Queen Nzinga, after the return of her General from a raid on the territory of Mbuila (Imbuille), in 1655, whence he brought a miraculous crucifix, felt troubled in her conscience; and on consulting the spirits of five of her ancestors (see p. 166), she learned, to her no small terror, that they were suffering eternal torments, which she could only escape by once more embracing the Christian faith, and seeking the friendship of the Portuguese.492Upon this advice she acted. The negotiations for a treaty were conducted by Captain Manuel Freis Peixoto and the Capuchin friar Antonio of Gaeta, who came to her Court for that purpose in 1657. Her sister, D. Barbara, was restored to her on payment of a ransom of two hundred slaves,493and the river Lukala was thenceforth to form the boundary between the Queen’s dominions and those of the Portuguese. No tribute was to be paid by her. Friar Antonio had the honour of once more baptising this ancient lady, then seventy-five years of age, and also of marrying her, legitimately, to a slave-youth, Don Salvatore; while her sister, D. Barbara, allied herself unto D. Antonio Carrasco Nzinga a mona, a foster-brother of the Queen, and the General-in-Chief of her armies. A church, S. Maria de Matamba, was specially built for these interesting ceremonies. This remarkable woman died on December 17th, 1663, after Father Cavazzi had administered to her the last consolations of religion, and was buried in the church of St. Anna, which had been built within the precincts of the Royal palace.
When D. Barbara died, on March 24th, 1666, her husband, D. Antonio Carrasco Nzinga a mona, killed the legitimate heir, D. João Guterres Ngola kanini, and usurped the throne, but was himself slain in a battle against D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini, in 1680. The conqueror then attacked the allies of the Portuguese, robbed the pumbeiros, and beheaded the Jaga Kasanji (1682).494Luiz Lopez de Sequeira at once took the field against him with five hundred and thirty infantry, thirty-seven horse, and ten thousandempacaceiros, and defeated him at Katole, a place within three days of the Royalkabasa. The King himself lost his life, but so did the leader of the Portuguese495and Vasco de Mello da Cunha. João Antonio de Brito, who took the command after his leader’s death, remained encamped for thirty days on the site of the battle; and finding that the enemies did not return, retired to Mbaka; from which we may judge that the Portuguese, too, suffered heavy losses. D. Veronica (or Victoria) Guterres, the sister of the late King, sued for peace, which was readily granted. Fresh complications threatened in 1689, when the Queen was charged—falsely, it appears—with having stirred up the soba Kahenda to rebel against his Portuguese masters; but matters were arranged through the intervention of bishop D. João Franco de Oliveira. No further trouble seems to have occurred with the successors of Queen Nzinga until 1744, when the Queen496provoked a war by killing a white trader and robbing pumbeiros: the result of which was the capture of her capital byBartholomeu Duarte de Sequeira, and the cession of the Kinalunga Islands to Portugal.497
We have seen that D. João de Souza Ngola ari had been installed as the first King of Ndongo, recognised by the Portuguese (see p. 164), about 1627, and had been succeeded by D. Filippe de Souza, who died in 1660, and by João II. The hope that this tributary would prove a staunch ally of the Portuguese was not to be realised, for immediately after the disastrous campaign against Sonyo (see p. 131), in 1670, D. João Ngola ari raised the standard of rebellion, and invaded the district of Mbaka. The Governor, Francisco de Tavora,498a future Viceroy of India, who on account of his youth (he was only 23 years of age) and supposed prudence had been nick-namedo menino prudente, despatched his captain-major, Luiz Lopes de Sequeira, to reduce the rebel to obedience. Ngola ari met with a defeat on the river Luchilu, close to the Pedras of Pungu a ndongo, which were considered impregnable. Yet, on a dark night, on November 18th, 1671, Manuel Cortes, the leader of theguerra preta, surprised this rocky stronghold. The King himself was taken, and beheaded as a traitor. Thenceforth there was no further need for punitive expeditions on a large scale.499
No sooner had the Portuguese regained possession of S. Paulo than the King of Kongo was called to account for having sided with the Dutch and favoured the operations of “foreign” Capuchins. A threatened invasion of his kingdom (1649) speedily led to the conclusion of a treaty of peace (see p. 126). But as the supposed gold and silver mines were not ceded, as promised, the Portuguese once more invaded the country, and in the bloody battle of Ulanga, in 1666, the King lost his life and crown (p. 129). From that time to the close of the century anarchy reigned in Kongo. The disastrous expedition against Sonyo in 1670 (see p. 131) was partly undertaken in order to support one of the many rival kings of that period.
João Fernandes Vieira, who had gained fame as the leader of the Portuguese patriots in Brazil, where the capture of Pernambuco had won him the surname ofo hero de nossa edade, arrived as Governor on April 18th, 1658, and before the close of the year, a serious rebellion broke out in Upper Ngulungu. The captain-major, Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos, took the field, and compelled Ngolome a kayitu (Golome Acaita), to surrender his rocky stronghold after a siege of four months; Tanga a ngongo submitted quietly, but Kiluanji kia kanga (Quiloange Acango), faced the Portuguese four times, and then retired inland without yielding submission.
A second expedition, in the same year, traversed the districts to the south of the Kwanza.500It started fromMasanganu, and having crossed the Kwanza into Hako was joined by Ngunza mbambe;501it entered the district of Kabeza, where the Jaga of Rimba brought further reinforcements. Jaga Ngonga ka anga, the chief of Nsela (Shella), on the river Kuvu, surrendered his capital, Kangunza, by the advice of his diviners, without striking a blow, and submitted to be baptised. The expedition then returned to Mbaka by way of the river Gango and Tamba; whilst Cavazzi, who accompanied it as chaplain, took a more direct road through Kabeza.
After the great victory over the King of Kongo in 1666 (see p. 130), a detachment under Antonio da Silva was sent into the territory of the Ndembu Mutemu Kingengo, whilst another, under Diogo Gomes Morales, raided the villages of Nambua nongo, these chiefs having aided the defeated King.
Kisama, at all times an unruly district, and even now virtually independent, though situated on the sea and within easy reach of Luandu, has repeatedly given trouble to the Portuguese. In 1672, the sobas of the district unsuccessfully assaulted the fort at Muchima. In 1686 they blockaded that fort, until relieved by João de Figueiredo e Souza. In 1689, the sobas Kimone kia sanga and Muchima interfered with the free navigation of the Kwanza, and were punished by the Portuguese leader just named; and in 1695, the rebellion of the soba Katala brought into the field the captain-major, Manuel de Magalhães Leitão.
A rebellion in Lubolo, in 1677, was suppressed by Luiz Lopez de Sequeira. The soba Ngunga mbambe was killed, and his allies, Sakeda, Ngola kitumba, and Ngola Kabuku, were severely punished.
Far more serious was an expedition which the Governor, Gonçalo da Costa de Alcaçova Carneiro de Menezes, despatched against the ndembu Mbuilu (Ambuilla), who had expelled the Portuguese residents, robbed the Pumbeiros, and burnt the church. João de Figueireda e Souza, a trusted officer, was given the command; and notwithstanding that the garrison of Masanganu mutinied and refused to join him, he mustered, on May 25th, 1682, a formidable force of six hundred musketeers, forty-two horse, and aguerra pretaof forty thousand men, with two field guns. Unfortunately, he lost precious time by lingering two months at Kamolembe, where many of his people died; and when at last ready to start, he heard that Mbuila had been reinforced by two “armies” sent to his aid by King Manuel of Kongo502and Queen Nzinga, and lost his head. Fortunately for the Portuguese a stroke of paralysis carried off this pusillanimous leader, and his place was taken by Pascoal Rodrigues, a man of much energy, who marched straight upon the mbanza of Mbuilu, and there achieved a great victory. Mbuilu fled to his neighbour and ally Ndamba (Dambe). The number of prisoners taken was so great that it was feared they might endanger the safety of their captors, and they were mercilessly beheaded, a nephew of Mbuilu alone being sent a prisoner to Luandu.503
When Pascaol Rodrigues fell ill, the Governor appointed João Baptista de Maia to succeed him. The troops passed the rainy season in barracks. On the return of fine weather, Mbuilu was pursued into the territory of Ndamba and killed. The mbanzas and over one hundred and fifty libatas were burnt. The Ndembu Kabanda, a partisan ofMbuilu, was pursued by the sergeant-major, Lourenço de Barros Morim, and the leader of theguerra preta, Gonçalo Borges de Barros, and killed with many of his people. Another ndembu having been installed, and sworn allegiance to the King of Portugal, the army returned to Mbaka, and thence to Lembo near Masanganu. The victorious troops were refused admission into the latter, the garrison of which had mutinied. It was only after the Governor had promised a pardon to the offenders, with the exception of the leaders, that order was restored (1693).
S. Filippe de Benguella was founded in 1617 by Manuel Cerveira Pereira, and in 1661 its fortifications were rebuilt by Gaspar de Almeida Silva, whilst Manuel de Tovar Froes fought the neighbouring sobas. A further step in advance was taken in 1682, when the sergeant-major, Pedro da Silva, founded the presidio of Kakonda a velha, in the territory of the soba Bongo. Two years later, in 1684, this presidio was surprised by Bongo, and Manuel da Rocha Soares, its commandant, was killed. Carlos de Lacerda, who was despatched to avenge this outrage, being compelled to fall back before superior forces, João Bráz de Goes, the captain-major of Benguella, himself took the field. The Jaga, deserted by his people, sought refuge with Ngola njimbu (Golla Gimbo), but was pursued and captured,504and the present presidio was built eighty miles further inland (1685), in the territory of the soba Kitata. An attempt made by the soba of Huambo (Hiamba), in 1698, to expel the Portuguese was frustrated by Antonio de Faria, its commandant. A more formidable attack by the neighbouring sobas, in 1718, proved equally ineffectual. The Portuguese had thus gained an advanced post nearly onehundred and fifty miles from the coast, the possession of which opened up to them fresh sources for the supply of slaves, and contributed not a little to the growing prosperity of S. Filippe de Benguella.
The Jesuits were the earliest missionaries in Angola; but it would be in vain to look to them for any precise geographical or historical information, such as is furnished by members of the Society established in other parts of the world. They confined their activity to the seat of Government and its immediate vicinity, and Portuguese authors are severe upon their love of power and covetousness. Their relations with the Governors were on many occasions strained, but it cannot be asserted that the Jesuit Fathers were in every instance in the wrong.505As an illustration of their masterfulness, the following incident may serve. In 1661, the Governor, João Fernandez Vieira, very properly ordered that pigs, should no longer be allowed to run about the streets of the capital. The Jesuits did not deign to take the slightest notice of this order; and when several of their slaves were arrested for disregarding it, they protested against this exercise of authority, and actually excommunicated the Governor. But the Governor was not to be frightened. He reported the case to his King, D. Affonso VI, and the King in a Royal rescript of December 9th, 1666, severely reproved the Jesuits for their insolence; and threatened, in case of similar conduct, to deprive them of the crown lands, and to take other legal measures against them.
Franciscans (Tertiaries of the Order of St. Joseph) followed the Jesuits in 1604. Then came the Capuchins,for the most part Italians and Castilians, in 1651; and lastly barefooted Carmelites (Religiozos de S. Thereza). Of all these friars the Italian Capuchins alone appear to have done good work; and to members of their Order, and especially to Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi, of Montecuccoli, Antonio Laudati, of Gaeta, and Antonio Zucchelli, of Gradisco, we are indebted for much useful information regarding the people among whom they laboured. Many of the other friars seem to have been men whom their superiors in Europe were glad to part with; and the same may be said with reference to the secular clergy.
A report of the ecclesiastical affairs of Angola and Kongo, drawn up in 1694 by Gonçalo de Alcaçova Carneiro Carvalho da Costa de Menezes, by order of the Governor, presents us with a deplorable picture of the state of affairs in that year. Throughout the country there were only thirty-six friars506and twenty-nine secular clergy; and of these as many as twenty-nine had taken up their quarters in the capital. Of fifty churches and chapels, many were without priests, and had fallen into ruins. The village missions (missões das Sanzalas) had long been given up, and many baptised negroes had returned to the ancient superstitions. The author proposes the institution of a court of clerics, in order that all lapses of this kind might be punished in accordance with the “sacred canons.” A board of missions (Junta das missões), which had been created in 1693, and richly endowed,507allowed things to drift. Lopes de Lima508ascribes the failure of the Christian missions, first, to the small number of missionaries and priests; secondly, to the corruption of the clergy; and thirdly, to the slave-trade.
João Fernandez Vieira must be credited with the first serious attempt to organise the military forces of the country (1660), by raising a regiment, orterço, of infantry, for Luandu, and a company for each presidio. These “regulars” were to be supported by theguerra preta, orempacaceiros. A company of cavalry was added to the regular troops in 1672; and the exemption from every kind of military service conferred upon the inhabitants of Luandu since 1660 was partly abolished in 1695, and orders given for the organisation of aterçoofordenanças(militia) for Luandu, and of seventeen companies for the districts and presidios. The fortifications of Luandu had been much improved since the expulsion of the Dutch. The fort of S. Miguel, at Luandu, which was begun in 1638, had been completed by D. João de Lencastre in 1689; and at the close of the century there existed forts, sufficiently strong to resist native attack, at Muchima, Masanganu, Kambambe, Pungu a ndonga, Mbaka, S. Filippe de Benguella, and Kakonda.
The only measure bearing upon the civil administration of the country seems to have been the publication of aRegimentofor the guidance of officers of revenue and of justice, in 1675. At the same time, an extra export-duty of ten testões509was ordered to be paid on every slave, the proceeds to go towards the dowry of Queen Catherine, the consort of Charles II of England.
The introduction of copper coins (makutas) into Luandu, in 1624, caused much dissatisfaction, and actually led to a mutiny of the troops, who not unnaturally felt agrieved at being expected to accept 200 reis in copper as an equivalent of a native cloth, up to that time valued at 700reis.510The mutiny was suppressed, and the five ringleaders were executed. In the interior of the country, the ancient currency remained in force, larger amounts being paid in merchandise (fazenda de lei), whilst smaller sums were paid inzimbos(njimbu) or cowries,libongos(mbongo, plural jimbongo), or square pieces of native cloth, or blocks of rock-salt.
The only attempt at geographical exploration was that of José de Roza, who left Masanganu in 1678, for the lower Zambezi, but turned back after only a few days’ journey, owing to the hostility of the natives.
At the end of the seventeenth century, Portugal held sway over a territory of over fifty thousand square miles; she maintained fortified posts far inland; her traders had penetrated as far as the upper Kwanza; and on the coast she held the prosperous cities of S. Paulo de Luandu and S. Filippe de Benguella. But this prosperity depended almost exclusively upon the slave trade. Scarcely any attempt had been made to develop the great natural resources of the country, and even the food of the inhabitants was still largely supplied by the Brazils. The colonists introduced included too large a criminal element; the Government officials were more intent upon realising large fortunes511than permanently benefiting the country they had been sent to rule; and even among the preachers of the gospel were men quite unfit to hold the office which they filled. And this deplorable state of affairs continued long beyond the period with which we have dealt. Lopes deLima512calls D. Francisco Innocencio de Sousa Coutinho, who was appointed in 1764, the “first Governor who undertook to civilise this semi-barbarous colony; and who during his rule of eight years and a-half, did more in that sense than all his predecessors had ever thought of.” Up to his time, “Governors, captains, magistrates, men of the church and the cloister” were only intent upon dividing the spoils of office, and acted in the most scandalous manner.
1. Paulo Dias de Novaes, February, 1575; October,1589.
2.513Luiz Serrão, captain-major, 1589-91.
3.513André Ferreira Pereira, 1591, to June, 1592.
4. D. Francisco d’Almeida, June 24th, 1592, to April 8th, 1593.
5.513D. Jeronymo d’Almeida, 1593-4.
6. João Furtado de Mendonça, August 1st, 1594, to 1602.
7. João Rodrigues Coutinho, appointed January 23rd, 1601; arrived in 1602.
8.513Manuel Cerveira Pereira, 1603-7.
9. D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz, end of 1607; died April 11th, 1611.
10.513Bento Banha Cardoso, captain-major, elected April 15th, 1611 to 1615.
11. Manuel Cerveira Pereira, second term of office, 1615 to 1617.
12. Luiz Mendes de Vasconcellos, November, 1617, to 1621.
13. João Corrêa de Souza, September, 1621; departed 1623.
14.513Pedro de Souza Coelho, captain-major, during five months, 1623.
15.513D. Simão de Mascarenhas, Bishop of Kongo and Angola, 1623 to 1624.
16. Fernão de Souza, appointed October 21st, 1623; in possession February, 1624, to 1630.
17. D. Manuel Pereira Coutinho, 1630 to 1634.
18. Francisco de Vasconcellos da Cunha, 1634 to 1639.
19. Pedro Cezar de Menezes, 1639 to 1645.
20. Francisco de Sotto-maior, September, 1645, to May, 1646.
21.513Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, Antonio Texeira de Mendonça, and João Juzarte de Andrada, the captains-major, 1646 to 1648.
22. Salvador Corrêa de Sá Benevides, August, 1648 to 1651.
23. Rodrigo de Miranda Henriques, October, 1651; died 1653.
24.513Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, captain-major, 1653 to 1655.
25. Luiz Martins de Souza Chichorro, October, 1655 to 1658.
He was killed in an engagement with a Dutch corsair, on the voyage to Brazil.
26. João Fernandez Vieira, 1658 to 1661.
27. André Vidal de Negreiros, May 10th 1661, to August, 1666.
28. Tristão da Cunha, August, 1666, to January, 1667; when the people compelled him to depart in the vessel in which he had come.
29.513Antonio de Araujo e Azevedo, president of the Camara of Luandu, 1667 to 1669.
30. Francisco de Tavora, August 26th, 1669, to 1676.
31. Ayres de Saldanha de Menezes e Souza, August 25th, 1676, to 1680.
32. João da Silva e Souza, September 11th, 1680, to 1684.
33. Luiz Lobo da Silva, September 12th, 1684, to 1688.
34. D. João de Lencastre, September 8th, 1688, to 1691.
35. Gonçalo da Costa de Alcaçova Carneiro de Menezes, November 1st, 1691, to 1694.
36. Henrique Jaques de Magalhães, November 3rd, 1694, to 1697.
37. Luiz Cezar de Menezes, November 9th, 1697, to 1700.
38. Bernardo de Tavora Souza Tavares, September 5th, 1700, to 1702.
MAP OF KONGO & ANGOLA
MAP OF KONGO & ANGOLAillustrating theirHISTORY TO THE CLOSE OF THE 17THCENTURY
MAP OF NDONGO (ANGOLA)
1Battell tells us (p. 7) that he and Thomas Turner were transported to Angola in the same vessel (1590). Purchas conferred with Turner after he had returned to England, and obtained from him an account of his travels, he having “lived the best part of two years in Brazil” (lib.vi, c. 8). Elsewhere we learn that he “had also been in Angola” (see p. 71).This apparently straightforward information is quite irreconcilable with what we are told by Knivet; for Knivet says he met Turner at Pernambuco (about 1598); that he advised him to go to Angola; that Turner acted on this advice, and “made great profit of his merchandise, for which he thanked me when we met in England.” Concerning Knivet, seepost, p. 89.
1Battell tells us (p. 7) that he and Thomas Turner were transported to Angola in the same vessel (1590). Purchas conferred with Turner after he had returned to England, and obtained from him an account of his travels, he having “lived the best part of two years in Brazil” (lib.vi, c. 8). Elsewhere we learn that he “had also been in Angola” (see p. 71).
This apparently straightforward information is quite irreconcilable with what we are told by Knivet; for Knivet says he met Turner at Pernambuco (about 1598); that he advised him to go to Angola; that Turner acted on this advice, and “made great profit of his merchandise, for which he thanked me when we met in England.” Concerning Knivet, seepost, p. 89.
2This description does not, of course, apply to his “Voyage to the East Indies,” but it does to his “Description of the whole Coast of Guinea, Manicongo, Angola, etc.”
2This description does not, of course, apply to his “Voyage to the East Indies,” but it does to his “Description of the whole Coast of Guinea, Manicongo, Angola, etc.”
3HisSchifffartenwas first published at Basel in 1624. On this traveller, see anAbhandlungby D. G. Henning (Basel, 1900), who rather absurdly calls him the “first German scientific traveller in Africa.”
3HisSchifffartenwas first published at Basel in 1624. On this traveller, see anAbhandlungby D. G. Henning (Basel, 1900), who rather absurdly calls him the “first German scientific traveller in Africa.”
4Vijf verscheyde Journalen ... Amsterdam [1620].
4Vijf verscheyde Journalen ... Amsterdam [1620].
5Subsequent editions appeared in 1614, 1617, and 1626.
5Subsequent editions appeared in 1614, 1617, and 1626.
6Battell’s narrative was reprinted in Astley’sNew General Collection of Voyages, vol. iii (1746), and Pinkerton’sCollection, vol. xvi (1813). Translations or abstracts were published in theCollectionsof Pieter van der Aa (Leiden, 1706-07); of Gottfried (Leiden, 1706-26); of Prévôt (Paris, 1726-74); in theAllgemeine Historie der Reisen(Leipzig, 1747-77), in theHistorische Beschrijving der Reisen(The Hague, 1747-67), and by Walckenaer (Paris, 1826-31).
6Battell’s narrative was reprinted in Astley’sNew General Collection of Voyages, vol. iii (1746), and Pinkerton’sCollection, vol. xvi (1813). Translations or abstracts were published in theCollectionsof Pieter van der Aa (Leiden, 1706-07); of Gottfried (Leiden, 1706-26); of Prévôt (Paris, 1726-74); in theAllgemeine Historie der Reisen(Leipzig, 1747-77), in theHistorische Beschrijving der Reisen(The Hague, 1747-67), and by Walckenaer (Paris, 1826-31).
7See “The Lake Region of Central Africa: a Contribution to the History of African Cartography,” by E. G. Ravenstein (Scottish Geogr. Mag., 1891).
7See “The Lake Region of Central Africa: a Contribution to the History of African Cartography,” by E. G. Ravenstein (Scottish Geogr. Mag., 1891).
8Among documents, the publication of which seems desirable are Don G. Abreu de Brito’sSummario e Descripção do Reino de Angola, 1592; and Cadornega’sHistoria(at least, in abstract).
8Among documents, the publication of which seems desirable are Don G. Abreu de Brito’sSummario e Descripção do Reino de Angola, 1592; and Cadornega’sHistoria(at least, in abstract).
9Abraham Cocke had been in the Brazils before this voyage, for we learn from Purchas (bk. vi, Pt.IV, London, 1625, p. 1141) that George, Earl of Cumberland, who had left Gravesend on June 26, 1586, with three ships and a pinnace, fell in, on January 10, 1587, with a Portuguese vessel, a little short of the River Plate, and in her found “Abraham Cock, of Leigh, near London,” whom he brought home with him.
9Abraham Cocke had been in the Brazils before this voyage, for we learn from Purchas (bk. vi, Pt.IV, London, 1625, p. 1141) that George, Earl of Cumberland, who had left Gravesend on June 26, 1586, with three ships and a pinnace, fell in, on January 10, 1587, with a Portuguese vessel, a little short of the River Plate, and in her found “Abraham Cock, of Leigh, near London,” whom he brought home with him.
10Pinnace: formerly applied to any small vessel, usually schooner-rigged; at present limited to a large rowing-boat carried by great ships.
10Pinnace: formerly applied to any small vessel, usually schooner-rigged; at present limited to a large rowing-boat carried by great ships.
11Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Canary Islands.
11Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Canary Islands.
12Light-horseman: a pinnace, a rowing-boat.
12Light-horseman: a pinnace, a rowing-boat.
13Vessels bound for Brazil usually cross the Equator about long. 22° W. If Captain Cock really intended to go direct to Brazil, he had no business at Cabo das Palmas. Can his voyage to S. Thomé really have been, as he says, an involuntary deviation from his direct course?
13Vessels bound for Brazil usually cross the Equator about long. 22° W. If Captain Cock really intended to go direct to Brazil, he had no business at Cabo das Palmas. Can his voyage to S. Thomé really have been, as he says, an involuntary deviation from his direct course?
14The island of S. Thomé was discovered by the Portuguese about 1472, and received its first settlers in 1486. In the course of the sixteenth century it suffered much from the depredations of French, English, and Dutch pirates, as also (1574) from a revolt headed by the Angolares: that is, the descendants of Angolan slaves who had swum ashore when the vessel which carried them was wrecked, in 1544, on the Sette Pedras, and had fled to the woods near. The Fortaleza de S. Sebastião was intended to defend the capital against piratical attacks. It was completed in 1575; but the Dutch, under Admiral Van der Dam, nevertheless sacked the city in 1600. Only four years before the author’s arrival, in 1485, the city had been destroyed by fire.
14The island of S. Thomé was discovered by the Portuguese about 1472, and received its first settlers in 1486. In the course of the sixteenth century it suffered much from the depredations of French, English, and Dutch pirates, as also (1574) from a revolt headed by the Angolares: that is, the descendants of Angolan slaves who had swum ashore when the vessel which carried them was wrecked, in 1544, on the Sette Pedras, and had fled to the woods near. The Fortaleza de S. Sebastião was intended to defend the capital against piratical attacks. It was completed in 1575; but the Dutch, under Admiral Van der Dam, nevertheless sacked the city in 1600. Only four years before the author’s arrival, in 1485, the city had been destroyed by fire.
15The Ilhéo das Rôlas (Turtle-dove Island) lies about a mile off the southern extremity of S. Thomé. It is of volcanic origin, rises to a considerable height, and is densely wooded. The inhabitants (about 100) are dependent upon the rain for their drinking water, for there are no springs. The chief articles of export are cacao and coffee.
15The Ilhéo das Rôlas (Turtle-dove Island) lies about a mile off the southern extremity of S. Thomé. It is of volcanic origin, rises to a considerable height, and is densely wooded. The inhabitants (about 100) are dependent upon the rain for their drinking water, for there are no springs. The chief articles of export are cacao and coffee.
16That is, the Povoação of early days, on the Bahia de Anna de Chaves, incorporated in 1535 as the Cidade de S. Thomé.
16That is, the Povoação of early days, on the Bahia de Anna de Chaves, incorporated in 1535 as the Cidade de S. Thomé.
17Cabo de Lopo Gonçalves, thus named after its discoverer, Cape Lopez of our charts, in lat 0° 36´ S.
17Cabo de Lopo Gonçalves, thus named after its discoverer, Cape Lopez of our charts, in lat 0° 36´ S.
18The “dolphin” of British sailors is thedoirada, or gilthead, of the Portuguese (Coryphaena hippurus), and delights to swim in the shadow of the vessel.
18The “dolphin” of British sailors is thedoirada, or gilthead, of the Portuguese (Coryphaena hippurus), and delights to swim in the shadow of the vessel.
19The Ilha Grande lies in lat. 23° 10´ S., sixty miles to the west of Rio de Janeiro. It is about seventeen miles in length, lofty, and shelters a safe bay, surrounded with magnificent scenery.
19The Ilha Grande lies in lat. 23° 10´ S., sixty miles to the west of Rio de Janeiro. It is about seventeen miles in length, lofty, and shelters a safe bay, surrounded with magnificent scenery.
20S. Salvador, on the Bahia de todos os Santos, lat. 13° S.
20S. Salvador, on the Bahia de todos os Santos, lat. 13° S.
21That is, one of the “degradados” or convicts, whom it is even now customary to banish to the Colonies.
21That is, one of the “degradados” or convicts, whom it is even now customary to banish to the Colonies.
22The Isla de Lobos Marinos (Seal Island) lies off Maldonado Point, and forms a conspicuous landmark for vessels approaching the Rio de la Plata.
22The Isla de Lobos Marinos (Seal Island) lies off Maldonado Point, and forms a conspicuous landmark for vessels approaching the Rio de la Plata.
23The Seal (phoca vitulina, Linn.) and Otary (Otaria jubata, Desm.) have become very rare. The morse or walrus is found only in the Northern hemisphere.
23The Seal (phoca vitulina, Linn.) and Otary (Otaria jubata, Desm.) have become very rare. The morse or walrus is found only in the Northern hemisphere.
24These south-westerly winds are known asPamperos. They are more frequent in winter. In summer they blow with greater force, but generally cease sooner.
24These south-westerly winds are known asPamperos. They are more frequent in winter. In summer they blow with greater force, but generally cease sooner.
25Isla Verde can be no other than Flores, a small island further west than the Isla de Lobos.
25Isla Verde can be no other than Flores, a small island further west than the Isla de Lobos.
26The Ilha de São Sebastião, in lat. 23° 50´ S.
26The Ilha de São Sebastião, in lat. 23° 50´ S.
27Espirito Santo, a town on the coast of Brazil, in lat. 20° 20´ S.
27Espirito Santo, a town on the coast of Brazil, in lat. 20° 20´ S.
28This capture must have happened at the end of 1589, or, at latest, early in 1590, yet Thomas Knivet, who only left England with Cavendish in August 1591, gives an account of the capture of five Englishmen (Purchas iv, 1625, p. 1220) which at the first glance seems to be a different version of this very incident. Knivet professes to have been at Rio de Janeiro at the time, two months after his return from Angola in 1598. He says: “There came a small man-of-war to Great Island [Ilha Grande, 70 miles west of Rio]; the captain’s name wasAbram Cocke; he lay in wait for the ships on the River of Plate, and had taken them if it had not been for five of his men that ran away with his boat that discovered his being there; for within a sevennight after he was gone three caravels came within the same road where he was. These five men were taken by a Friar who came from S. Vincent, and were brought to the river of Janeiro. I being at this time in some account with the Governor favoured them as well as I could.” In the further course of his narrative Knivet names two of these five men, namely,Richard HeixtandThomas Cooper.Thomas Turneris referred to elsewhere, but not under circumstances which would lead one to assume that he was one of the five. Battell is not mentioned at all.Are we to suppose, then, that Captain Cockewasheard of once more, and that in 1599 he lost five men on the Ilha Grande, just as nine years before he had lost five on the island of San Sebastian? Such a coincidence is possible, but most improbable.
28This capture must have happened at the end of 1589, or, at latest, early in 1590, yet Thomas Knivet, who only left England with Cavendish in August 1591, gives an account of the capture of five Englishmen (Purchas iv, 1625, p. 1220) which at the first glance seems to be a different version of this very incident. Knivet professes to have been at Rio de Janeiro at the time, two months after his return from Angola in 1598. He says: “There came a small man-of-war to Great Island [Ilha Grande, 70 miles west of Rio]; the captain’s name wasAbram Cocke; he lay in wait for the ships on the River of Plate, and had taken them if it had not been for five of his men that ran away with his boat that discovered his being there; for within a sevennight after he was gone three caravels came within the same road where he was. These five men were taken by a Friar who came from S. Vincent, and were brought to the river of Janeiro. I being at this time in some account with the Governor favoured them as well as I could.” In the further course of his narrative Knivet names two of these five men, namely,Richard HeixtandThomas Cooper.Thomas Turneris referred to elsewhere, but not under circumstances which would lead one to assume that he was one of the five. Battell is not mentioned at all.
Are we to suppose, then, that Captain Cockewasheard of once more, and that in 1599 he lost five men on the Ilha Grande, just as nine years before he had lost five on the island of San Sebastian? Such a coincidence is possible, but most improbable.
29This Thomas Turner, or Torner, subsequently returned to England, and Purchas had speech with him.
29This Thomas Turner, or Torner, subsequently returned to England, and Purchas had speech with him.
30São Paulo de Loanda, the capital of Angola, 8° 48´ S.
30São Paulo de Loanda, the capital of Angola, 8° 48´ S.
31The Kwanza, the most important river of Angola, navigable from the sea as far as the rapids of Cambambe. The “town of garrison” was Masanganu, founded in 1582.
31The Kwanza, the most important river of Angola, navigable from the sea as far as the rapids of Cambambe. The “town of garrison” was Masanganu, founded in 1582.
32João Furtado de Mendonça only arrived at Loanda on August 1, 1594. He remained Governor until early in 1602, when he was succeeded by João Rodriguez Coutinho.
32João Furtado de Mendonça only arrived at Loanda on August 1, 1594. He remained Governor until early in 1602, when he was succeeded by João Rodriguez Coutinho.
33That is, the two incisors of the upper jaw, commonly known as “tusks.”
33That is, the two incisors of the upper jaw, commonly known as “tusks.”
34Battell’s “wheat” ismasa-mamputo, or zea mayz. Elsewhere he speaks of “Guinea wheat,” and this might be sorghum or millet; but as he says that the natives call the grain “mas impoto,” there can be no doubt about its identity withmasa-mamputo, the grão de Portugal, or maize, which, according to Ficalho, was imported from America.
34Battell’s “wheat” ismasa-mamputo, or zea mayz. Elsewhere he speaks of “Guinea wheat,” and this might be sorghum or millet; but as he says that the natives call the grain “mas impoto,” there can be no doubt about its identity withmasa-mamputo, the grão de Portugal, or maize, which, according to Ficalho, was imported from America.
35The River of Congo is known to the natives as “Nzadi,” or “Nzari,” which merely signifies “great river “(Bentley’sDictionary of the Congo Language). For Isle de Calabes we ought perhaps to read Ilha das Calabaças (Calabash Island). The position of this island I am unable to determine. Perhaps it is the same as an Ilheo dos Cavallos Marinhos (Hippopotamus Island), described by Pimentel as lying within the Cabo do Padrão, Congo mouth. Duarte Lopez (A Report of the Kingdom of Congo, drawn out of the Writings of Duarte Lopez, by F. Pigafetta, 1591. Translated by Margareta Hutchinson. London, 1881) says it was the first island met with on entering the Zaire, and that, although small, the Portuguese had a town upon it.
35The River of Congo is known to the natives as “Nzadi,” or “Nzari,” which merely signifies “great river “(Bentley’sDictionary of the Congo Language). For Isle de Calabes we ought perhaps to read Ilha das Calabaças (Calabash Island). The position of this island I am unable to determine. Perhaps it is the same as an Ilheo dos Cavallos Marinhos (Hippopotamus Island), described by Pimentel as lying within the Cabo do Padrão, Congo mouth. Duarte Lopez (A Report of the Kingdom of Congo, drawn out of the Writings of Duarte Lopez, by F. Pigafetta, 1591. Translated by Margareta Hutchinson. London, 1881) says it was the first island met with on entering the Zaire, and that, although small, the Portuguese had a town upon it.
36Palm cloth is made from the fronds of thentera, or fan palm (Hyphæne Guineensis).
36Palm cloth is made from the fronds of thentera, or fan palm (Hyphæne Guineensis).
37Dapper (Africa, Amsterdam, 1670, p. 520) tells us that the hairs from an elephant’s tail were highly valued by the natives, who wove them into necklaces and girdles; fifty of these hairs or bristles were worth 1000 reis! Duarte Lopez (Kingdom of Congo, London, 1881, p. 46) says that one such tail was equal in value to two or three slaves, and that native hunters followed the elephants up narrow and steep defiles, and there cut off the desired spoils. Battell himself (see p. 58) bought 20,000 (hairs) which he sold to the Portugals for thirty slaves.
37Dapper (Africa, Amsterdam, 1670, p. 520) tells us that the hairs from an elephant’s tail were highly valued by the natives, who wove them into necklaces and girdles; fifty of these hairs or bristles were worth 1000 reis! Duarte Lopez (Kingdom of Congo, London, 1881, p. 46) says that one such tail was equal in value to two or three slaves, and that native hunters followed the elephants up narrow and steep defiles, and there cut off the desired spoils. Battell himself (see p. 58) bought 20,000 (hairs) which he sold to the Portugals for thirty slaves.
38The Egyptians were, of course, Ciganos, or gypsies. They appeared in Portugal in the beginning of the sixteenth century. A Royal order of 1526 ordered them to leave the kingdom, but appears to have had no more effect than a law of 1538, which, on account of the thefts of which they were accused, and their sorceries, threatened them with a flogging and the confiscation of their goods, if caught within the kingdom. This law was re-enacted in 1557, when the galleys were substituted for a flogging; and in 1592 a still more severe law was enacted, which threatened with death all those who should not quit the kingdom within four months. Battel’s associates were, no doubt, gipsies who had been sent as convicts to Angola (see F. A. Coelho,Os Ciganos de Portugal, Lisbon, 1892).The Moriscoes are the Moors of Morocco. Early Portuguese writers refer to the men who had fought in Africa (Morocco) as Africanos, and Battell’s Moriscoes were in all probability Moorish prisoners of war, or Moors expelled from Portugal.
38The Egyptians were, of course, Ciganos, or gypsies. They appeared in Portugal in the beginning of the sixteenth century. A Royal order of 1526 ordered them to leave the kingdom, but appears to have had no more effect than a law of 1538, which, on account of the thefts of which they were accused, and their sorceries, threatened them with a flogging and the confiscation of their goods, if caught within the kingdom. This law was re-enacted in 1557, when the galleys were substituted for a flogging; and in 1592 a still more severe law was enacted, which threatened with death all those who should not quit the kingdom within four months. Battel’s associates were, no doubt, gipsies who had been sent as convicts to Angola (see F. A. Coelho,Os Ciganos de Portugal, Lisbon, 1892).
The Moriscoes are the Moors of Morocco. Early Portuguese writers refer to the men who had fought in Africa (Morocco) as Africanos, and Battell’s Moriscoes were in all probability Moorish prisoners of war, or Moors expelled from Portugal.