CHAPTER XVII.

THE OLD MAN OF HOY, ON THE ORKNEYS.THE OLD MAN OF HOY, ON THE ORKNEYS.

"I'll kill thee; but unhappily I have no weapon that will avail me."

"Well, since thou seest that thou canst not kill me," rejoined the Norseman, "let me try if I can't kill thee."

And raising his sword, he struck off the yeoman's head and made off with his jerkin.

For many years after this battle, heaps of human bones lay scattered over the fields, for no one stayed to bury the dead. The landing of William the Conqueror (September 29th) called Harold Godwineson to Hastings, where the fruits of the victory at Stamford Bridge were lost.

Olaf Haroldsson, Harold Sigurdsson's son, steered his course first to the Orkneys, where his half-sister Maria, in the meanwhile, had died. There he remained during the winter and spring, and sailed the following summer, with Queen Ellisif and his sister Ingegerd, to Norway. Of all the splendid fleet with which his father had sailed away only twenty-four ships returned.

King Harold was fifty-one years old when he fell. In spite of the discontent of the chiefs, Norway took great strides, during his reign, toward a settled internal condition. The tribes were being welded into a people. In every branch of the administration the king's strong hand was felt. His wars, though in one sense disastrous, tended, on the whole, to give Norway a secure place among the nations. A long controversy which he had concerning ecclesiastical affairs with Archbishop Adalbert of Bremen ended in his triumph, and though no formal decision was made, the Norwegian Church ceased, for a while, to recognize the supremacy of the see of Bremen. If King Harold had been as noble as he was able, he would have left a greater name behind him.

On his return to Norway, Olaf Haroldsson found his elder brother Magnus, who had already been acknowledged as king before his father's death, in possession of the government. After some negotiations it was agreed that the two brothers should divide the kingdom between them—Magnus taking the larger portion toward the north and west, and Olaf contenting himself with Viken. If this division was founded upon the equal allodial rights of the brothers, it was obviously unfair. But Olaf, being averse to quarrelling, accepted it, as far as we know, without protest.

The campaign to England had largely exhausted the resources of the country; and Sweyn Estridsson of Denmark thought that the opportunity was now favorable for avenging the wrongs which he had suffered at the hands of King Harold. The brothers then made levy in mass from all the country, but Sweyn succeeded in engaging Olaf with his division of the fleet, off the coast of Halland (1067), before Magnus had joined him. The battle must have been indecisive; for both sides claimed a victory. It is, however, probable that Olaf suffered the more, as he was the first to propose peace. Magnus had, in the meanwhile, come, and their allied fleets were, in all probability, equal or superior to Sweyn's. At all events, Sweyn had suddenly lost the desire to prosecute the war; and a peace was made at Konghelle (1068), at which assurances of friendship and good-will were exchanged. Olaf is said to have borne his part in the negotiations with a firmness and intrepidity which inspired Sweyn with respect. As a first result of the meeting, two marriages were arranged, viz.: one between Harold Hard-ruler's widow, Ellisif, and King Sweyn, and the other between Olaf and Sweyn's daughter, Ingrid.

It is not known whether Magnus was present at the peace of Konghelle. If he was, his ill health must have prevented him from transacting any business; for only Olaf's name is mentioned in connection with the treaty. During the following year, too, all public business devolved upon Olaf; for Magnus lay ill in Nidaros and finally died in the spring, 1069. He left one son, Haakon, who was but an infant and was fostered by Thore of Steig. No one put forth any claim to the kingdom in his name, and Olaf thus became king of the whole country.

With the exception of the little ripple of martial excitement during the first years after his accession, Olaf Haroldsson's reign of twenty-seven years presents not a single warlike event. His saga is a saga of peace—a long and honorable record of achievements in the service of civilization. The key-note ofhis character was prudent moderation. He was religious, but not fanatical; devout, but not bigoted. Easy-going by temperament, yet negligent of no duty, cheerful but not jolly, calm but not indolent, he is indeed a unique but none the less attractive figure among the martial descendants of Harold the Fairhaired. He is the more remarkable because his leading traits of character contrast so strikingly with those of the prevailing type of man in his age. Serenity of soul shines out of those of his utterances which the sagas have thought it worth while to preserve. There seems to be a conscious conviction, far in advance of his century, in a saying like this:

"Why should I not be happy, since I am sitting here with you at a feast, which is consecrated to my kinsman St. Olaf, and I see both joy and liberty among my subjects? In the days of my father this people lived under much compulsion and fear. Then most of them hid away their gold and treasures, but now I see shine upon every one the ornaments which he possesses. Your freedom and joy are my feast and my delight."

The surnameKyrre, i. e., the tranquil, the quiet one, which the people gave him, whether originally meant as a compliment or not, became, in the course of time, an honorable distinction; for during the century of strife and bloodshed which followed, all looked upon his bloodless reign as upon a golden age of peace.[A]As a later author[B]says: "He was infavor both with God and men; he laid great stress upon peace and tranquillity; let every man keep what was his own, and suppressed nothing but what was evil. * * * There were then excellent crops and manifold splendor, so that Norway had never since Harold the Fairhaired been in such a prosperous condition, as in his days. All the people loved him warmly; for he conceded many a thing for their convenience which Harold had insisted upon with harshness and enforced with severity. He was liberal with gold and silver and good ornaments; but only tenacious of land; the reason of this was his intelligence; for he saw that it was for the welfare of the kingdom."

[A]See Munch, ii., p. 430.

[A]See Munch, ii., p. 430.

[B]Thjodrek Munk, Cap. 29. Quoted from Munch Det Norske Folk's Historie.

[B]Thjodrek Munk, Cap. 29. Quoted from Munch Det Norske Folk's Historie.

The story of Olaf the Quiet occupies but a few pages in the sagas, while that of his father and his son, both great warriors, fills much space. The work of destroying lives, in which the latter were accomplished, appealed more to the warlike historian of the kings of Norway than the quiet activity for the preservation of life and the amelioration of its ills, to which Olaf devoted his energies. The little that Snorre says about him is, indeed, all in his praise, and very likely there was no one in those days who thought of singing songs or otherwise preserving other deeds than those of the sword. The scald who has sung Olaf's praise has, therefore, dwelt chiefly upon his participation in his father's foolhardy expedition to England, and his battle with Sweyn Estridsson.

It was natural that a man of Olaf's character should have small sympathy with the viking spiritwhich was yet to a certain extent prevalent; and though we do not know what he did to discourage viking cruises, we hear that this form of piracy became very much rarer during his reign. One circumstance which must have been discouraging to the vikings was the greatly increased risk which they ran, on account of the consolidation and increased power of the states which they were wont to attack. England under William the Conqueror was no longer a congenial stopping-place for Norse pirates, and France, Spain, and Germany had likewise taken measures for the protection of their coasts, which greatly interfered with the summer amusements of the Norse chieftains. A trip to Ireland, to be sure, still offered some inducements in the way of slaves and plunder; but along the Swedish and the Russian coasts of the Baltic, the native tribes had proved apt pupils of the vikings, and had commenced plundering on their own account, thus diminishing the chances of profit for the Norsemen. That the influence of Christianity may also have been active in weaning men from their predatory habits we would fain believe, if the long carnival of bloodshed which followed did not seem to prove the contrary. The material considerations just cited, were evidently the more powerful; though in the case of the king, who himself set the example of devotion to peaceful industries, there is no doubt that his religion influenced his life by strengthening the unwarlike side of his character. He manifested his sincerity as a Christian, not only by his fondness for the priests, whose vestments he often assisted inputting on, but more particularly by his efforts to change and suppress every thing which he believed to be antagonistic to the spirit of the religion of Christ. Thus he was the first king of Norway who endeavored to put an end to serfdom. He gave the law, that every shire in the kingdom should annually manumit one thrall. His first object in giving this order, however, was to get citizens for his towns, and thereby encourage commerce and peaceful occupations. Many of the thralls were artisans, and a large number of those who had been enthralled as prisoners of war were men of intelligence and enterprise.

Commerce had, even previous to the reign of Olaf the Quiet, enjoyed periods of prosperity. The vikings were often merchants as well as pirates, and bought for money or goods what they could not take with the sword. Merchants, on the other hand, who were not vikings, had always to have the sword at hand to defend their cargoes. A very sharp distinction between the warrior caste and that of the merchants, did not therefore exist, and we find that great chieftains, nay even kings themselves, engaged in commerce, and were not ashamed of the profit they reaped by mercantile enterprise. Thus we hear that Olaf the Saint went into partnership, for one voyage, with the merchant Gudleik Gerdske, and Harold Hard-ruler made the trade with the Finns a royal monopoly which he farmed out to his underlings. A considerable exchange of commodities by barter took place between Norway and Denmark, Sweden and England, and as piracy declined,and the precious metals came into general use, a more regular commercial intercourse. These first effects of a more orderly social organization were beginning to be visible during the reign of Olaf the Quiet, and it is owing to this fact, that we hear somuch about the promotion of commerce and the prosperity of the towns. The city of Björgvin (now Bergen) was founded by him (1070-1075) and very soon became a commercial centre of great importance.

INTERIOR OF ORKHAUGEN, OLD NORSE DWELLING ON THE ORKNEYS.INTERIOR OF ORKHAUGEN, OLD NORSE DWELLING ON THE ORKNEYS.

As long as their occupation was war and industrial pursuits were left to thralls, the Norsemen could not be expected to have much sense for domestic comfort. And the fact is that, before the days of Olaf the Quiet, even the wealthiest of them lived in a primitive way, on coarse food and with rude surroundings. Their houses contained but one room, with closed alcoves along the walls for beds. As floor, served the bare earth, stamped hard and covered with straw, and along the middle of it burned fires which sent gusts of smoke and sparks through the room. In the roof was a large hole for the escape of the smoke, and also for the admission of light. There were no ceilings; but the smoke-encrusted rafters from which often depended fishing-tackle, skins, and articles of clothing, stretched from wall to wall. Near the eaves there were square holes in the roof, closed with shutters. On both sides of the fire were tables and benches which extended lengthwise through the hall. In the middle of each of the two benches which ran along the walls was a more elaborately carved seat with tall posts, called the high-seat. The high-seat on the north wall, facing south, belonged to the master of the house; that on the south wall was assigned to distinguished guests. The walls were, in the houses of chieftains, decorated with finely wrought weapons and hangings of colored cloth.Besides the principal dwelling (skâli) there were a number of smaller houses, such as the bath-house, kitchen, woman's bower, servant's hall, and sometimes a guest-house. Among the out-houses the store-house, the barn, and the cow-stables were the most important. It will be seen from this that the farm of a well-to-do peasant must have had the appearance of a small village.

In these arrangements Olaf made certain changes, all tending toward increased comfort. In the first place, he removed the fire-place from the middle of the floor into a corner, and had a chimney built for the escape of the smoke. It thus became possible to have floors of stone or wood, and this innovation immediately followed. Windows were cut in the walls and furnished with panes of glass or translucent membranes. Ceilings were made to enable one to keep the room at a more even temperature; and gradually several rooms were gathered under one roof. The master's high-seat was removed to a cross-bench on the western(?) wall; and in the king's hall, it was placed upon a raised dais, reserved for the king, the queen, and persons of distinction. While in former times, the feasters had contented themselves with the light from the fire, Olaf introduced candles and tapers, and stationed as many taper-bearers in front of the royal table as there were persons of princely blood present. Courtiers were appointed to wait upon the guests; and to members of thehird, or court, who filled this office was accorded a higher rank than the rest.

These innovations were undoubtedly a departurefrom the old democratic simplicity. A more lavish expenditure was necessitated in connection with the court, and we find that Olaf increased the number of courtiers (hirdmennir) from 60, which had hitherto been the legal number, to 120. A more elaborate ceremonial was a direct consequence of the greater luxury, and artificial distinctions in rank were more emphasized than formerly. The king's even good-nature and gentleness disguised to a great extent the true meaning of all this, and prevented people from seeing any harm in it. In fact, the Norsemen were in those days fond of splendor, and with all their fierce sense of independence they were greatly attracted by glitter and show. The magnificence of Olaf's household tended to increase his popularity, for he did not impose greater burdens upon the people in order to defray his increased expenses.

We have heard that Olaf the Quiet was a zealous Christian, and took a warm interest in the moral welfare of his people. With a view to softening their manners and preventing the bloody frays which were then apt to disturb social intercourse, he instituted clubs or associations, which were made subject to rigid regulations. These clubs or guilds, as they were called, met at first in the houses of their members, but gradually, as they increased in prosperity, built separate club-houses, or even churches, in honor of their patron saints. St. Olaf was their favorite patron, but guilds were also formed under the protection of other saints. The clergy had supervision over the members; and a peacefuland conciliatory behavior was strenuously insisted upon. Weapons were not permitted in the guild-halls; and all disputes had to be settled, when both parties had had time to cool off. To prevent brawls, by placing a restraint upon the behavior of the turbulent, women of good repute were made eligible, and brief religious ceremonies opened the meetings. The only objects of the gatherings were at first social; but as the guilds grew more powerful, it was impossible to prevent them from assuming a semi-political character. The laws pledged the members to mutual protection, and often to avenge each other's death. They might have become dangerous to the state, if the king and his principal advisers had not, themselves, been members and thus able to control their action.

The artisans' guilds, which in later medieval times begin to gain political importance, were developed from these social guilds, which did not, however, from the beginning, confine themselves to people of one trade or profession.

We hear very little about the tribal chieftains during Olaf's reign, probably because many of the most eminent of them had fallen at Stamford Bridge, and the king's popularity made it seem inadvisable to those who remained to oppose him. One of the few men whose doings are recorded is Skule, the son of Earl Tostig, whom Olaf had brought with him from England after his father's death. Skule was in 1069 sent on a mission to William the Conqueror, for the purpose of bringing Harold Hard-Ruler's body back to Norway, and accomplished this to the king'ssatisfaction. He was the ancestor of King Inge Baardsson, and the arch intriguer, Skule, who vainly aspired for the throne.

Olaf the Quiet died on his estate, Haukby in Ranrike, September 22, 1093. His body was brought to Nidaros and interred in the Christ-Church which he had himself built.

When the tidings of King Olaf's death had gone abroad, the inhabitants of Viken acknowledged his son, Magnus, as king, while the Trönders made haste to proclaim his nephew, Haakon Magnusson. The country was, accordingly, once more divided; two thirds, including Tröndelag, the Oplands, and all the northern shires, belonging to Haakon, and about one third to Magnus. The latter was scarcely prepared to find a rival to the throne in his cousin, who during his father's long reign had given no evidence that he cherished such an ambition. Only ignorance, on his part, of Haakon's intentions can explain his departure on an adventurous expedition to Scotland. The restless, warlike spirit of his grandfather dwelt in him, and he had chafed under the restraint which his father's peaceful policy imposed upon him. Now that he was free, he could afford to lose no more time in dallying. He therefore started, as soon as he had his hands free, on a wild-goose chase for glory; helped the Scottish king, Donald Bane, in his warfare against Eadgar the Etheling and his brother, Malcolm's children; asserted (apparently with success) his claim to the Scottish isles, which, during Harold Hard-Ruler's reign, had made themselves independent; aided the Irish King Muirkertach against the earl, Gudröd Meranagh; and finally returned home in the summer of 1094 to find two thirds of his kingdom in the hands of a rival. He sailed directly to Nidaros with seven ships and took up his abode in the new royal mansion, resolved to make the Trönders feel the weight of his wrath. Haakon and his foster-father, Thore of Steig, also hastened to the city and put up at the old royal mansion. The relation between the two parties was strained, and every day people expected an outbreak of hostilities. Finally Haakon opened negotiations with his cousin, offering to divide the kingdom with him in equal parts; but Magnus repelled his overtures, refusing to recognize his title to any share in the government. Suddenly, in the middle of the night (February, 1095), Magnus had great fires made around the city, and Haakon's men, expecting an attack, seized their arms and rushed into the streets. No attack was, however, made, and both parties left the city without any hostile collision. Haakon, in crossing the Dovre Mountain on snow-shoes, was taken ill and died.

One would have supposed that the Trönders had now no longer any pretext for persevering in their opposition to Magnus. But apparently they both hated him, and feared that he would mete out severe punishments to them for the support they had given his cousin. Therefore they gave heed to the counsel of Thore of Steig, who demanded their allegianceto a pretender named Sweyn, a Dane by birth, and not related to the royal house of Norway. The rebels found many adherents in the Oplands, among whom the liegeman Egil Aaslaksson. Under the leadership of Thore and Sweyn they started out, ravaging and plundering in Nordmore and Tröndelag. They gave the peasants the choice either to join them or have their houses burned over their heads; and there were many who preferred the former alternative to the latter. Magnus' liegeman and devoted friend, Sigurd Wool-String (Ullstreng), sent out war summons, but his force, which was quite inadequate, was utterly defeated by the rebels. He fled to Magnus, who instantly started in pursuit, captured Thore of Steig and Egil, and hanged them. Many others who had participated in the rebellion were killed or deprived of their property; and as a punishment to the Trönders, the laws of Sweyn Alfifasson were re-enacted.

Magnus was now undisputed master of all Norway and devoted himself with much energy to the maintenance of order by meting out relentless justice to evil-doers. To sit at home in inglorious ease, punishing rebels and marauders, was not, however, in accordance with his taste. He hated peace as much as his father had loved it. Without any special provocation he, therefore, determined to pay a second visit to Scotland and Ireland for the purpose of securely founding his dominion in those lands. It appears that he was also cherishing a plan for invading England and avenging the death of his grandfather at Stamford Bridge. Haakon Paulsson, a sonof Earl Paul of the Orkneys, who came to Norway, stimulated his ambition, hoping himself in some way to profit by it. With a fleet of 160 ships and upward of 14,000 men the warlike king sailed in the spring of 1098 for the Orkneys, and thence to the Hebrides, where he harried with remorseless cruelty. He conquered also the English islands of Man and Anglesey, and made great efforts to colonize the latter island. In the summer of 1099 he returned to Norway, but managed within a year to get himself into a promising quarrel with King Inge of Sweden, one of whose provinces (Dalsland) he claimed on a flimsy pretext. He won a great victory over the Swedes at Fuxerne, and left a garrison of 360 men in a fortress which he built on an island in Lake Wener. But King Inge forced this garrison to surrender, on humiliating terms, during the winter; and Magnus, to avenge this disgrace, invaded Sweden a second time, and was defeated not far from Trollhättan. He came then near losing his life, but was saved by Agmund Skoftesson, who changed cloaks with him, and, starting conspicuously away from the other fugitives, drew the pursuers after him. This kind of warfare was, of course, sheer waste of life and treasure, and by the mediation of the Danish king, Erik Eiegod, peace was concluded at Konghelle, (1100). Magnus was to marry King Inge's daughter Margaret, who was to receive the disputed province as her dowry. The marriage, however, was without issue, and Dalsland became, at the death of Magnus, again a part of Sweden. Queen Margaret, because she was the bringer of peace, was called by the Norsemen,Fridkulla, i.e., the peace-maker.

It was not to be expected that Magnus should rest contented with the fame he had now gained, and turn his mind to the pursuits of peace. His sentiments in that regard are well expressed in his saying: "A king should rather strive for glory than for a long life." In his anxiety to find a pretext for war he finally, as it is told, sent a pair of his shoes to King Muirkertach, in Ireland, with the request that he should carry them on his shoulders, on Christmas Day, in the presence of the Norse ambassadors, as a sign that he recognized Magnus at his overlord. The Irish were greatly incensed at this demand; but Muirkertach, who knew something of Magnus' style of warfare, declared that he would not only carry the shoes, but that he would eat them too, rather than receive another visit from the king of Norway. This humility did not, however, save him from the dreaded visitation. Magnus had determined upon the conquest of Ireland, and forthwith sailed (1102) westward with a large fleet. After having touched at the Orkneys, he landed on Man, where he had his son, Sigurd, proclaimed king and married to Muirkertach's nine-year old daughter, Biadmuin. He fought for a while with varying success in Ulster, nominally in alliance with Muirkertach, though there is every reason to believe that the latter was only watching for a chance to destroy him. Such a chance finally presented itself, while Magnus was waiting on the coast of Ulster for a herd of cattle that had been promised him. He had gone ashore with a small part of his force in a swampy region, and was suddenly surrounded by the Irish, who had hid in theunderbrush, and who, on account of their knowledge of the ground, had a great advantage. Here Magnus fell after a heroic combat, and the remnant of his army made haste to return to Norway.

Magnus was but thirty years old at the time of his death. He was a tall and well-grown man, of fine features and a commanding appearance. His surname Barefoot or Bareleg was given to him because, after his return from his first Scotch campaign, he adopted the Highland costume, wearing kilts instead of trousers.

In accordance with established custom, the three sons of Magnus Barefoot were proclaimed kings, and the land was divided between them. There is, however, a probability that this division pertained chiefly to the royal estates, from which the kings derived their principal revenue, but did not involve a division of the country itself into separate kingdoms. Eystein was at the time of his proclamation fourteen years old, Sigurd thirteen, and Olaf three or four. They were all illegitimate, but had been acknowledged by their father. There was, at that time, a great agitation throughout Europe on account of the crusades. Kings, knights, and even children, in their anxiety to save their souls, threw reason to the winds, and, relying upon supernatural aid, started with insufficient preparations on adventurous undertakings. This grand religious enthusiasm did not reach the North until its force was partly spent. Some of the men who had visited Jerusalem returned home, but apparently were but little affected by religious phases of the war against the unbelievers. They talked rather of the chances for worldly fameand gain which the crusade presented, and aroused a desire in many of their countrymen to win both heavenly and earthly glory by an expedition to the Holy Land. It was the general desire that one of the princes should command the expedition, and Sigurd, who had inherited his father's spirit, willingly consented. In order to fit himself out properly he needed money, and this he could not get without the good-will of the people. He had the wisdom to see, that the success of his enterprise could be better advanced by concession than by extortion, and he therefore abolished, once for all, the oppressive laws of Sweyn Alfifasson, and gained thereby a great popularity. Eystein assisted his brother energetically in his equipments, and, in the autumn of 1107, Sigurd sailed away with a fleet of sixty large ships and ten thousand men. He paid first a friendly visit to England, where he was received with great distinction by King Henry I. Thence he steered his course to Spain, where he had many adventures, fought against the Moors, and destroyed a pirate's nest on the island Formentera. In Italy he was magnificently received by Robert Guiscard's son, Duke Roger, who was proud of his Norse descent, and greeted the king of Norway as he would a kinsman. He even (if the saga account is to be trusted) acknowledged Sigurd as his overlord, and consented to receive the royal title from his hands. Duke Roger died, however, soon after and had no opportunity to assert his new dignity. It was not until August, 1110, that Sigurd reached the Holy Land. He landed at Joppa, where he was metby King Baldwin, who accompanied him to Jerusalem, and showed him the holy sepulchre and all the places that are associated with the Saviour's life and death. The Patriarch of Jerusalem presented Sigurd with a splint of the true cross to be preserved at St. Olaf's shrine, on condition that the king, on his return, should impose tithes for the support of the church. Before starting on his homeward way, Sigurd assisted Baldwin and Count Bertrand of Tripolis, at the sieges of Sidon and Akron, and received his share of the booty. He then betook himself to Constantinople, where games were celebrated in his honor by the Emperor Alexius, and a lavish magnificence was displayed in his entertainment, the like of which the Norsemen had never beheld. Sigurd forbade them, however, to show surprise at any thing they saw, lest the Greeks should conclude that they were barbarians, unaccustomed to luxury. In July, 1111, the king returned to Norway after an absence of three years and a half. He received henceforth the surname the Crusader (Jorsalfar).

The thirst for glory which animated Sigurd was in striking contrast to the peaceful spirit which dwelt in his brother, Eystein. Upon the former had descended the restless ambition of Magnus Barefoot, while the latter had inherited his grandfather Olaf the Quiet's taste for building and calm delight in well-doing. While Sigurd scoured sea and land in search of fame, Eystein sat quietly at home, building churches, encouraging trade and industry, and improving the laws. By sheer dint of persuasion, gifts, and appeals to their self-interest, he gained the allegiance of the inhabitants of the Swedish province, Jemteland, which in the reign of Haakon the Good had belonged to Norway. Knowing the importance of the fisheries, as a source of national wealth, he had booths erected in Vaagen for the accommodation of the fishermen, and a church and parsonage for their spiritual welfare. At Agdeness, where many ships were wrecked, he made an artificial harbor by the construction of a mole. As a guide to sailors along the dangerous coast, he put up sea-marks and primitive light-houses, in the shape of fires which were lighted, after dark, on certain rocks and promontories. For the shelter of pilgrims to St. Olaf's shrine and other travellers, he built taverns on the Dovre Mountain, the passage of which had hitherto been perilous, on account of the snow and the absence of roads. Among the many churches which were erected by him were the Church of the Apostles, and St. Michael's in Bergen, St. Nicholas in Nidaros, and the rich Benedictine Monastery, Munkeliv.

With all their devotion to war and tendency to violence, the Norsemen could not help loving this wise and peaceful king, whose constant care was their welfare. That their old bellicose ideals were being superseded by gentler and nobler ones is indicated by their devotion for their two unwarlike kings, Olaf the Quiet and Eystein Magnusson. Of these two Eystein was, in point of intellect and strength of character, the more eminent. He seems to have pursued his policy of construction, instead of destruction, not merely from temperamental bias, but from clear-sighted conviction. His fondness for thestudy of law and the importance he attached to legal knowledge are, in this respect, significant. The sound sense and moderation which distinguished his grandfather he also possessed in a marked degree, besides the same gentleness and charm of manner. In appearance he was like most of his race, large and handsome; he had blue eyes, blonde, curly hair, and a dignified presence.

It was scarcely to be expected that two brothers, so antagonistic in disposition as Sigurd and Eystein, could avoid clashing. Sigurd felt himself as a man of the world, who had cut a brilliant figure in foreign lands, and he looked upon Eystein as a stay-at-home, who could boast of no such experience. He scarcely appreciated the fact that his brother, though he might have put obstacles in his path, received him heartily, on his return, and willingly shared his authority with him. It was incomprehensible to him that a quiet man like Eystein, who had no great deeds to boast of, should enjoy as much consideration and respect as himself. Above all, it was Eystein's insistence upon legal methods, in all relations between subject and king, which seemed to Sigurd an interference with his authority, and, therefore, irritated him. A serious disagreement soon arose from this source. Once, when Sigurd was in Tröndelag, he insulted the beautiful Sigrid, the wife of the liegeman, Ivar of Fljod, after having sent the latter on a dangerous expedition to Ireland. This Sigrid's brother, Sigurd Ranesson, resented, and was, by way of revenge, accused by the king of embezzlement in the Finn-trade, which had been farmed out to him by Magnus Barefoot. In his need he appealed to King Eystein, who, when he heard the story, promised him his assistance. Three times Sigurd Ranesson was now summoned to court by King Sigurd, but every time Eystein's superior knowledge of the law saved him. The legal procedure, which is recorded in detail, is full of interest, and shows a remarkable development of the social organization, considering the time. In the end, however, Eystein had not only to assume the conduct of the case, but became a party to the suit, in his client's place. King Sigurd was greatly incensed, and Sigurd Ranesson, in order to avoid bloodshed, went late in the evening on board of his enemy's ship, fell on his knees before him, and said: "I will not, my lord king, that you and your brother shall be at strife on my account. * * * Rather I surrender myself and my head to your power and mercy, * * * for I would rather die than be the cause of hostility between you and King Eystein."

The king, after having pondered long, answered: "In sooth thou art a noble man, Sigurd, and thou hast chosen the way which will be best for us all. Know that * * * I had firmly resolved to-morrow to go up to the Ilevolds with all my men, and fight with King Eystein."

He now gave judgment that his antagonist should pay fifteen marks in gold, which should be divided between the three kings, but as Eystein and Olaf both refused to accept their share of the money, Sigurd, not wishing to be outdone in generosity, likewise renounced his claim.

Though there was now no danger of war, therelation between the brothers was yet far from cordial. A fresh source of disagreement soon arose, for which Sigurd, as usual, was to blame. The rumor came to him that Eystein was very fond of a maiden, named Borghild, the daughter of the powerful peasant, Olaf of Dal; that he loved to sit at her side and talk with her, and that his predilection for her society had been the cause of scandalous reports. Borghild, in order to prove her innocence, walked on glowing plough-shares, and endured the test. Sigurd, seeing that here was an opportunity to pay his brother back for his protection of Sigurd Ranesson, abducted Borghild and made her his mistress. She became the mother of Magnus, who, for a short time, was king after his father's death. Eystein took this affair much to heart, but made no effort to avenge the wrong he had suffered. That he felt sore about it was, however, natural enough, and this feeling burst forth on one occasion most unexpectedly; though, to be sure, no allusion was made to the real grievance.

It happened once, during the winter, that the two kings were feasting together at one of Eystein's estates. King Sigurd's men, reflecting the spirit of their master, behaved arrogantly toward King Eystein's people, and were fond of exalting the one brother at the other's expense. Many complaints were brought to Eystein, but he refused to take note of them. The strained relation between the two parties, however, spoiled the cheer of the table, and the men sat sullen over their cups and were ill at ease. Then Eystein, with perhaps a deeper purpose than the apparent one, proposed a so-called "man-measuring," or comparison of merits, which was a favorite social pastime in those days. It is to be remarked, that etiquette did not then forbid a man to boast of his own deeds and accomplishments. On the contrary, the custom survived from the age of paganism to emphasize frankly one's merits, and when occasion demanded, to hurl tremendous volleys of vituperation against an adversary.

"Dost thou remember," Sigurd began, in response to his brother's challenge, "how I threw thee in wrestling, * * * although thou wast a year older than I?"

"I remember also," Eystein replied, "that thou wast my inferior in agility."

Step by step they now advanced through childhood and youth, comparing each other's proficiency in swimming, skating, shooting, skee-running, and in personal appearance. Finally, Sigurd touched the main point at issue, when he said:

"It has been generally acknowledged that the campaign, which I made in foreign lands, was in sooth worthy of a chieftain, while thou sattest at home in thy country like thy father's daughter."

"* * * I think I also remember," Eystein rejoined, "that it was I who fitted thee out from home for that campaign, as I would have done a daughter."

"But I went to the Holy Land and to Africa, but there I saw thee not. I won eight battles. Thou wast not in one of them. I went to the sepulchre of Christ; there I saw thee not. I went to the RiverJordan, by the same road that our Lord had gone, and I swam across; but I saw thee not there. I tied a knot for thee in the underbrush on the river-bank, and it is yet waiting for thee to untie it. I conquered the city of Sidon with the king of Jerusalem, without thy aid or counsel."

HITTERDAL CHURCH. ILLUSTRATING OLD NORSE ECCLESIASTICAL ARCHITECTURE.HITTERDAL CHURCH. ILLUSTRATING OLD NORSE ECCLESIASTICAL ARCHITECTURE.

Eystein listened imperturbably to this long list of his brother's deeds, and finally answered: "I have indeed heard, that thou didst fight some battlesabroad, and what I have to match against such deeds is but trifles. North in Vaagen I put up booths for the fishermen, so that poor people may find shelter and earn their living. I had a church erected, appointed a priest, and gave land for the support of the church. * * * Those who enjoy the benefit of this will remember that Eystein was king in Norway. * * * Across the Dovre Mountain there was much travel. There people lay out on the rocks and suffered hardships. I built an inn and endowed it. The travellers, who now reap the benefit of this, will remember King Eystein. At Agdeness there was a dangerous coast and no harbor, so that ships were often wrecked. There I constructed a harbor, where there is excellent anchorage for all ships. * * * I likewise built a church there and put up sea-marks on the high mountains. * * * All these things are now of service to fishermen and merchants who carry the products of the land from place to place, and they, while benefiting by them, will remember me. * * * The inhabitants of Jemteland I made subject to this realm, not by violence, but by gentle words and rational negotiations. * * * All these things are perhaps of small moment, but I do not believe that they are of less benefit to my country and people, and will profit my soul less, than it will profit thine to have sent Moors to the devil, and expedited them head over heels to hell. * * * Now, as regards the knot thou didst tie for me, then, methinks, I might have tied such a knot for thee that thou wouldst never have been king in Norway, whenthou returnedst from thy campaign, and didst sail hither with but a single ship. Let, now, intelligent men judge, what advantage thou hast over me, and know ye, ye purse-proud braggarts, that there are yet men in Norway, who dare hold themselves your equals."

This was the end of the "man-measuring"; and both kings were very wroth.

Several other incidents are recorded, which show that Sigurd's jealousy of his brother would, at length, have brought about a breach of the peace, if death had not suddenly made an end of their intercourse. Eystein died at the age of thirty-three, August 29, 1122. The youngest brother, Olaf, had died (1115) before he reached manhood, and Sigurd was accordingly the sole ruler in the land. He was now free from the restraint, which Eystein's pacific disposition had imposed upon him, and he presently availed himself of his liberty to make a crusade into the Swedish province Smaaland, where paganism yet lingered (1123). He attacked the town of Kalmar, from which incident the war has been called the Kalmar War. Whether he succeeded in converting the pagans is not known; nor are any other results of the crusade recorded. After his return from this campaign, a great calamity befell him. Once, it is told, when he was in his bath, he called out, that there was a fish in the bath-tub, and ran about trying to catch it. It was the first symptom of the insanity which darkened the remaining years of his life. He was often sane for long periods; but, at times, he would sit and brood with wildly rolling eyes, orbreak out into paroxysms of wrath. Once, on the day of Pentecost, when his madness came upon him, he took a precious book,[A]which he had brought with him from Constantinople, and, gazing gloomily at Queen Malmfrid, who was sitting at his side, said: "How many things can change in a man's lifetime! When I returned to my country, I owned two things which seemed to me most precious,—this book and the queen. Now the one seems only more worthless than the other. The queen does not know how hideous she is; for a goat's horn is sticking out of her head. * * * And this book here is good for nothing."

[A]A codex written in letters of gold, containing probably a portion of the Bible.

[A]A codex written in letters of gold, containing probably a portion of the Bible.

Then he rose, gave the queen a slap, and flung the book into the fire. But in the same instant, a young taper-bearer, named Ottar Birting, jumped forward, snatched the book from the flames, and stepped fearlessly before the king. "Different it is now, my lord," he said, "from the time, when thou didst sail with pomp and splendor to Norway, and all thy friends hastened with joy to meet thee. * * * Now the days of sorrow have come upon us; for to this glorious feast many of thy friends have come, but they cannot be glad because of thy sad condition. Be now so kind, good my lord, to accept this advice. Rejoice by thy gentleness first the queen, whom thou hast so sorely offended, and then all thy chieftains, thy men-at-arms, thy friends, and thy servants."

"How darest thou, ugly, low-born tenant's son, give me counsel?" cried the king, springing up and drawing his sword.

All the guests expected, in the next moment, to see Ottar's head roll on the floor. But Ottar stood, gazing calmly into the king's face, and did not stir from the spot. Then Sigurd suddenly stayed his hand and let the sword fall gently upon his shoulder. He rebuked his liegemen, for not having protested against his insane acts, and thanked the youth for his courage.

"Go, therefore, Ottar," he finished; "and take thy seat among the liegemen. Thou shalt no more wait upon any one."

Ottar Birting became in later years a man of great fame and authority.

It may have been due to the unsoundness of his mind that Sigurd, in the last years of his life committed an act, which, however generous it may seem, was scarcely politically defensible. In the year 1129, a young Irishman named Harold Gilchrist arrived in Norway and declared that he was a son of Magnus Barefoot. It was known that King Magnus had had a mistress in Ireland, and during his last battle he is said to have recited a verse about an Irish girl, whom he loved above all others. It is therefore probable that Harold Gilchrist was, or at least believed himself to be, heir to the throne of Norway. He went to King Sigurd, who listened to his story, and allowed him to prove the truth of his statement by submitting to the ordeal by fire. He walked over the red-hot ploughshares and endured the test successfully. It was the priests who had charge of such ordeals, and it was believed that they had the result in their power. Harold Gilchrist, or Gille, as theNorsemen called him, was now acknowledged by the king as his brother, on condition that he should make no claim to the government, as long as Sigurd or his son Magnus was alive. It was, however, no easy task for the king to secure for the long-necked, thin-legged, and lanky Irishman the respect which was due to a member of the royal family. In the first place Harold's appearance was against him, and in the second place, he stammered and could scarcely make himself understood in Norwegian. The king's son, Magnus, hated and ridiculed him, and among the liegemen there were many who believed him to be an unscrupulous adventurer. A few years before his death, Sigurd put away Queen Malmfrid, disregarding the warning of Bishop Magne, and married a beautiful and high-born woman, named Cecilia. He did not long survive this marriage. Many of his friends urged him, for the good of his soul, to dissolve it. But the fascination, which Cecilia exercised over him, was so great, that he could not bear the thought of losing her. At last, when he was taken ill, she herself suggested a separation.

"I did not know that thou, too, didst despise me like the rest," he answered sadly. His face flushed purple, and he turned away from her. His illness now took a turn for the worse, and on March 26, 1130, he died, forty years old. Dissipations had undermined his health, and his insanity had long unfitted him for the cares of government. For all that, there seems to be a halo about his name, partly on account of his early fame, andpartly because of the good crops and commercial prosperity which prevailed during his reign. He seemed to the people a grand figure, and, in spite of his great faults, every inch a king. What may have contributed more than any thing else to endear his memory to later generations was the evil times that broke over the land at his death. He seemed himself to have a foreboding of this, when he said:

"Ye are badly off, ye Norsemen, for you have a mad king; and yet methinks that, in a short while, you will be willing to give the red gold to have me as your king, rather than Harold or Magnus; for the former is cruel; the latter is devoid of sense."


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