BOOK IV
CHAPTER I
The downfall of the Ottoman Empire began at Lepanto and its ruin followed. It is, however, certain that the immediate benefits of this triumph did not correspond either to the splendour of its glory or to the heroism of those who gained it.
The Generals of the League were in a great hurry to separate; old Veniero was anxious to find himself in Venice to have the wound he had gained in the battle cared for; Colonna wished to be back in Rome to enjoy the merited honours of the triumph, and D. John of Austria, shut up in Messina by the definite orders of his brother Philip II, who had instructed him to retire there and not to move, or do anything without fresh orders from him, was consumed with impatience at seeing the opportunity of plucking the fruits of the battle of Lepanto slip away, and, as a natural consequence, the fulfilment of the promise made by the Pope at the investiture, of granting him the first kingdom gained from the Turks.
A mysterious event, then very secret, but afterwards known by everyone, came to spur on in D. John his desire to continue the campaign according to the treaty of the League, and according to the continual demands of Pius V, the only one who raised his voice, without worldly interests, in absolute and saintly independence. D. John had entered Messina on All Saints' day at the head of the Venetian fleet, towing the innumerable captive galleys, with their standards lowered, their flags dragging through the water, their cannon and arms crossed, forming trophies of war. Nothing seemed enough in Messina with which to feast and welcome the hero of Lepanto; the city, Archbishop and clergy received him under a pall, and there onthe mole they gave him the munificent present of 30,000 golden crowns, which D. John divided between the hospitals and the wounded soldiers of the fleet. In his honour they gave the name of Austria to the magnificent doorway which they had constructed on the mole to receive him, and also to the street which ran from it. In the most prominent site of Messina, in front of the palace and in the centre of the square of Our Lady del Piller they erected, at that time, a colossal statue, the work of the renowned sculptor and architect Andres Calamech. This was (and is, for it still stands in the same place) of gilded bronze; the right hand holds the triple baton of the Generalissimo of the League, and it is placed on a very high column also of bronze, on the pedestal of which are sculptured Latin verses and allegories alluding to the short but glorious life of D. John of Austria.
While the feastings and rejoicings which lasted many days were still going on, there glided one night, among the many boats in the harbour, a Greek galley, of the kind which at that time brought the merchandise of the East to Italy. It was there several days, without attracting anyone's attention, moored to the mole, unloading its cargo under the direction of the Captain, a portly Albanian, who was acquainted with the principal merchants of Messina. But one night, after the curfew had sounded, three men secretly disembarked from the Greek galley, and, guided by the Captain himself, went through the deserted streets, shrouded in ample cloaks, with hoods that hid their faces, two of whom seemed to regulate their firm steps by those of the third man, who went slowly and with fatigue. They gained the square del Piller, where was the statue of D. John; the great mole of the old castle stretched in front, constructed in the time of Arcadio and renovated lately by D. Garcia de Toledo, and towards it the hooded men went, stopping at a little door, which opened in the side looking towards the old arsenal. They were, no doubt, expected, as at the sound of their steps the door opened, and D. John of Austria's secretary appeared in person, lantern in hand. Soto guided them, without a word, through dark and winding passages to a distant room, luxuriously furnished, in which he left them by themselves: the three mysterious visitors then took off their cloaks, and appeared in rich Albanian dresses, embroidered with gold and silver, with jewels of precious stones. Two of them were strong men in the prime of life, the third one was very old and bent, with a long white beard: the captain had remained respectfully behind at the entrance. D. John of Austria appeared at once, followed by Juan de Soto, and the three Albanians threw themselves at his feet, with marks of the greatest respect: the old man was unable to do this as quickly as he wished, and D. John was in time to prevent him.
Photo BrogiSTATUE OF D. JOHN OF AUSTRIABy Calamech at Messina
Photo BrogiSTATUE OF D. JOHN OF AUSTRIABy Calamech at Messina
Photo BrogiSTATUE OF D. JOHN OF AUSTRIABy Calamech at Messina
The captain acted as interpreter when they presented their credentials and said who they were and where they came from. They were ambassadors from Albania and Morea and were come to offer D. John of Austria the crown of those kingdoms oppressed by the Turk, and to offer him their allegiance at once in the name of the Albanian Christians. The old man lifted up his voice and talked very quietly and with courtly ease, laying great stress on the points which might decide D. John to accept the offer, and insisting over and over again that it was necessary to take advantage of the panic and despair that the terrible defeat of Lepanto had produced in Constantinople and throughout the Ottoman Empire.
D. John was not in the least disturbed by the unexpected proposal which had come so suddenly to realise the brilliant dreams of his school-days. To conquer a kingdom for Christ! Was not the dream of his youthful imagination intensified by the reading of romances at Alcalá, being realized? and the kingdom calling to him, opening its doors, and holding out its arms and offering sceptre and crown in exchange for the Christian faith in Albania and Morea being safeguarded by the conquering sword of Lepanto.
The temptation was great to a youth of twenty-four, greedy of glory and enthusiastic for his faith, spoiled by fortune and protected by the great power that the Court of Rome then was; but the knightly ambition of D. John,great and active as it was from his lineage and noble qualities, was always subordinate to the obedience and loyalty that he owed to Philip II as King and brother: so, without hesitating for a moment, he answered the ambassadors, thanking them and making much of the honour they were doing him, but frankly confessingthat he could settle nothing which was not the will of the King his Lord and brother, who was the master of his person and all his actions. That he would communicate with himto gain his consent, and that time would show what best to do, and Our Lord would dispose as was best, as he(D. John)placed the business in His hands.
The ambassadors retired in good heart, much pleased with D. John, who at once sent a courier to Philip II telling him of the circumstance. He did not have to wait long for the answer: D. Philip neither accepted or refused the offer, whichcame at a bad time, he said, as his acceptance might displease the Venetians: however, he advised D. John tokeep up the hopes of the ambassadors, as the opportunity might come for him to gain his desires: and he reiterated his orders "That D. John was not to stir from Messina."
Vander Hammen comments on this answer from the King and says, "D. Philip meant to fan his brother's hopes, so that, by them, he should obtain greater things from his service; but never to let him be King." And a celebrated modern historian, sometimes unjust to Philip, adds, "What was it that made Philip II act in this way, when previously he had shown his desire that D. John should hasten as quickly as possible on the enterprise, to gain all the fruits to be expected from a first victory? Was it only the difficulties that France was making about the war in Flanders? Or was it fear that his brother should set too much sail, and obtain one of the sovereignties, with which his friends and even the Pontiff himself seemed to kindle his youthful ambition?" To us it seems certain that Philip II did not wish D. John to rise above the sphere in which Philip had placed him. Philip had told his ministers in Italy to honour and serve the Lord D. John, but neither by word nor in writing to call him "Highness," that "Excellency" wasthe most they should call him, and Philip ordered them not to say that they had received this order from him. The ambassadors of Germany, France and England received the same instructions. And if he showed himself so jealous of the title of "Highness" being given to his brother, it is evident that he would do his utmost to prevent him being decorated with that of "Majesty."
But in our opinion it is not necessary to descend to such a base passion as envy to explain Philip II's conduct on this occasion. It was enough, and more than enough, that his brother's good or bad plans, lawful or unlawful ambitions, should hinder the progress of his complicated policy, for Philip II to bring the plans to naught and smother the ambitions without pity. If he had any jealousy of D. John at that time, it was without doubt owing to what the sly traitor Antonio Pérez was beginning cleverly to insinuate. He did not yet dare to attack the noble Prince openly, and confined his shots to the secretary Juan de Soto, accusing him of inflating D. John's vanity by his flattery and advising Philip to remove him from his brother's side.
On the 1st of May, 1572, Pius V died, and was succeeded in the Pontificate by Gregory XIII,[14]who no sooner sat in the Chair of St. Peter, than he began to stir up the League, and stimulate D. John, with what he called "Briefs of Fire," that he should take the fleet to sea and pursue his victories. Such were the confidence and estimation in which his person was held, that he publicly extolled him in the Consistory, calling him a Scipio for valour, a Pompey for charm, an Augustus for fortune; a new Moses, a new Gideon, a new Samson, a new Saul, and a new David without homicide or envy or the failings noted in the others. What was written privately to D. John was said and repeated three times publicly:that before he died, it was hoped, in God, to give him a king's crown.
And these three opposite influences embittered and shortened the remainder of the life of D. John of Austria; the determination of the Pontiff to give him a crown excited his always loyal, frank and noble ambition; D. Philip's systematic policy of opposing and defeating these plans, and the unbridled envy of Antonio Pérez, poisoning with his calumnies and falsehoods the suspicious nature of the Monarch and succeeding at last in making him detest his brother.
CHAPTER II
By one of its articles the Holy League insists that every year in the month of March, or in April at the latest, the squadrons of the three Powers should set out to sea, with an army at least equal to the one of 1571. But when Pius V died on the 1st of May, 1572, the Powers had not been able to agree about this second campaign, in spite of the superhuman efforts of the saintly old man. At last, in July, his successor, Gregory XIII, managed to get the matter settled, and in July, on the 6th, D. John of Austria left the port of Messina with Marco Antonio Colonna, to join the Venetian fleet which was cruising in the Levant at Corfu. Jacobo Foscarini commanded instead of old Sebastian Veniero, against whom D. John had made grave complaints before the Venetian Senate. The Duque de Sesa was D. John's lieutenant in the place of the Knight Commander D. Luis de Requesens who had been appointed Governor of Milan by Philip II. These were the only changes in the fleet.
"This expedition," says an historian, "was undertaken with inexcusable delay, continued with slowness, and failed through quarrels. Nobody could have believed in October, 1571, that the victors of Lepanto could have returned thus in 1572." They did return, without having engaged in any definite battle with the Turk, and without other loot than the magnificent galley belonging to Barbarossa's grandson, taken by the Marqués de Santa Cruz and brought back to Naples, to be rechristened "La Presa." Then the expedition was considered ended, and the Venetians went to winter in Corfu, the Pontifical fleet at Rome, and D. John of Austria with his squadron to Messina and from there toNaples, where by ill-fortune Philip II had ordered him to spend the winter.
It was an unfortunate circumstance, for what Doña Magdalena de Ulloa with her maternal foresight had foretold, when she sent D. John to the Granada war, came to pass: "Indolent wealth will be always prejudicial to his youth, and it is only by the labours and responsibilities of war that he will be able to balance the youthful ardour of his nature." D. John found himself unoccupied, because, while the fleet wintered, the duties of his command did not satisfy his longing for activity; he was wounded in his pride, that his advice about the organisation and commencement of this campaign had not been listened to, the scanty results of which were now deplored by all, when it was too late, proving the Generalissimo to have been right. Something, therefore, was necessary to distract him and fill up his time, and this he found in that delightful country, under that matchless sky, in that corrupt Naples of the sixteenth century, as dangerous then in its treacherous delights as it is to-day.
Naples was at that time one of the most beautiful cities in Italy or in Europe; the famous Viceroy D. Pedro de Toledo had enlarged and beautified it, throwing down the old walls, and constructing magnificent palaces, monasteries and churches in the two miles which this improvement added to the town. He also caused streets and squares to be paved, and filled with trees and fountains, and made the celebrated road more than half a league long, full of sumptuous palaces, which he named the street of the Holy Spirit, and which to-day is called the street of Toledo in his honour. Naples had then more than 300,000 inhabitants, and was the centre to which all the aristocracy of the Kingdom flocked.
In D. John's day, 40 Princes lived there, 25 Dukes, 36 Marquises, 54 Counts, 488 Barons, and numberless gentlemen, not so rich in money as in titles, and sometimes absolutely poor, but not the less proud of their nobility on account of this, and as disdainful as the rest, with no other occupations than riding, games with arms, and to "ruar,"that is to saunter about the streets, paying compliments to the ladies, and lazily gossiping in the thousand comfortable seats which it was the custom of the city to provide in the squares and streets.
So, what we call good society was very numerous at Naples, and in it could be noted, in certain elevated circles, as to-day, that fatal anxiety for enjoyment and amusement of every possible kind, as if life had no other aim or object. That lazy nobility, strange medley of the virtues and vices of the time, strongly tinged with paganism, a relic of the Renaissance, flighty and chivalrous, cultured and wild, devout and corrupt, welcomed the hero of Lepanto as a demi-god, whose human charms, which were many and great, were enhanced by the divine rays of Genius and Glory. The men, overcome with admiration, slavishly imitated him, the women, in love with his winning presence, vied with each other for his glances, and solicited his favours as supernatural honours, and the people idle too, and captivated with so much grace and splendour, exaggerated his deeds and triumphs, followed him, and enthusiastically applauded his skill and undoubted bravery in the cane jousts, and games of "pelota," in masquerades, tournaments and bull-fights.
In the diary of D. John's confessor, Fr. Miguel Servia, who had followed him to Naples, we notice a circumstance which will make those smile sadly who know the frailty of the human heart. The more D. John was engulfed in the pleasures of Naples, the more the regularity and the frequency with which the good Franciscan notes this simple phrase in his diary diminishes, "To-day his Highness confessed."
Submerged in these pleasures and the continual amusements of Naples, there happened to D. John what always happens to the unwary, passionate youth, that he went further than he intended.
There was outside assistance for this first false step of D. John's in Naples, which astonishes to-day more than it did then. This is what happened. In the stable-yard of the Viceroy's palace, who was then the Cardinal de Granvelle,there was a bull-fight every Sunday. The noble families were invited in turns, as the place was too small for them all to be bidden at one time; and the last Sunday in October, a radiant day of a Neapolitan autumn, it fell to the lot of a certain gentleman of Sorrento named Antonio Falangola, who lived in Naples with his wife Lucrecia Brancia and his daughter Diana, said to be the handsomest woman in Naples: "La piu bella donna di Napoli," says the Knight Viani. Antonio Falangola was poor for his position, swaggering and not at all scrupulous: Lucrecia sly and hypocritical, and both intending to profit by the beauty of their daughter, who for her part was a great flirt.
They showed themselves everywhere therefore, displaying much luxury and ostentation, leaving hidden at home the misery and want due to their poverty. They arrived that Sunday at the bull-fight in a coach, the ladies finely dressed, and accompanied by duennas and pages, and settled themselves in the seats covered with damask and tapestry, opposite the place reserved for D. John of Austria.
He was not there at the moment, as he was going to spear the bull in the Spanish fashion, and waited in the little yard until it was his turn to go into the arena. D. John speared his bull successfully, leaving the neck covered with "banderillas" of all colours, which streamed on each side of the bull's head; two gentlemen on horseback gave him the spear, and they in their turn took them from servants wearing the Granvelle livery. Then they gave him a big dart of ash with its wide iron sharp and clean; at the first thrust he killed the wild animal, with a lunge in the nape of the neck which made it fall to the ground, pierced with the weapon, but the horse had no blinkers, so that the bull frightened it, and it gave a false start, allowing the bull to wound it in one of its shoulders, thus spoiling the brilliance of the feat.
D. John returned to his place on the seats, surrounded by a crowd of gentlemen who with much adulation applauded his skill and intrepidity, and Cardinal Granvelle also came to congratulate him: showing him Diana Falangola fromafar on the seats opposite, as something wonderful, and D. John, who did not know her, was amazed.
It was then the custom for ladies to throw from the seats, at the bull, what were called "garrochas," which were small darts with sharp points, very like modern "banderillas." These "garrochas" were smartly adorned with flowers, ribbons and feathers; the ladies threw them at the bull with extraordinary skill, and it was very much admired gallantry for the youth of that day to draw them out of the beast with brave daring and return them to the ladies, without a stain or perceptible harm done to the flowers and ribbons or feathers.
D. John took one of these little "garrochas," very smart with its white and yellow ribbons, which were the colours of Diana Falangola, and sent it to her by a little page with a polite message, begging her to throw it, for love of him, at the first bull which appeared. Diana received the "garrocha" with transports of gratitude, and it was worth seeing the obeisance of the father, the bows of the mother, and the attitude of the daughter, who seemed not to wish to throw the "garrocha" for fear of losing or destroying it, but to prefer to keep it like a beautiful toy as a remembrance of the Prince.
D. John sent a second message saying she must throw it: and that he gave her his word to return it to her unhurt. On this, the bull, a very fierce one, black as night, called Caifas, entered the ring; and as luck would have it, after some turns came, snorting, to a standstill in front of the seat of Diana Falangola, fierce and holding his head high, casting wild eyes round the arena, as if seeking enemies to fight. D. John made repeated signs to Diana from his place, until the maiden stood up, threw and stuck with sure aim and great strength the "garrocha" in the back of the bull. The ring broke into applause which stopped at once: all saw D. John jump bravely alone into the arena, a naked sword in one hand, a scarlet cloak in the other. All held their breath and the silence was absolute; the bull was penned at one end bellowing and scraping the ground as if anxious to attack; D. John went straight up to him and at twentysteps called him, stamping on the ground. The bull dashed forward with violence, and D. John, throwing the cloak to the ground to the left, tore the "garrocha" out on the right, at the same time giving such a strong cut on the muzzle, that the animal withdrew from the man, and went and savagely laid hold of the red cloth with roars of pain and in clouds of dust. Meanwhile D. John quietly and slowly walked to Diana Falangola's seat, and cap in hand, on one knee, smilingly presented the "garrocha" to her, without a speck of blood to spoil it, or a stain to mar its feathers and ribbons.
Antonio Falangola, touched and beside himself with joy, craved permission to wait with his wife and daughter on D. John the next day to show his gratitude. The day after D. John returned the visit, making rich gifts to Lucrecia and Diana, and soon afterwards Antonio Falangola set out for Puzzoli, of which he had been appointed Governor by Granvelle, leaving his wife and daughter at Naples: "To appear to know nothing about his shame," writes the spiteful author of the manuscript, "Fatti occorsi nella città di Napoli," in the national archives of that famous city.
CHAPTER III
This lapse of D. John did not last long; for in the middle of December Fr. Miguel Servia writes thus in his diary:
"At this time Christmas approached, and His Highness retired the Monday before to a monastery outside Naples, of Norbertinian monks, called Pie de Grutta, and the day before the Vigil he sent a gentleman to the Duque (de Sesa) to order him to give notice that he was going to confession. The next day, which was the Vigil, we went, Fr. Fee and I. He received us very graciously, and ordered a room to be given us, as he would not confess until night; and when it was already the hour of matins he called us, and I confessed His Highness and the steward, and Father Fray Fee the valet and many other gentlemen; and His Highness communicated at the first sung Mass, and afterwards all the gentlemen who had confessed. We, on Christmas Day, after having dined, returned to our convent."
D. John had thought, no doubt, to ensure better the fruits of his penitence, to go straight from the monastery of Pie de Grutta to the Abruzzi, without entering Naples, to visit at Aquila, and make the acquaintance of his sister Donna Margaret of Austria, the celebrated Governess of the Low Countries and mother of Alexander Farnese. But letters reached him in this retreat of piety from Philip II which were much to his taste, and which obliged him to return to Naples and to put off his visit. These letters made it clear that King Philip had decided to bring about a third campaign against the Turks, according to theinjunctions of the League, for March of next year, 1573, and with this end in view he ordered D. John not only to prepare the galleys, which were wintering in Naples, for this date, but also to make their numbers up to 300, and the fighting men to 60,000.
"And now that the affairs of the League are understood and talked about in Rome," wrote D. John to his sister, explaining why he was prevented from paying the visit he had announced, "I must attend to them here, to inform the ministers deputed to do this business about things which require questions and answers. H.M. has very really taken up the continuation of the League, and has, therefore, given orders, and especially to me, to attend to the reinforcement of his fleet. So with this idea all the suitable provisions are being made. I hope to God that all may conduce to damage the enemy, who, one hears, are arming themselves in a great hurry, intending to set out to meet us, but, perchance, they will happen on us before they imagine."
This was enough to awake in D. John the love which dominated all other affections, and from that moment he thought of nothing but of obeying his brother's orders, entirely forgetting Diana Falangola, until he took a short holiday in the middle of February, and left Naples with a small following, only thirty gentlemen, and set out for Aquila, the usual residence of Donna Margarita of Austria. This lady was the eldest child of the Emperor Charles V, born when he was twenty-two, four years before his marriage; her mother was Margarita Vander Gheynst, a beautiful Fleming, orphan of some wealthy carpet-weavers. Her father acknowledged her a long time after her birth, and confided her to his sister, the widowed Queen of Hungary, who was then Governess of the Low Countries. The youthful Margarita was educated by her aunt, whose manly virtues and hasty temper she always imitated, perhaps by natural impulse. They married her when she was twelve years old to Alexander de Medicis, Duke of Florence, who was assassinated during the first year of their marriage; she then wedded Octavio Farnese,Duke of Parma and Piacenza, by whom she was mother of the great Alexander, afterwards such a famous leader. Her capacity was great, her character strong and masculine, and her piety solid, strengthened by S. Ignacio de Loyola, who for some time in Rome confessed her with much greater frequency than was then usual.
When Philip II publicly acknowledged D. John as his brother Donna Margarita hastened to send an affectionate letter by Francesco de Berminicourt, Lord of Thieuloye, who was one of her "maîtres d'hôtel," declaring herself a loving sister. D. John had answered suitably, and from that time an uninterrupted correspondence had passed between brother and sister, more filial than fraternal on D. John's part, and more maternal on the part of Donna Margarita, as she was twenty-five years older. When D. John came to Italy for the first time in 1571 Donna Margarita sent one of her principal gentlemen, Pietro Aldobrandini, to Genoa to welcome him, offer him hospitality, and to say how great was her desire to see and embrace him. D. John was no less anxious to see this unknown sister, who had shown him so much affection, and on the first opportunity, the one we speak of, he set out for Aquila, where Donna Margarita lived, having given over the government of Flanders to the Duque de Alba.
Donna Margarita was then fifty, and was so vigorous in her person and in her way of moving about, that she appeared more like a man dressed up as a woman, with her black cloth petticoat for winter, and of serge for summer, and her simple coif with its band of pearls. "Nor was a little beard wanting," adds P. Strada; "and down on the upper lip, which not only gave her a manly appearance, but also one of much authority." Donna Margarita received her brother with affectionate warmth, and during the few days he was there diversions and rejoicings succeeded one another in Aquila, especially hunts, of which she was never tired. She challenged her brother to chase a stag on horseback; he accepted, and, as this sort of hunting is enough to kill anyone, D. John did not have to use muchself-denial in letting himself be beaten, and so please the lady.
They had long talks alone, in which she gave him prudent counsels and wise political instruction, drawn from her experience as Governess. In one of these talks she asked D. John whether he had any children. He answered, "No." But said she, "If you ever have any, give them to me." He got rather uncomfortable, and answered, "Possibly soon I may accept this offer." She said no more; but after D. John left many things happened, and on the 18th of June of this same year he wrote the following letter to his sister from Naples:
"Lady, Y. Highness will laugh when you read what is contained in this letter, and although I blush, I feel like doing so too. Does Y. Highness remember, among other private things, asking me if I had any children, and ordering me to give them to you if I had? I answered that I would not take the favour you offered; but I saidit soon might beaccepted. This soon, Lady, is almost now; as in a month's time I think that, bachelor as I am, I shall see myself an ashamed and blushing father, I say ashamed, for it is absurd for me to have children. Now Y. Highness must forgive, as you must be a mother to me and to him who is coming, which will be the first. And thus I truly beg you to do me the kindness of undertaking this new work and trouble, and that it should be with all possible secrecy and caution. But this and the rest which may seem right and proper to you I leave and desire to leave to Y. Highness, begging you not only to take charge of everything, but to advise me about this and all that you judge best: as it is certain to be, when the time comes to make over the baby to Y. Highness, which will be as soon as it can be taken to where you are without danger. Cardinal Granvelle, who, out of love for me and that all should be better and more secretly done, has taken charge of it until it can be made over to you, to whom the said Cardinal will write. Again I beg Y. Highness to agree to this, and that henceforward you will consider you are the mother of father and child. Thereal mother is one of the most highly born and well-known women here, and one of the most beautiful in all Italy. For all these reasons, especially that of her noble birth, it seems that you will better bear this upset. This is all, Lady. From Naples, July 18, 1573. Your very true servant and brother kisses Y. Highn's hands. Don John of Austria."
This "directly" at last happened. On the 11th of September Diana Falangola gave birth to a daughter, who was baptised by the name of Juana. Cardinal Granvelle at once took charge of it, and gave it to the care of a nurse, engaged beforehand. Two months later, the Cardinal complied with the orders of D. John and Donna Margarita, and sent the baby to Aquila, with its nurse and her husband, in charge of Francisco Castano, of the Cardinal's household. Castano accompanied them as far as the village of Rocca, near Sulmona, and there confided them to a trusty person great secrecy that no one should guess the child's origin.[15]
Historians wonder why D. John so flatly denied to his sister the existence of his other daughter. What obliged D. John to keep up this deception all his life was probably the promise of secrecy made to Doña Magdalena, and his fear of scandal for the unhappy Doña Maria de Mendoza.
CHAPTER IV
D. John returned from Aquila on the 3rd of March, according to the diary of Fr. Miguel Servia, so much pleased with his sister that the next day he wrote to Gian Andrea Doria:
"Yesterday, after dinner, I returned from Aquila, from having visited and made the acquaintance of one of the bravest and most prudent women known; and although I love her as a sister and a friend, it is not affection which makes me say this, but because it is so, and much more so than the world says."
D. John was not equally pleased with the news in Naples. It was whispered, without anyone knowing where the rumour sprang from, that the Venetians were retiring from the Holy League, and making a shameful peace with the Turk; and it was also said that this peace had been negotiated by the Huguenot bishop Noailles, Ambassador of the French King, Charles IX, at Constantinople. D. John did not give a thought to this gossip, and went on actively arming the fleet, and it was almost ready when he retired, for Holy Week, to a Carthusian convent. "Tuesday in Holy Week, the 17th of March," says Fr. Miguel Servia in his diary, "His Highness retired to the monastery of St. Martin, which is of Carthusians, and Wednesday he sent for me and the other fellow-confessor to go to the said monastery, and so we did. His Highness confessed the night of Easter Eve, and communicated on the morning of Easter Day. Father Fr. Fee confessed many gentlemen of his Highness's household. On Easter Day His Highness and all his household went up to dine at the castle of Sant' Elmo, where we took leave of His Highness and returnedto our convent. His Highness came down on the 3rd day of the festival after dinner."
And directly D. John came down from the castle he knew for certain that the rumours which had been going about Naples were as true as they were disgraceful. The Venetians had made peace with the Turk, without telling the Pope or Philip II, just at the moment when everything was preparing for a third campaign, and the expedition was already beginning to be settled. D. John was furious at such villainy. He went at once, followed by the gentlemen of his household and a crowd of people crying out against Venice, and ordered that the flag of the League, on which were the arms of Venice, should be torn down, and the Royal Standard of Castille hoisted in its place. The indignation of Gregory XIII was also great. He refused to receive the ambassador, Nicholas de Porta, whom the Venetians had sent to pacify him, and gave vent, in public Consistory, to hard words, saying that the Venetians were little religious, and had kept ill their word and faith and oath to the Apostolic See. Philip II, however, although he was no less annoyed, received Antonio Tiepolo, entrusted to give him the news, with impenetrable calm, contenting himself with saying that if the Republic acted thus in its own interest, he had acted for the good of Christendom and the same Republic, and that God and the world would judge.
The Holy League once dissolved, there remained a problem to be solved, a most important one for D. John, to which, however, he could give no answer. What was to happen to the powerful fleet, so fully equipped at the cost of so much labour and expense? Should it be disbanded without honour or benefit to anyone? Or should it alone, without the help of the Venetians, go to seek fresh advantages on the Turkish coast and fresh glory for the arms of Spain? It was the theme of all the talk of Naples, and great and small, wise and ignorant, gave their opinions, discussing warmly, conquering kingdoms and annihilating Turks, with the reckless daring of the vulgar of all times, who in one second settle the mostdifficult questions of war and government. But these wild ideas were all more or less harmless talk at that time, as happily then there were no newspapers to pervert opinion in their interests and to belittle legitimate authority.
The grave men of the Council were also divided, and three opinions principally prevailed. Some, with the Duque de Sesa, wished to take the fleet to sea to fight the Turk, wherever they might find him, as at Lepanto. The Marqués de Santa Cruz thought that the fleet should go at once against Algiers, because, once this kingdom conquered and free from the yoke of Selim, Tunis and Tripoli would yield, and the Mediterranean would be free of Turks. The third opinion, which was that of D. John, preferred first to attack Tunis, as most easy and feasible, leading to the results the Marqués de Santa Cruz proposed. D. John, on this, received a secret message from the Pope Gregory XIII, telling him to attack Tunis, and that he ratified the promise of St. Pius V to invest D. John with the crown of that kingdom. The Pontiff much desired to found a Christian empire in Africa, which could gradually extend its limits and thus realise the policy of the great Cardinal Ximénez de Cisneros, set out in the will of Isabel the Catholic. This was the most opportune occasion, and, if they had profited by it, perhaps the destinies of Africa would be different to-day. But no orders came from the Court, and not knowing what to do, D. John sent his secretary Juan de Soto to Madrid, which caused great comment in Naples. Fr. Miguel de Servia says, "This same day (May 22) the secretary Juan de Soto left in a galley for Spain, sent by His Highness. Nobody knows why. It has caused great astonishment." D. John notified the departure of Juan de Soto to his sister Donna Margarita in this way: "The reason of not having written to Y.H. for some days has been that all, and especially myself, have been in suspense, without anything settled, waiting (to hear) from the Court, where I have sent the secretary Juan de Soto, to give account, as one so well informed of things past and future, and to learn what we areto do in the time and circumstances in which we find ourselves."
Meanwhile Juan de Soto had been received in Madrid with concealed suspicion on the part of Philip II, and with feigned want of confidence by Antonio Pérez, who was slowly preparing the dark perfidy which was to end in the mysterious assassination of Escovedo and the misfortune of D. John of Austria. But to understand better the crafty plans of the deceitful secretary, it will be necessary to make things plainer, and to recall some past events to fix in the reader's mind the state of the case at the time when the gloomy drama began to unfold itself.
For more than twenty years two parties had divided the Court of Philip II, which disputed for his favour and intimacy. One was led by Ruy Gómez de Silva, Prince of Évoli, who was for diplomacy, settlements and peace; the head of the other party was the Duque de Alba, who, on his side, was for frank declarations, extreme resolutions and war, as a last resource. For reasons we have given before, D. John was attached to the first of these parties, and Ruy Gómez and his followers placed great hopes in the young Prince. At that time good Juan de Quiroga was D. John's secretary, appointed by Philip, in agreement with Luis Quijada, when he arranged his brother's first household. By reason of D. John's youth, this appointment had no importance then; but Juan de Quiroga saw D. John grow up and his great gifts develop. He became devoted to him, attracted by his good temper and frank, loyal manners; and on the first opportunity, which was the Moorish war, encouraged and decided D. John to ask for the command of the campaign, certain that the eaglet had sufficient feathers and strength, and only needed to beat the powerful wings of his genius and take his lofty flight. Juan de Quiroga did this out of his disinterested affection for D. John, and out of respect for Doña Magdalena de Ulloa, whose opinions about him we already well know. The Prince of Évoli, on his part, Antonio Pérez and all his gang, approved the conduct of the secretary Quiroga, aiding him with their efforts and enthusiastically applaudingthis first flight of D. John, which placed him on the level of the greatest captains of the Kingdom, and was already gaining envy for him.
Good Juan de Quiroga died at Granada before D. John set out on the campaign, and Ruy Gómez and Antonio Pérez hastened to place a new secretary at D. John's side, one of their creatures, who would guide him according to the interests of their party. This new secretary was Juan de Soto, a capable, active man, very skilful in business, and a great friend of Ruy Gómez; but his judgment was at the same time independent, and his generous heart scorned selfishness and injustice.
Soto served D. John in the Moorish campaign and in that of the Mediterranean against the Turks, and was present at and studied and, so to speak, saw the internal workings of the great glories and triumphs which in so short a time made D. John the terror of the Moor and Turk, the hero of Christendom, the man of Providence, the "John sent from God," that the Pontiff, at all costs, wished to see settled on a throne. Soto was as captivated by D. John's real merit as Quiroga had been. The offer of Albania and Morea seemed to him the most natural thing in the world, and the promise of Gregory XIII to give D. John the Kingdom of Tunis the just payment of a debt, and the most sure and certain way of planting the Empire of the Cross in Africa. But the fact was that the offer of these crowns did not have the same effect on Philip II, Ruy Gómez or Antonio Pérez. D. Philip was full of jealousy of D. John, not, as some have alleged, because he envied D. John—he was much too great to envy anyone—but because these plans frustrated his policy, and, above all, threatened to take away from him that strong and brilliant instrument with which he had accomplished such glorious enterprises, and counted on accomplishing more in the future. He wished to keep his brother all to himself, flying as high as he wished or could, but always subject to Philip's will, and without other ideas of his own or those of other people besides his brother's.
Ruy Gómez died on the 27th of July, 1573, when thedrama began to unfold, but Antonio Pérez remained heir to his favour and power, and master of the King's ear, and chief of the party erstwhile led by the Prince. His jealousy of D. John, for different reasons, was very unlike Philip's. The secretary counted on the King never allowing his brother to wear a crown. He had seen for a long time that D. John's brilliant victories and applauded triumphs were separating him more and more from the peaceful policy of his (Pérez's) party, and feared that, disappointed, D. John would join the party of the Duque de Alba, more in sympathy with his own warlike tastes, or create a following for himself, which, given his personal popularity and the great help he could count on in Rome, might well absorb and annihilate all other parties.
It was necessary, then, to provide against these contingencies; and the bad conscience of Antonio Pérez devised means of being forewarned against everything; to poison Philip's jealousy by painting D. John's ambitious ideas first, with a tinge of independence and then of treason, which would for ever discredit the hero of Lepanto in the mind of the King. It was necessary, however, to be very cautious in daring anything with Philip II. This care Antonio Pérez used, and it is, in our opinion, the most convincing proof of his false talent, cunning cleverness and wonderful audacity. He was very careful not to attack D. John of Austria, and confined himself to whispering to Philip that Juan de Soto, carried away by his great affection for D. John and his own interests, was inflating D. John's imagination with plans which went far beyond the ideas of Philip II. Antonio Pérez, consequently, thought that it was imperative to remove so dangerous an adviser from the side of D. John, and to put in his place a temperate, energetic man, who would know how to calm these ambitious ideas. In this may be seen the first drop of venom for poisoning Philip's mind against his brother. Antonio Pérez made him out to be a bold, ambitious boy, who could only be relied on while under the rule of an energetic and temperate tutor.
Such was the situation which Juan de Soto found atthe Court, when sent by D. John with a public mission to ask instructions from the King about the way the fleet was to be employed, and a secret one to tell him about the proposals of Gregory XIII, respecting Tunis, of which in Madrid they had had some secret advices from the Ambassador in Rome, D. Juan de Zúñiga. Philip II could therefore verify the plain truth of what his brother's secretary said, who tranquillised him with respect to the loyalty of the ambitions of both. But the warmth with which Juan de Soto advocated the project of Gregory XIII, and the promptitude with which he explained away the arguments Philip cunningly urged against it, confirmed the stories of Antonio Pérez about stirring up D. John's ambitions, and decided the King to act according to the advice of Pérez, and to separate Soto from D. John. But knowing D. John to be very fond of Soto, and not wishing to alarm or annoy him, nor having reason for not making use of Soto's services elsewhere, D. Philip at once appointed him a naval contractor, and sent him back to Naples, with the instructions for which D. John begged, waiting to relieve him of the duties of secretary, and to separate him from D. John, until the temperate, energetic man Antonio Pérez talked of was found.
The orders for the fleet were precise. They were to attack Tunis, take this kingdom from the Turks, and place on the throne Muley Hamet, son of the former Moorish King Muley Hacem, under the protection and dependence of Spain, and to see quietly if it would be well to dismantle the town completely, throwing down the fortifications, a policy to which the King inclined.
CHAPTER V
When in 1534 the Turkish pirate Barbarossa, by treason and treachery, overcame the kingdom of Tunis, and made himself King of those Barbary Moors, he dethroned the legitimate lord Muley Hacem, who wrote to the Emperor Charles V from Arabia, where he had taken refuge, asking for help against the Turk, and it was then that the Emperor undertook the glorious expedition against Tunis, which formed one of the most brilliant pages of his history. Muley Hacem was restored to his throne, Barbarossa and the Turks expelled ignominiously from Tunis, and the fort of Goletta, the key of the kingdom, remained in the power of Spain as a guarantee against Turks and Berbers, who, whether they were friends or adversaries, were equally barbarians and enemies of the name of Christian.
This Muley Hacem had two sons, Muley Hamida and Muley Hamet; the elder one, Hamida, was jealous because his father made a favourite of the younger son, leaving him the crown, so he took up arms, chased him from the throne and barbarously tore out his eyes. The second son, Muley Hamet, fled in terror to Palermo, and placed himself under the protection of the King of Spain, and Hamida, triumphant, refused to pay the tribute arranged between his father and Charles V, and craved the protection of Selim II, rendering him homage. This brought his punishment, because Aluch Ali, who was then Viceroy of Algiers, invaded the kingdom with his Turks in the name of Selim, and, on the pretext of protecting it, subjected it with an iron hand to his tyranny of petty king and the rapines of a renegade pirate. Such was the state of Tunis when D. John of Austria received his brother's commands to conquerit and place Muley Hamet, still a fugitive at Palermo, on the throne, under the same conditions that the Emperor Charles V enforced when he had reinstated the father, Muley Hacem.
Apart from other interests, this enterprise held for D. John the special enchantment of being like the one his father had so gloriously achieved thirty-nine years before. He knew all about it from having heard Luis Quijada refer to it thousands of times, as he was one of the great heroes of this campaign. D. John therefore desired to follow his father step by step, and left Naples on the 1st of August, 1573, with the greatest part of the fleet and the Italian and Spanish infantry, hoping to collect the rest of the ships, people, victuals and equipment of war in passing Messina, Palermo, Trapani and the island of Favignana. At Messina he joined the Marqués de Santa Cruz with the remainder of the infantry, and, while the galleys were being loaded, drilled the soldiers with continual exercises and manœuvres, subjecting them to the most severe discipline. On one of these occasions, the Royal Standard being hoisted and D. John a witness of the affair from an elevation, a gentleman of Florence dared to pull out his dagger and wound an Italian captain. D. John ordered him to be decapitated, without anyone being surprised at the order or thinking it unduly severe. This happened at Messina on the 19th of August.
They also stopped at Palermo and Trapani, where they had a magnificent welcome. "The Trapanians had made," says the confessor Servia in his diary, "a pier for His Highness, which entered 100 feet into the sea. It had three arches in front and 17 along it. On the centre arch towards the sea were the Royal Arms, on the right those of His Highness, on the left those of the town. The columns and arches were covered with blue, yellow, green and red taffeta. On each column was a little red and yellow taffeta flag. They presented to him a very nice grey horse covered with black velvet with harness of gold." And further on he adds, "On the 30th, after dinner, His Highness went to visit the Annunziata of Trapani. It is a Carmeliteconvent, outside the city, of great sanctity, and in the evening he confessed in the sacristy, where in other days his father the Emperor Charles V had done so."
At last all the fleet joined at Marsala, eighteen miles from Trapani, in a beautiful harbour which had been long stopped up, and which since that time has been named ofAustria, as it was D. John who had it opened and put in order. There were 140 ships of great tonnage, 12 large boats, 25 frigates, 22 feluccas, among which were divided 20,000 infantry, Spaniards, Italians and Germans, without counting numerous volunteers and 750 pioneers, 400 light horse, good artillery, abundant ammunition, sufficient machines and victuals, and many yoke of oxen to drag the cannon. In the Sicilian galley with the Duque de Sesa was the Moorish Prince Muley Hamet, destined to ascend the throne of Tunis.
On the 7th of October, anniversary of the battle of Lepanto, D. John confessed and communicated in a Capuchin convent, in the outskirts of Marsala, and at night left the port of Austria at the head of the whole fleet, making for Africa. On the 8th at sundown they came in sight of Goletta, and it was with great emotion that D. John saw from the castle of his galley those white towers standing out on the grey mountains, which it had cost his father so much blood to conquer. The soldiers could be seen running joyfully about the fortifications, saluting the Royal Standard, and they fired a big salute of artillery and arquebuses, which re-echoed solemnly and lighted up with singular beauty the shades of night which were slowly falling. Very early the next morning D. John was the first to disembark with several gentlemen, among them Juan de Soto, who was a navy contractor without ceasing to be secretary. They had not even had time to reach the first outworks of Goletta, when they spied coming from the direction of Tunis a group of Moors on horseback, who hurried towards them brandishing bunches of oak leaves with white streamers in sign of peace.
D. John made them enter a room that was close by in the front part of the fortifications, and sat to receivethem, surrounded by his gentlemen. The Moors seemed half terrified and half curious, and did not dare to pass the threshold without taking off their shoes, throwing their arms on the ground, which were Moorish scimitars, short and wide, daggers and a few lances forty-five palms long. Only three of them came in, seemingly the chiefs, bare-footed, wearing long dark cloaks which reached to their ankles, and with their shaven heads covered with Moorish turbans. The rest, apparently poor people, with sheepskin coats and coloured "haiques," sat cross-legged on the threshold, according to their custom, heads bowed and eyes lowered, as if D. John's presence dazzled them so that they did not dare to look at him.
Among them was a renegade Calabrian who acted as interpreter, and who made known to D. John the state of Tunis, which was the object of their coming. The mere advent of D. John had filled Turks and Moors with consternation and terror; but when they heard the night before the news of his arrival, and learnt from some Berber fishermen with what a strong fleet he had come, the panic in Tunis came to a head: the 3000 Turks of the garrison fled, after pillaging and sacking all they could from the natives. They were followed by the 40,000 Moors of the militia of the province, and the peaceful neighbours, without protection or soldiers to defend and help them, fled, too, to Carvan, Biserta and to other villages and mountains, carrying what they could with them, and hiding what they could not take in wells, cisterns, caves and other places. The old men, women and children only remained in Tunis, and as for the King, Muley Hamida, deserted by everyone, alone and defenceless, he had embarked for Goletta with his son, going out of the usual course, so as to avoid encounters. He was willing to yield the kingdom to D. John, and place himself under the protection of this Prince, who was extolled as much for his heroic bravery as for his magnanimity and nobleness. The triumph of D. John was great. He had gained other victories by the might of arms, but this was gained by the prestige of his name.