and their Royal House, like that of Serbia, has sprung from the people. Neither country has ever been ruled by a foreign prince.
In olden times it was the custom that the elders of the nation, without special regard to diplomatic qualifications, should guide the fate of their country by the rules of ancient custom. Chief among them was the Vladika,15who possessed no special privileges as ruler but merely took precedence in virtue of his ecclesiastical dignity. His education was limited to what was necessary for his clerical duties, and he knew little or nothing of state-craft. The character of a given reign depended mainly on the prevailing relations with the Turks, and Montenegrin affairs prospered in proportion to the peaceable or aggressive attitude of these neighbours. A well-ordered state, enlightenment, and education were luxuries no one desired or required, and the people lived and fought merely for the needs of the day. But, although they are naturally gifted, the nation could not develop without any means of education; and, apart from the art of war they were simple and unlettered as children. Mere adventurers have several times taken advantage of this simplicity. The most flagrant instance was that of Stjepan Mali, a Russian swindler, who gave himself out to be a scion of the Vojevode family Petrović and proclaimed himself lord of Montenegro.
Affairs improved when Vladikas of Crnojević family were succeeded by Vladikas of the true Petrović stock in the leadership of the country. The first of these, Petar I., Petrović, was still content to follow in the footsteps of his predecessors, and influenced the education of his people only in so far as he himself was cultured. His immediate successor Petar II., Petrović Njegoš, earned undying fame in the history of Montenegro.
Petar II. became Vladika and Gospodar of Montenegro at the age of seventeen. At the time of his accession he was scarcely more than a Montenegrin peasant lad, accustomed to dealing with attacks from the Turks, but otherwise without education. The young ruler knew nothing whatever of system or the deeper meaning of learning and education, when he took the helm. Times were troubled and difficult, for, even in Montenegro opinions were divided. There were several other pretenders—not so much because of internal dissensions as in consequence of foreign intrigue. It was not a matter of indifference for the neighbouring states whether the ruler of Montenegro was their friend and tool, or whether he was a man of independent personality and inclined to follow Montenegrin tradition in considering Russia. The Sandjaks of Skutari and Hercegovina (at that time still the Sandjak Novipazar) were Montenegro’s vulnerable point. For nearly a century Montenegrohad already sought ways and means of extending her territory as far as the frontier of modern Serbia. Moreover, from the days of Peter the Great an idea had existed that, with the help of the Serbs of Old Serbia, and the Serbs and Croats of Bosnia and Hercegovina, Montenegro should prepare the way for the emancipation of her kindred from the Turkish yoke. Poverty, however, lack of numbers on the part of Montenegro, and the vacillations of Russian diplomacy frustrated these plans, and Vladika Petar I. did not feel strong enough to embark on this enterprise. Petar II. realized that, before Montenegro could hope to attempt this task, she would have to strengthen her hands—and those of her brothers awaiting liberation—by a thorough-going pro-Russian policy, which would secure them the protection of the Russian Empire. She must also provide her children with the means of education. He knew well that nothing can be done with an unlettered people. The lines laid down by him were quite correct. Russian society understood the Prince’s aims and gave him sufficient financial assistance for the foundation of schools, etc., and Russian diplomacy supported him strongly in his politics. Petar II. set about his educational mission with devotion and perseverance, and even found time to complete his own studies. When he attained to man’s estate he was already famous as one of the finest of the Southern Slav poets, and as one of the patrons ofculture among the oppressed Slav peoples.16But his path was by no means strewn with roses. The very strength of his independent personality laid him open to insidious intrigues. True, he followed Russia’s advice, but, while he was still a youth, full of the healthy, impetuous ardour of his mountain home, he often transgressed the rules of European diplomacy. Diplomacy failed to understand his actions, and he, being a true Montenegrin, could not wait with his hands folded to see what diplomacy might achieve, while the Turks were harrying his borders. Even the Russian Consul in Dubrovnik (Ragusa) often complained to his Government that the Prince “was better fitted for a grenadier than for a Vladika” (Bishop). And, of course, Vienna always stirred up enmity against him. But Petar II. remained a staunch Montenegrin warrior, and the older he grew the less he was able to adapt himself to the wiles of diplomacy. He devoted himself to his people, who loved, honoured, and revered him. But foreign intrigue began to tell upon him. Disappointments increased with advancing years, and he found little but bitterness in the onerous duties of a prince; this bitterness and disappointment find eloquent expression in his poems. At last circumstances became so unendurable to him that he thought ofabdicating, and was probably only deterred from his purpose by his ardent love for his people. For, despite all vexations, he cannot have failed to see that his presence was not useless and that his work and activities were bringing a blessing to his people and laying the foundations of the future.
His nephew and successor, Danilo I., was the last “Vladika” on the Montenegrin throne. He was far better versed in the arts of diplomacy, but his reign will never rival that of his uncle in importance. He fell a victim to assassination in 1860 at Kotor (Cattaro) and was succeeded by his nephew Nikola I., the first secular prince of Montenegro.
In Nikola I. fate bestowed upon Montenegro a ruler with a remarkably strong character and first-rate diplomatic talent. The country was re-organized from within, without giving offence to any of the sacred traditions of the Montenegrins. In Nikola’s foreign policy veritable masterpieces were achieved from time to time. Without departing from the traditional pro-Russian policy Nikola established excellent relations with all non-Slav states, especially with Austria, and made the utmost use of every opportunity whereby his country and people might benefit. A man of great personal charm, highly cultured and refined, Nikola I. has enthusiastic friends and admirers in every part of the world. The unity of the Southern Slavs is one of hisfavourite ideals, and he has laboured unceasingly to promote this cause. His personal relationship to several of the Royal Houses of Europe made it possible for him to work effectively and win friends for the Slav cause where another might have failed to do so.
What Nikola I. has done for Montenegro during the fifty years of his reign is more or less generally known. The education of the people, which began under Petar II., has made splendid progress under Nikola I., and to-day Montenegro can boast a large number of statesmen, poets, scholars and men of letters for so small a country. When the Balkan crisis arrived, Nikola, then already King of Montenegro, true to the spirit of his fathers, unhesitatingly and enthusiastically placed himself and his people at the disposal of Serbia and won glorious victories, in consequence of which his territories were considerably enlarged. After the Balkan War, King Nikola surely looked forward to a time of peace and prosperity. But his hopes were doomed to disappointment, for recent events have called him to another and more important task.
I. A Homogeneous People—A Militant Past—The Bogumili—National Bondage—Napoleon—Illyrism—Agreement with Hungary—Count Khuen-Hedervary.
II. The greatest representative of the Southern Slavs—Strossmayer’s generosity and courage—Fall of Count Khuen-Hedervary—Death of Strossmayer.
III. False Dawn—Conference of Fiume—Ban Paul Rauch—Monster Trial in Zagreb—The Friedjung Case—Cuvaj—Frano Supilo.
IV. Dalmatia, Istria, Carniola—The Italian Element—Bosnia-Hercegovina—Conclusion.
The whole south of the Dual Monarchy is inhabited by Slavs. The Kingdoms of Croatia, Slavonia, and Dalmatia, with the Duchy of Carniola, Istria, and Bosnia-Hercegovina—these, comprising a population of about seven millions, belong almost exclusively to one race. Whereas in all other countries of the Monarchy (especially in Hungary and Bohemia) the different races are represented in varying percentages, the non-Slav population in Croatia, Slavonia, Bosnia and Hercegovina amounts only to about 5-1/2 per cent.,in Carniola and Istria to 4 per cent., and in Dalmatia only to 2 per cent. The considerable number of Croats and Slovenes (750,000) living in Southern Hungary (in Torontal, Bacs-Bodrog and Temes) must be added to the above-mentioned seven millions.
Ethnologically speaking, the inhabitants of all these countries form one people, and are a brother nation to the Serbs in the Kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro. Their language, customs, historical past and achievements in art, science and literature, are identical. The sole difference between them is that the Croats and Slovenes are Catholics, while part of the inhabitants of Bosnia are Mohammedans. Those confessing the Serbo-Orthodox faith (more than a third of the population) also own to the national name and call themselves Serbs. This compact and homogeneous national body would certainly have become a most important factor in the Monarchy had they not been cut in two by administrative policy. Here as elsewhere throughout all her dominions Austria has applied her principle of dividing and dismembering, and the Southern Slav provinces were shared between two spheres of power. Croatia and Slavonia were allotted to the Hungarian; Carniola, Dalmatia and Istria to the Austrian sphere, and a mixed Austrian and Hungarian administration was introduced in Bosnia and Hercegovina. This system made a unanimous political rally of the Southern Slavsquite impossible, and provided German and Magyar propaganda with a more manageable field of operations. In both spheres unremitting efforts were devoted to the task of eliminating the Southern Slav element, stifling Slav thought, and transforming the Slavs intoslaves. But the Southern Slav is endowed with unusual tenacity; the most zealous efforts on the part of the Government were frustrated by his dogged resistance, and they merely defeated their own ends. German “kultur” and Magyarlackof culture were held in equal abomination by the Slav nations upon whom they were to be inflicted, and the ruthless spoliation to which they were likewise subjected engendered a deep-seated animosity. The Northern Slavs, who possess more practical business capacity than the Southern, did not allow themselves to be economically strangled, and even contrived to hold their own in this respect; whereas the Southern Slavs, being mainly an agricultural people, found themselves the helpless victims of Austrian and Hungarian rapacity. Dalmatia, one of the loveliest spots in Europe, has for the last century known no privilege except that of paying taxes, and Austria’s mal-administration of that country has become proverbial. Croatia and Slavonia fare little better. They have to pay 56 per cent. of their revenues to Hungary. This tax figures under the head of “contributions to mutual interests,” chiefly represented by the railways and the postalsystem. The net annual income from these two sources amounts to 250 million Kr., but of this Croatia never receives a penny! The net profitallgoes to Hungary who brazenly employs it to subvention the Magyar propaganda in Croatia. The condition of Carniola and Istria is almost as deplorable as that of Dalmatia, and in Bosnia and Hercegovina the Austro-Hungarian Government has for thirty-five years built villages “after the pattern of Potemkin,” for the edification of foreign journalists, while the people have been left to starve, or sink into poverty and ignorance. The numerous foreign tourists who have travelled in these beautiful countries have seen nothing of Austria’s “work of civilization,” as they are kept to the beaten tracks specially prepared for them, and they only see the country like a carefully staged panorama on the films of the Royal and Imperial State Cinematograph! But had these travellers caught a glimpse of the abject misery of the people, their pleasure in these beautiful countries would have been spoilt, and they would have better understood why the inhabitants are rebelling against the “blessing” of Austro-Hungarian rule.
It is much easier to understand why the political horizon in the Southern Slav corner of Europe is always clouded if one is given a clearer view of theChartered rights, as opposed to theactual position, held by the Southern Slavs in theMonarchy; but this view is not usually obtained through the official channels of Vienna and Budapest. According to these, all ancientchartersof liberty are so many “scraps of paper,” and the actual law merely the right of the strongest. The Hapsburgs did not come as victors with the rights of a conqueror to the Southern Slav provinces. They became rulers of these countries in virtue of voluntary treaties, and they themselves issued manifestos and bulls, in which the integrity and independence of the Southern Slav countries are incontestably guaranteed. Centuries ago, while the Hapsburg dynasty was endangered by constant wars, and especially during the Turkish invasion, these guarantees were faithfully observed. But with the altered conditions of affairs the Southern Slavs had to wage a bitter struggle for their rights.
Of all this group Croatia-Slavonia alone still retains the slightest degree of autonomy, while the countries belonging to Austria have been deprived of every vestige of self-government, and only appear to be distinct dominions in the State by their mock Landtags, whose decisions are almost invariably disregarded. Croatia-Slavonia, which belongs to Hungary, has to this day at least theoretically maintained her political independence. Croatia was once more guaranteed this independence by the agreement between herself and Hungary in 1868. When the Hapsburg Empire was reconstructed in 1867 theconstitutional independence of Croatia could not be set aside, especially as this reconstruction was founded on the Pragmatic Sanction, which provided for the separate constitutional independence of Croatia under guarantee of the Royal Oath. Moreover, the events of the revolution of 1848 were still too fresh in the memories of the Hungarian statesmen who had laboured for the establishment of Hungary’s State Constitution from 1861 till 1867, and in their dealings with Croatia they did not dare to repeat the mistakes they had made in 1847 and 1848. Francis Deak, the chief of these statesmen, knew very well that the catastrophe that overtook Hungary in 1848 would never have been so great, if the Croatian national forces had fought side by side with Hungary. Thus it was his wish to conclude a lasting peace with Croatia on a just basis. Under Deak’s influence, and with the co-operation of Croatia’s leading representatives, an agreement was concluded which assured Croatia the position of a State enjoying equal rights with Hungary, with complete self-government as regards her internal affairs, a separate legislative parliament, and her own army; only the railways and the postal and financial systems were to be under mutual control, and Croatia was guaranteed a proportionate share of the revenues from these sources. The Croatian tongue was to be the official language in the Landwehr, and in all courts of law,whether joint or autonomous. The important Croatian seaport Fiume was declared a “corpus separatum adnexærex,” and thus constituted a joint open port. I shall presently show how Hungary kept her side of the bargain.
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A Southern Slav patriot has said that no greater misfortune has befallen the Southern Slavs, than to pass under the dominion of civilized Austria. Had they been obliged to share the fate of their brothers, the Serbs and Bulgarians, they would certainly have tasted all the misery of the Turkish yoke, but to-day they would be free, as an independent State with a right to their own national and intellectual development. The one thing Turkey has left untouched in the Serbs and Bulgars—the heart of the people—is the very thing that Austria has sought to destroy in her Southern Slav subjects. Turkish captivity has steeled the hearts of the Slavs she oppressed, but Austrian captivity has cankered them and made them effete.
In many respects this pessimistic view is justified. The struggle of the Southern Slavs for national life has passed through many phases, and has exhausted itself in many more. For centuries the Southern Slav stood under the protection of “Heaven militant,” and his motto was “For Faith and Freedom,” for with him faith was always first. All his culture consisted inimaging the Christ as the “Otac i voyskovodya illyrskyh Kralyeva” (Father and leader of the armies of the Kings of Illyria). The Holy Cross was transformed into a standard of war, and his enthusiasm for this false ideal led him so far astray, that thebaptizedarch-enemy was nearer to him than his ownunbaptizedbrother, and the Church dearer to him than his country. But these traits do not originate in the character of the Southern Slav. He was educated into them and impregnated with them from without, and always by his greatest enemies, the Germans or the Turks. The Germans made a national mission of the Crusades, and the Turks usually went to war on religious grounds and called their armies the Hosts of the Prophet. Following the example of the Turks, and imitating the Germans in their appropriation of the Deity, Slav Christianity was infected by the fanaticism of the Church of Rome, and became synonymous with militancy and the spirit of thecondottieri. The heart of the nation grew vitiated, and the Illyrians callously neglected their lovely land, which ought to have been a Garden of Eden. And those who were so liberal with their promises of Heaven and constantly cried, “Thy Kingdom is not of this world!” were well pleased that these things should be so, for they coveted the lost Empire of the Southern Slavs for an earthly paradise of their own.
Unfortunately this dark page in the history ofSouthern Slavdom followed directly upon one of the most brilliant periods in the intellectual development of Southern Slav culture. It was a period when the national culture of the Southern Slavs put forth some of its most vigorous, fairest and sanest blossoms—the time of the Bogumili (“beloved of God”) whose work of enlightenment spread from Bulgaria over the whole of the Slav South. The Bogumili were strongly opposed to the poetic glorification of the Crusades, because they grasped the fact that the extolling of such an ideal can never open the mind tohereticculture—the culture based onfree choice according to conscience—which was eventually to undermine the foundations of the sacrosanct Roman Empire and lay the first solid foundations oftrueculture. The Bogumili taught that true culture is not spread by crusades, but springs from Christian, human contemplation. They deprecated personal worship, and replaced it by a worship of ideals, of spirit, and of thought. Wyclif, Huss and Luther are always quoted as the foremost apostles of thehereticalculture. But in the Hungarian Crusaders the Bogumili found bitter enemies. Bogumilist activity in Bosnia and Croatia was stifled in blood, and the people, who were beginning to protest against the lying cult of Cæsarism wedded to Papistry, were simply butchered in the name of the Cross. The blood-baths on the fields of Bosnia filled the people with consternation, but could not stifle Bogumilism. True, its progresswas checked in the Southern Slav region, but it secretly penetrated westward, whence the Patarenes in Italy and the Catharists, Albigenses and Waldenses in France spread it all over the world. It is interesting to note that at the very moment when Bogumilist culture was destroyed among the Slavs themselves, they bequeathed this very Bogumilism to the rest of Europe—the first and only gift from the Southern Slav raceas a wholeto the spiritual life of Europe. It was the true “antemurale Christianitatis”—the outworks of Christianity—purified from Byzantine and Roman elements.What they gavewas perhaps not so very much their own as thevigourwith which they transplanted the ideal and the doctrine of a spiritual life, from the mountains of Asia Minor to the West. Theirs was the work of emissaries and outposts.
To resume, during the time of Turkish power, the Southern Slavs had ceased to be the “outworks of Christianity” and had become merely asoldatescain the service of the foreigner, fighting indifferently for Cross or Crescent. It was a terrible time of national abasement, more especially because it followed so closely upon the great era of spiritual exaltation. The gradual loss of Southern Slav independence likewise dates from this period, and from that time until quite recently they were unable,as a race, to produce a truly Southern Slav culture. Only those among them who travelled westward,where Bogumilism continued to thrive and flourish, found the way of true culture. Among these exceptions were Marko Marulić (Marcus Marulus), a Spalatine noble, whose works were translated from the Latin into all the principal European tongues, and Flavius Illyricus, whom, after Luther, Germany considers one of her greatest teachers. In their souls these men were merely Bogumili and nothing more. With them we may also class John of Ragusa, who led the whole Council of Bâle against the Pope and proposed to negotiate calmly and justly with the Hussites and Manichees. Just such a man was Bishop Strossmayer in our own day, a man of whom I shall presently speak further.
Their liberation from the Crescent put an end to the period of religious militancy among the Southern Slav people. The warlike element is perhaps of great historic moment. It certainly fended the Southern Slavs over the abysses of Turkish barbarism to freedom in the Christian sense of the word, but by no means to national freedom. When the Turkish invasion was rolled back and the everlasting wars were over, the symbol of the sword was exchanged for that of the plough, and God as God was no longer adorned with weapons, but imaged in a nobler spirit as the highest conception ofpeace. And, as the people accustomed themselves to peace, and once more came in touch with the soil, a new spirit grew up within them, or rather itwas the re-awakening of an old spirit that for a while had been silenced by the clamour of weapons—the spirit of love for the homestead and the community. Nationalism still slumbered but, like a guardian angel, thenational tonguewatched over its slumbers. Through storm and stress, in spite of travels and intercourse with foreign-speaking mercenaries, this language has remained pure and unalloyed. This was the seed of the future from which sprang the great awakening; for so long as a people preserves its language it possesses a Nationality.
Liberty of conscience, and the transformation of the warrior into a husbandman, were also the beginning of a change in the souls of the people, which, while groping its way back towards its own essential beauty, began to feel the hidden wounds within, and strove to rid itself of the canker. The old beautiful mode of life, the patriarchal family feeling and the bond of union in the community were restored, and the gentle, plaintive melodies echoed once more in farm and field. And this regeneration grew and expanded until it brought the revelation of national union, patriotism, and finally the love for all that belongs to the Slav race.
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The Napoleonic era found this people already fully developed. They had found their soul and knew what they wanted. Napoleon, whotreated most of the people he conquered without much consideration, was filled with unusual admiration for the Southern Slavs that came under his rule. By the peace of Schönbrunn (October 14th, 1809) he acquired Triest, Görz, Carniola, part of Carinthia, Austrian Istria, the Croat seaboard with Fiume, and all Croatia south of the Save. Napoleon united all these countries with French Istria, Dalmatia and Ragusa into one “Province of Illyria,” and thus for one short moment fulfilled the dearest wish of all the Southern Slavs. Illyria was organized as one military province divided into six civil provinces; Maréchal Marmont was appointed Governor and in the name of Napoleon carried out sweeping reforms throughout the country. Trade and industry were signally improved and the people were granted far-reaching national liberties. The use of German as the official language was abolished in the schools and law courts and Serbo-Croatian introduced in its place. Special attention was devoted to road-making and education, and the Croats were permitted to edit their own newspapers in the Croat tongue, which would have been considered high treason under Austria. Although the French rule was only of short duration (till 1817)it did more for the Southern Slav lands in three years than Austria did during the century that followed. But the main thing was that this rule aroused the national thought so effectivelythat henceforth it ceased to be a dream and became a factor to be reckoned with. From that time dates the unremitting struggle against Germanism and Magyarism, and the agitation for a national union of all the Southern Slavs.
The first-fruits of the complete national regeneration were seen in the great movement started in 1835 and known by the name of Illyrism. Illyrism began with a small group of patriots and poets whose leaders were Ljndevit Gaj and Count Janko Drašković. They founded newspapers and periodicals, published patriotic books and poems, and roused the national enthusiasm of the people to the highest pitch. In this mission they successfully sought help and advice from other Slavs, especially the Csechs and Serbs; they were also the first to come into touch with Russia. Austria-Hungary tried sharply to repress this movement, and for the first time found herself confronted by a united nation bent on going its own way. The Illyrist movement cannot point to any positive political results, but it laid a foundation for future political and national activity and did an incalculable amount of pioneer work which would have been most difficult to carry out under the conditions that followed. In 1843 the name of Illyrism was prohibited by an Imperial edict, and it was hoped by the Austrian authorities that this would be the end of the patriotic movement. But their labour was lost. In fact, under the spur of persecution the patriotspassed from their idealistic literary campaign to more tangible activities. By the prohibition of the Illyrian name the motto of the poetic propaganda was lost, and it became the duty of the patriots to lead their politics into less sentimental paths, and enter upon a campaign of cold reasoning in place of poetic sentiment. This was all the more necessary as the national cause was greatly endangered by several new regulations. Following closely upon the prohibition of the Illyrian name came an order for the introduction of the Magyar tongue in the Croatian law courts. When the Croatian counties protested in Vienna that Croatia was privileged to choose her own official language, and that no one had the right to interfere with this privilege, they met with a brusque rebuff. Up to now the Government had hardly dared to attempt the Magyarization of Croatia, but now they decided to enforce it in spite of the newly-awakened national consciousness. The Croats now realized that it was a case of war to the knife. The Hungarian Government proclaimed that all countries and nationalities subjected to the crown of St. Stephen must be made one people, one state, and be taught to speakonelanguage—in short, they were to become Magyars. They were determined to break the national resistance of the Serbs and Croats by force, or preferably, by corruption. In this enterprise Hungary found an able assistant in Ban Haller.A “Magyar party” was organized in Croatia with a view to reconciling the people to Magyar demands, but, unfortunately, it consisted chiefly of adventurers and social riff-raff; the work of Magyarization made no progress, but only further incensed the Southern Slavs. One of the consequences of this hatred was that in 1848 the Croats and Serbs enthusiastically followed Ban Jellacić in the campaign against Hungary.
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After the conclusion of peace between Hungary and the Crown the Croats were rewarded in a truly Austrian fashion for their assistance in putting down the rebellion: once more they were handed over to the tender mercies of Hungary. This ingratitude roused a perfect tempest of indignation, but at the same time the Southern Slavs finally learnt their lesson. Henceforth they would look for help to no one but themselves, and they resolved that the coming struggle must be fought to a finish. The Southern Slav leaders knew very well that nothing could be done by revolutionary propaganda, but that their first task must be to establish a footing from which they could conduct a constitutional campaign. They formed a strong Nationalist party in Croatia, which co-operated with the Dalmatine and Slovene parties, laid down their programme on a broad national basis, and organized a campaign of passive resistance among the people.Of course the success of these labours was largely due to the fact that Hungary was weakened by the revolution and inclined to be somewhat less aggressive. Croatia, on the other hand, was fresh, strong, and self-reliant. Of course the results were not apparent at once, but the agreement of 1867 was a consequence of Croatia’s united stand. This agreement by no means satisfied all the aspirations of the Southern Slavs, but it gave them the required footing against Magyar oligarchy. Upon the conclusion of the agreement, Croatia received her first constitutional Ban, who was henceforth to be responsible to theCroatian Parliament. Unfortunately the King made this appointment upon the recommendation of Hungary, who saw to it that the first Ban, Baron Levin Rauch, should be a mere exponent of the Hungarian Government. Contempt of the constitution, and corruption, were the first-fruits of the agreement under Hungarian influence in Croatia, with the result that all Croatian patriots—including those who had helped to conclude the agreement—passed over to the Opposition. This Opposition worked on rigidly constitutional lines, and, as more radical parties arose, they formed the constitutionally correct, though barren, Croatian Constitutional party. Space forbids me to enumerate all the means by which the first “constitutional Ban” strove to carry out his orders from Budapest. By suddenly imposing a new election lawhe secured a large and obsequious majority in Parliament, which effectively barred the co-operation of the Opposition in national affairs. But the Opposition attacked the GovernmentoutsideParliament, through the press. When this systematic corruption and disregard of the agreement had gone too far, M. Mrazović, the leader of the Opposition, published a sensational indictment against Baron Rauch, accusing him of underhand dealings. Baron Rauch took proceedings against Mrazović for libel in the military courts, but Mrazović substantiated his accusations and was acquitted. Baron Rauch resigned, and the Nationalist Party scored its first victory. He was succeeded by Ban Bedeković, another Hungarian nominee, who was, however, unable to prevent a triumphant Nationalist victory in the election of 1871. The Hungarians asserted that this victory had been subsidized by funds from Russia and Serbia, and this accusation contains the substance of all subsequent charges of high treason. The Opposition replied with a manifesto, in which they clearly set forth the gravity of the numerous infringements of the constitution. Because of this manifesto, the Government wished to take proceedings against the leaders of the Opposition for high treason, but they refrained through fear of offending European public opinion. At this time the Constitutionalist Kvaternik, a good patriot but wholly unpractical, started an armed rebellion among the peasantryin the Rakovica district. It was put down by a strong military force, and Kvaternik lost his life. The October manifesto, in conjunction with the rebellion in Rakovica, afforded Andrassy (then Minister of Foreign Affairs) a pretext for opposing every form of Slavophile policy and ascribing both the manifesto and the rebellion to Russian influence.
The policy then inaugurated remains in force to this day. Brutal Imperialism is rampant in Croatia, and the Agreement has become a mere “scrap of paper.” But oppression begets opposition, and during these critical times the Southern Slavs found not only their greatest tyrant but their greatest patriot. From 1883 to 1903 Count Carl Khuen-Hedervary was Ban of Croatia, and the twenty years of his administration have been the blackest period as regards political, economic and personal thraldom. Countless Magyar schools were scattered throughout the country to promote the denationalization of the people; espionage and Secret Police flourished as in Darkest Russia. The archives of the State, with the Constitutional Charters of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, were incorporated with the State archives in Budapest, and,last but not least, the Agreement itself was falsified by the pasting of a slip of paper over the specification of Fiume as a“Corpus separatum adnexæ rex”converting it into a “corpus separatum adnexæHungariam,” whereby this important Croatianseaport became exclusively Hungarian property. But this same period also witnessed the labours of the greatest of all Southern Slavs, the benefactor and father of his people, Bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer.
Bishop Strossmayer (1815-1905) was the most generous benefactor of his people, their greatest patron of science and art, and the very incarnation of their political programme. He was the first to break down the local artificial barriers between Serb and Croat—the first to preach the gospel of united Yougoslavia. Labouring in a period when all national effort was suppressed in every possible way, when Slav sympathies were accounted high treason, he rose to a position of unassailable eminence, which enabled him to set the mark of his powerful personality like a leitmotive on the whole nineteenth-century history of the Southern Slavs. Born of peasant stock and, like all gifted Slav boys, destined for the church, Strossmayer began his patriotic activity, while he was still a student and youthful priest, by joining the Illyrist movement. His exceptional abilities were soon noticed in connection with the national movement, and Vienna and Budapest awoke to the dangerous possibilities of his personality. Determined to put an endto his patriotic labours they appointed him court chaplain, and trusted that the society of the court with all its splendour and gaiety would dazzle the handsome young priest, and wile him away from the service of his country. But Strossmayer made a most unexpected and highly diplomatic use of his position. He brilliantly succeeded in deceiving his surroundings as to his sympathies, and when barely over thirty he secured his appointment to the Episcopal See of Djakovo. Hereby he also became Vladika of Bosnia and Syrmia, and shortly afterwards was created governor of the Virovitica district.
At this point Strossmayer’s life-work for his people began in earnest. Holding a most distinguished position, and with the vast revenues of his bishopric at his disposal, he opened the flood-gates of his activities, and Vienna and Budapest saw with horror and amazement the mistake they had made. Strossmayer assumed the leadership of the Nationalist party; and in Parliament, where he took his seat in the double capacity of bishop and elected deputy, he showed himself a brilliant orator, a subtle politician, and an astute diplomat. He was the incarnation of a keen, but determined and wise Opposition. He also became an intellectual leader of his people and accomplished more than anyone else before him. He founded the Southern Slav Academy of Science and Art, which in the very terms of its foundation embodies the intellectualunity of the Southern Slavs. He also founded the Croatian University; and, being a great art connoisseur, he spent years in accumulating an exceedingly fine private collection, which he presented to the nation. He built the Cathedral at Djakovo, and at his own expense sent hundreds of young Serbs and Croats to foreign art schools and universities. Every intellectual enterprise, whether literary, artistic or scientific, found in him a munificent patron. His entire income was devoted to the welfare of the nation, and the sums that Strossmayer spent in adding to the greatness and fame of his country amounted to many millions during the long years of his office. But his dearest wish was the realization of the Yougoslav ideal, the breaking down of all local barriers between Serbs and Croats, and the creation of a united people. With this end in view, and in spite of his position in the Roman Catholic Church, Strossmayer went so far as to advocate that the Serbian Græco-Orthodox, and the Croatian Catholic, Churches should unite and become one National Church. He knew that the future of his people could never be realized within the confines of the Monarchy, but that it must be identified with that of all the other Southern Slav nations, and founded upon a purely Slav basis. Strossmayer did not confine his efforts to winning converts among his own people for this idea. He knew too well, that at the decisive moment the nation wouldrequire strong support from without, and, at the risk of being accused of high treason, he entered into friendly relations with Russia, which should bring the big and powerful brother of the North nearer to his down-trodden little brother in the South. He succeeded in finding influential friends in Russia as in other countries, and his nation is still proud of his friendship with the Tsar Alexander III., Leo XIII., Gladstone, Crispi and Gambetta. Before Strossmayer entered the lists no one in Europe had taken the slightest interest in the Southern Slav problem. The slippery diplomacy of Vienna—which is only equalled in duplicity by that of Turkey—had for centuries successfully diverted the attention of Europe from the Southern Slav peoples in the Monarchy, and the general assumption about them was that they were a horde of uncivilized semi-barbarians, fed by Austria at great sacrifice and treated by her with the utmost forbearance. The spectacles through which Europe viewed these nations were made in Vienna and Budapest, and no one took the trouble to bring an independent, unbiassed mind to bear upon the problem. Many Southern Slav patriots made desperate though vain efforts to bring even a grain of truth before the European public; a Jesuit Vienna and a Judaized Budapest were too strong for them. The world thought more of the colourless anational Austrian culture, and the borrowed pseudo-culture of the Magyars than of theculture of the Slavs, which for a thousand years has been the spontaneous expression of their national individuality, with a literature worthy of the lyre of Homer. Not only Austro-Hungarian politics, but the age itself was unpropitious to the Southern Slavs. They possessed no importance for the European balance of power; and it is one of the bitterest ironies of history, that for a very long time the Southern Slavs fought less for their own advantage than for the interests of Europe. For, even as the Southern Slavs were for centuries the bulwark against the tide of Ottoman invasionfromthe East, they subsequently became an equally strong bulwark against the rising tide of Germanismtowardsthe East. With every fibre of their being they kept the gate of the East fast closed against either foe—not only for themselves, but in the interests of European civilization.
Strossmayer was the first who succeeded in re-awakening the interest of Europe in this struggle, and, even if his efforts were not crowned with immediate practical success, he at least contrived to cast a doubt on the complacent assurances of Vienna and Budapest. Strossmayer was a man with a tremendous personality, and his word was invariably accepted. He was also past-master in the art ofnot saying too much—thus avoiding the appearance of exaggeration. Even in his world-famous speech in the Council of the Vatican (1871, under Pius IX.), when he spokein Latin for sixteen consecutive hours against the doctrine of Papal infallibility, he left some things unsaid, for he was interrupted in “the midst of his speech” by the Archbishop of Paris, who embraced and kissed him, and assured him that what he had already said was amply convincing.