CONTEMPORARY POETS:

The dates ofEp.ii. 1, 2, have already been mentioned. Both treat of literary criticism, and the first deals particularly with that of the drama. Iulius Florus, to whomEp.ii. 2 is addressed, was the representative of the younger literary school at Rome. TheEpistula ad PisonesorDe Arte Poeticais an essay in verse on literary criticism, specially pointing out how necessary art is to composition. In it, according to Porphyrion, Horace ‘congessit praecepta Neoptolemiτοῦ Παριανοῦ[61]de arte poetica, non quidem omnia, sed eminentissima.’ Horace probably was also indebted to Aristotle’sPoetics. Porphyrion says that Horace wrote theArs Poetica‘ad L. Pisonem qui postea urbis custos fuit eiusque liberos.’ This does not fit in with the probable date,B.C.17 or 16, as L. Piso was bornB.C.49, and his sons could not have been old enough for the letter to be addressed to them. It is probable that Porphyrion is wrong, and that theA.P.was addressed to Cn. Piso, who served with Horace under Brutus, and his two sons.

Horace and nature.—Besides references to his Sabine villa, Horace refers to natural scenery in many passages. Such areEpod.2;Od.i. 7, 10; ii. 6, 13; iii. 13, 9;Sat.ii. 6, 1sqq.;Ep.i. 10, 6sqq., i. 16, 1sqq.[62]Horace is fond of comparing dangers to the plague of floods,[63]a plague from which Italy has always suffered. Cf.Od.i. 31, 7,

‘rura quae Liris quietamordet aqua taciturnus amnis.’

SoOd.iii. 29, 32sqq., and many other passages.

Popularity of Horace.—Horace’s prediction that his works would become school-books,Ep.i. 20, 17,

‘Hoc quoque te manet, ut pueros elementa docentemoccupet extremis in vicis balba senectus,’

was early fulfilled. Cf. Iuv. 7, 226,

‘Quot stabant pueri, cum totus decolor essetFlaccus et haereret nigro fuligo Maroni.’

The following writers were friends of Horace:

(a)C. Valgius Rufus, consul suffectusB.C.12, belonged to the circle of Maecenas (Hor.Sat.i. 10, 82).

Valgius’ works, of which only a few lines are extant, included (1) Elegiae. Cf. Hor.Od.ii. 9, 9-12,

‘Tu semper urges flebilibus modisMysten ademptum, nec tibi Vesperosurgente decedunt amoresnec rapidum fugiente solem.’

(2) Epigrammata, (3) Miscellanies, (4) A translation of Apollodorus’τέχνη. (See Quint. iii. 1, 18.) (5) A book on herbs. (Pliny,N.H.xxv. 4.) An epic was also expected of him, but whether written is unknown. Tibull. iv. 1, 179,

‘Est tibi, qui possit magnis se adcingere rebus,Valgius; aeterno propior non alter Homero.’

(b)M. Aristius Fuscus, a poet and grammarian (Porphyr.ad Sat.i. 9, 60);Od.i. 22, andEp.i. 10, are addressed to him.

(d)C. Fundanius, wrote comedies (Porphyr.ad Sat.i. 10, 40).

(e)Servius Sulpicius, a love poet (Ovid,Trist.ii. 441; Hor.Sat.i. 10, 86).

(f)Iulius Floruswas ‘saturarum scriptor’ (Porphyr.ad Hor. Ep.i. 3, 1). Hor.Ep.i. 3 and ii. 2, are addressed to him.

(g)Titiuswrote Pindaric odes, and tragedies, Hor.Ep.i. 3, 9-14.

(h)Albinovanus Celsus. See Hor.Ep.i. 3, 15-7.

(i)C. Iullus Antonius,B.C.44-B.C.2, was a son of the triumvir M. Antonius. The Schol. on Hor.Od.iv. 2, 2, says of him, “Heroico metro Diomedeam scripsit et nonnulla alia soluta oratione.”

(k)Furnius, an orator; diedB.C.37. He is mentioned by Hor.Sat.i. 10, 86.

Other poets contemporary with Virgil and Horace are:

(a)L. Varius Rufus(cf. Verg.Ecl.9, 35). His works were:

(1) Epics (a) on the death of Julius Caesar (Macrob.Saturn.vi. 1, 39), (b) in praise of Augustus. Hor.Ep.i. 16, 27-29 is a quotation from this poem (Acronad loc.), and it is probably referred to inOd.i. 6, 1 (to Agrippa),

‘Scriberis Vario fortis et hostiumvictor Maeonii carminis aliti,quam rem cumque ferox navibus aut equismiles te duce gesserit.’

(2) A tragedy,Thyestes, praised by Quint. x. 1, 98, ‘iam Varii Thyestes cuilibet Graecarum comparari potest.’

(3) Elegies: Porphyr. ad Hor.Od.i. 6, 1, ‘fuit L. Varius et ipse carminis et tragoediarum et elegiorum auctor.’

(b)Aemilius Macerwas a native of Verona, and diedB.C.16: Jerome yr. Abr. 2001, ‘Aemilius Macer Veronensis poeta in Asia moritur.’ He was a friend of Virgil, and was the ‘Mopsus’ ofEcl.5, according to Serv.ad loc.Ovid in his youth enjoyed his acquaintance; cf.Tr.iv. 10, 43, where three didactic poems are referred to: (1)Ornithogonia, on birds; (2)Theriaca, on venomous serpents; (3)De Herbis, on plants.

For his obligations to Nicander, see under ‘Virgil,’p. 158. Quintilian calls him ‘humilis’ (x. 1, 87).

(c)C. Cornelius Galluswas born at Forum IuliiB.C.70, and died by his own handB.C.27. Jerome yr. Abr. 1990, ‘Cornelius Gallus Foroiuliensis poeta ... xliii. aetatis suae anno propria se manu interficit.’ Having commanded a division in the war against Antony, he was appointed by Octavian the first prefect of Egypt,B.C.30, but incurred his anger and was banished from Caesar’s house and provinces (Sueton.Aug.66). The cause of his downfall was indiscreet language about Augustus, according to Ovid,Tr.ii. 445,

‘Non fuit opprobrio celebrasse Lycorida Gallo,sed linguam nimio non tenuisse mero’;

andAm.iii. 9, 63,

‘Tu quoque, si falsum est temerati crimen amici,sanguinis atque animae prodige, Galle, tuae.’

The tenth eclogue of Virgil is a testimony to his friendship for Gallus, l. 2,

‘Pauca meo Gallo, sed quae legat ipsa Lycoris,carmina sunt dicenda; neget quis carmina Gallo?’

Lines 44-49 are said by Servius,ad loc., to be quoted from Gallus (‘de ipsius translati carminibus’). For the tribute to Gallus in the original draft ofGeorgiciv. see under ‘Virgil,’p. 157.

He wrote four Books of love-poems to Cytheris, thelibertawho afterwards deserted him for Antony: Serv.ad Ecl.x. 1, ‘amorum suorum de Cytheride scripsit libros iv.’ According to Servius he also translated the poems of Euphorion of Chalcis. Cf. Verg.Ecl.x. 50,

‘Ibo et Chalcidico quae sunt mihi condita versucarmina pastoris Siculi modulabor avena.’

Compared with Tibullus and Propertius, he was ‘durior’ (Quint. x. 1, 93).

(d)Codrus, mentioned by Virgil,Ecl.7, 22 and 26; 5, 11, was a contemporary poet (Serv.ad Ecl.7), and was praised by Valgius (Schol. Veron.ad loc.), but nothing is known of his writings. The name is not Roman, and is probably a disguised form of Cordus. He is sometimes identified with the Iarbitas of Hor.Ep.i. 19, 15.

(e)BaviusandMeviuswere enemies of Virgil and Horace. Verg.Ecl.3, 90,

‘Qui Bavium non odit, amet tua carmina, Mevi.’

Horace,Epod.10, prays for the shipwreck of Mevius. He wrote about the prodigal son of the actor Aesopus (Porphyr. ad Hor.Sat.ii. 3, 239). Bavius diedB.C.35, according to Jerome.

(f)Anserwrote a poem in praise of Antony, and was rewarded with a grant of land (Serv.ad Ecl.9, 36; Cic.Phil.xiii. 11). He is mentioned by Ovid,Tr.ii. 435,

‘Cinna quoque his comes est, Cinnaque procacior Anser.’

Servius sees an allusion to him inEcl.9, 36,

‘Argutos inter strepere anser olores.’

(g)Domitius Marsus. His epigram on Tibullus (seep. 186) shows that he was alive inB.C.19; he was, however, dead when Ovid was exiled inA.D.8.

Ovid,Ex Pont.iv. 16, 3,

‘Famaque post cineres maior venit; et mihi nomentunc quoque, cum vivis adnumerarer, erat,cum foret et Marsus, magnique Rabirius oris,Iliacusque Macer sidereusque Pedo.’

He was a member of Augustus’ literary circle. Mart. viii. 56, 21,

‘Quid Varios Marsosque loquar, ditataque vatumnomina, magnus erit quos numerare labor?’

His works were:

1.Cicuta, a collection of epigrams, often referred to by Martial. Cf. ii. 71, 3,

‘aut Marsi recitas aut scripta Catulli.’

2.Amazonis, an epic poem.[64]Mart. iv. 29, 7,

‘Saepius in libro memoratur Persius unoquam levis in tota Marsus Amazonide.’

3.AmoresorElegiae. Mart. vii. 29, 7,

‘Et Maecenati, Maro cum cantaret Alexin,nota tamen Marsi fusca Melaenis erat.’

4.Fabellae.

5.De Urbanitate(in prose). Quint. vi. 3, 102, ‘Domitius Marsus, qui de urbanitate diligentissime scripsit.’

(h)Pupius, a tragedian, sneered at by Hor.Ep.i. 1, 67, ‘lacrimosa poemata Pupi.’

(i)C. Melissus, a freedman of Maecenas, invented thetrabeata, a variety of thetogata.

Sueton.Gramm.21, ‘Fecit et novum genus togatarum inscripsitque trabeatas.’

Albius Tibullus (his praenomen was perhaps Aulus, which, from the abbreviation A. being followed by Albius, was lost in theMSS.) seems to have been born near Pedum in Latium. (1) Horace, inEp.i. 4, 2, addressed to Tibullus, asks, ‘Quid nunc te dicam facere in regione Pedana?’ apparently referring to the ‘sedes avitae’ of Tibullus (Tibull. ii. 4, 53). (2) The Life contained in the bestMSS., and probably to be attributed to Suetonius, calls him ‘Albius Tibullus, eques Romanus’ (codd. Paris. and Lips. ‘regulis’). Bährens (Tibullische Blätter) holds thatRomanusis an erroneous correction ofregulis, for which he proposes to readR.(= Romanus)e Gabis(= Gabiis). Gabii was within a short distance of Pedum.

The date of his birth can be fixed only by indirect evidence.

(1) The Life says ‘obiit adulescens,’ and the epigram of Domitius Marsus, found in the bestMSS., calls Tibullus ‘iuvenis’ at the time of his death, which must have occurred about the same time as Virgil’s, inB.C.19,

‘Te quoque Vergilio comitem non aequa, Tibulle,mors iuvenem campos misit ad Elysios,ne foret aut elegis molles qui fleret amoresaut caneret forti regia bella pede.’

(2) Ovid (Tr.iv. 10, 53) says of Tibullus,

‘Successor fuit hic tibi, Galle, Propertius illi.’

Since Gallus was bornB.C.70, and Propertius aboutB.C.49, the birth of Tibullus must have fallen between those years.

(3) Tibullus accompanied Messalla when he left for Aquitania,B.C.30 or 29, according to the Life: ‘Ante alios Corvinum Messallam oratorem dilexit, cuius etiam contubernalis Aquitanico bello militaribus donis donatus est.’ Cf. Tibull. i. 7, 9,

‘Non sine me est tibi partus honos; Tarbella Pyrenetestis et Oceani litora Santonici.’

Putting together these references we may place the date of Tibullus’ birth inB.C.54. (The statement of the Life in the Codex Guelferbytanus, ‘Natus est Hyrtio et Pansa coss.’ is clearly wrong).

He was of equestrian rank, and at one time possessed considerable wealth, apparently inherited from a long line of ancestors; i. 1, 41,

‘Non ego divitias patrum fructusque requiroquos tulit antiquo condita messis avo.’

Cf. ii. 1, 1; ii. 4, 53; Hor.Ep.i. 4, 7,

‘Di tibi divitias dederunt.’

His family property, however, had been greatly diminished; i. 1, 19,

‘Vos quoque, felicis quondam nunc pauperis agricustodes, fertis munera vestra, lares:tunc vitula innumeros lustrabat caesa iuvencos;nunc agna exigui est hostia parva soli.’

Cf. i. 1, 5 and 37.

It has been supposed that Tibullus suffered these losses in the agrarian disturbances ofB.C.41, and that his lands, like those of Virgil and Propertius, were confiscated. No town in Latium, however, is mentioned by Appian as having its territory thus assigned. Tibullus’ property may possibly have been restored to him through the influence of Messalla.[65]Cf. Hor.Ep.i. 4, 11,

‘Et mundus victus non deficiente crumena’;

also Tibull. i. 1, 77,

‘Ego composito securus acervodespiciam dites despiciamque famem.’

Of Messalla Tibullus always speaks with the greatest affection. He refused at first to accompany him to the East after the battle of Actium, but afterwards followed him, and was forced through illness to remain at Corcyra: i. 1, 53,

‘Te bellare decet terra, Messalla, marique,ut domus hostiles praeferat exuvias:me retinent vinctum formosae vincla puellae’;

i, 3, 3,

‘Me tenet ignotis aegrum Phaeacia terris.’

In the Aquitanian campaign he was Messalla’scontubernalis, and had military distinctions conferred on him (seep. 186).

No further particulars of Tibullus are known, save his love for his mistresses Delia and Nemesis, and the fact mentioned by Ovid, in a poem on his death, that his mother and sister survived him;Amor.iii. 9, 50,

‘Mater et in cineres ultima dona tulit.Hinc soror in partem misera cum matre dolorisvenit inornatas dilaniata comas.’

Delia’s real name was Plania (δῆλος=planus): cf. Apuleius,Apol.10, ‘eadem igitur opera accusent ... Tibullum quod ei sit Plania in animo Delia in versu.’ She was alibertina, for the name is not known as anomen gentilicium, and she had had a husband (i. 2, 41, ‘coniunx tuus’), who appears to have been serving with the army in Cilicia: i. 2, 65,

‘Ferreus ille fuit, qui te cum posset habere,maluerit praedas stultus et arma sequi.Ille licet Cilicum victas agat ante catervas,’ etc.

A divorce had probably taken place, as she was not entitled to wear the distinctive dress of the Roman matron; i. 6, 67,

‘Sit modo casta, doce, quamvis non vitta ligatosimpediat crines nec stola longa pedes.’

Nemesis was ameretrix; ii. 4, 14,

‘Illa cava pretium flagitat usque manu.’

She appears to be the ‘immitis Glycera’ of Hor.Od.i. 33, 2, addressed to Albius (so Kiesslingad loc.). Both Delia and Nemesis are represented by Ovid as present at the funeral of Tibullus.Amor.iii. 9, 53,

‘Cumque tuis sua iunxerunt Nemesisque priorqueoscula nec solos destituere rogos.’

Tibullus was on friendly terms with Horace, who addressed to himOd.i. 33 andEp.i. 4. Horace was doubtless attracted by the frank nature of Tibullus (Ep.i. 4, 1, ‘Albi, nostrorum sermonum candide iudex’), and by the community of taste which led them both to imitate the classical Ionic rather than the Alexandrian elegy. Horace corroborates the statement of Life i. (‘insignis forma cultuque corporis observabilis’) that Tibullus had a fine presence;ibid.1. 6,

‘Non tu corpus eras sine pectore: di tibi formam,di tibi divitias dederunt artemque fruendi.’

Ovid had met and admired him, and has numerous imitations of him in his poems; but the difference of age and the early death of Tibullus prevented any long acquaintance; Ovid,Tr.iv. 10, 51,

‘Nec amara Tibullotempus amicitiae fata dedere meae.’

Of friendship between Propertius and Tibullus there is no evidence: they never mention one another.

Four Books of elegiac poems are attributed to Tibullus, who ranks first among Roman elegists in the view of Quintilian, x. 1, 93, ‘Elegia quoque Graecos provocamus, cuius mihi tersus atque elegans maxime videtur auctor Tibullus.’

Book i., on the poet’s love for Delia and Marathus (El.7 is to Messalla), was published by himself, and was apparently composed in the yearsB.C.31-27. This agrees with Ovid,Tr.ii. 463,

‘Legiturque Tibulluset placet, et iam te principe notus erat,’

if we assume that ‘principe’ refers to the title of Augustus.

Book ii., the chief subject of which is Nemesis, appears to have been written several years later. It is unfinished, not having received the author’s final revision, and was probably published soon after his death, certainly several years before Ovid’sArs Amatoria(cf.A.A.535sqq.).

Book iii. (six Elegies) is professedly the work of Lygdamus. No poet of that name is mentioned in ancient literature, and it has been suggested that the author may have been a young relative of Tibullus who used a Greek adaptation of the gentile name Albius (λύγδος= white marble). He speaks as a man of good social position (iii. 2, 22). From the fact that he belonged to the circle of Messalla, his poems came to be added to those of Tibullus, whom he constantly imitates. There are also many reminiscences of Horace, Ovid, and Propertius. The six Elegies are addressed to Neaera, who was probably the poet’s cousin and was married or betrothed to him (iii. 1, 23; 2, 12). Lygdamus was born in the same year as Ovid,B.C.43; iii. 5, 17,

‘Natalem primo nostrum videre parentes,cum cecidit fato consul uterque pari.’

The remarkable coincidence between iii. 5, 15-20, and Ovid,A.A.ii. 669-70,Tr.iv. 10, 6,Amor.ii. 14, 23-4, is best explained by Hiller (Hermes, xviii. 360-1), who suggests that Lygdamus may have composed the poem in his earlier years merely to amuse Neaera, without publishing it, and that after Ovid’s works had appeared he may, to oblige a friend or patron (e.g.Messalinus), have published his collection of elegies, adding in the process of revision the lines copied from Ovid.

The remaining poems belong to Book iii. in theMSS., but in most editions are printed as a separate Book iv. iv. 1, in hexameters, is thePanegyricus Messallae, written in honour of Messalla’s consulship,B.C.31. Its rhetorical exaggeration and want of taste forbid its being attributed to Tibullus, written, as it was, so shortly before he reached the summit of his powers. Its date puts Lygdamus out of question: doubtless it is by some young member of Messalla’s circle.

The rest of the Book has for its theme the love of Sulpicia, the daughter of Servius Sulpicius and Valeria, the sister of Messalla, for a young Greek named Cerinthus.El.2-6 are apparently by Tibullus himself, who may have amused himself by turning into verse the letters of the young lovers.El.7 is of disputed authorship; but it resembles the work of Sulpicia rather than that of Tibullus.El.8-12 are by Sulpicia to Cerinthus.El.13 purports to be by Tibullus.El.14 is an epigram, of doubtful authorship.

TwoPriapeaare found inMSS.of Tibullus, but probably neither of them is by him.

The name by which the poet designates himself is Propertius simply; the praenomen Sextus rests on the authority of Donatus. The additions in someMSS., ‘Aurelius’ and ‘Nauta,’ are clearly erroneous.

He was certainly a native of the district of Umbria, and probably of the town of Asisium (the modern Assisi). Cf. iv. 1, 121,

‘Umbria te notis antiqua penatibus edit,(mentior? an patriae tangitur ora tuae?)qua nebulosa cavo rorat Mevania campo,et lacus aestivis intepet Umber aquis,scandentisque Asisi consurgit vertice murus,murus ab ingenio notior ille tuo.’

‘Asisi’ in l. 125 is Lachmann’s emendation for ‘Asis’ of theMSS., and is rendered almost certain by the topography of the district. Asisium agrees better than Hispellum (the modern Spello) with the description in the passage quoted; with iv. 1, 65,

‘Scandentes quisquis cernet de vallibus arces,ingenio muros aestimet ille meo’;

and with the epithet ‘proxima’ in i. 22, 9, as Asisium is nearer than Hispellum to Perusia. Cf. i. 22, 3-10,

‘Si Perusina tibi patriae sunt nota sepulcra,Italiae duris funera temporibus, ...proxima supposito contingens Umbria campome genuit terris fertilis uberibus.’

At Assisi, moreover, have been found several inscriptions of the Propertii, one of which, C. PASSENNO | C. F. SERG. |, PAULLO | PROPERTIO | BLAESO,[66]probably refers to the Passennus Paullus mentioned by Pliny,Ep.vi. 15, as ‘municeps Propertii.’

Propertius was younger than Tibullus, and older than Ovid. His birth, therefore, took place betweenB.C.54 and 43 (Hertzberg gives 46, Postgate prefers 50). Cf. Ovid,Tr.iv. 10, 53,

‘Successor fuit hic [Tibullus] tibi, Galle; Propertius illi;quartus ab his serie temporis ipse fui.’

He came of a family well known in the neighbourhood (cf. iv. 1, 121, ‘notis penatibus,’ already quoted), but not ‘noble’ in the technical sense; ii. 34, 55,

‘Aspice me, cui parva domi fortuna relictast,nullus et antiquo Marte triumphus avi.’

His childhood was clouded by the early death of his father, and by the confiscation of his estate inB.C.41; iv. 1, 127,

‘Ossaque legisti non illa aetate legendapatris; et in tenues cogeris ipse lares,nam tua cum multi versarent rura iuvenci,abstulit excultas pertica tristis opes.’

His mother then took him to Rome, where he studied law for a short time after assuming thetoga virilis, but abandoned it in favour of poetry; iv. 1, 131,

‘Mox ubi bulla rudi demissast aurea collo,matris et ante deos libera sumpta toga,tum tibi pauca suo de carmine dictat Apolloet vetat insano verba tonare foro.’

Meanwhile he was engaged in his first love affair with Lycinna, who is otherwise unknown (iii. 15, 3sqq.). InB.C.29 or 28 his acquaintance with Cynthia began. Her real name was Hostia (Apuleius,Apol.10, ‘Accusent ... Propertium, qui Cynthiam dicat, Hostiam dissimulet’), and she was possibly a grand-daughter of the poet Hostius (p. 65). Cf. iii. 20, 8,

‘Splendidaque a docto fama refulget avo.’

A courtesan of the higher class, she is represented by Propertius as possessed of great personal charms and varied accomplishments (i. 2, 30, ‘Omnia quaeque Venus quaeque Minerva probat’), combined with many faults of temper and character. She had a house at Rome in the Subura, and we hear of her also at Tibur, where she was buried (iv. 7, 15; 85). She was considerably older than Propertius; ii. 18, 19,

‘At tu etiam iuvenem odisti me, perfida, cum sisipsa anus haud longa curva futura die.’

At the end of two years the unfaithfulness of Propertius led to twelve months of estrangement; iii. 16, 9,

‘Peccaram semel, et totum sum pulsus in annum.’

Cynthia was reconciled to him about the beginning ofB.C.25; but the passion on both sides gradually cooled until, in 23, Propertius harshly cast her off (iii. 24 and 25). Possibly there was a second reconciliation before her death (iv. 7). The five years of bondage (iii. 25, 3, ‘Quinque tibi potui servire fideliter annos,’) will thus beB.C.28, 27, 25-23.

Propertius lived chiefly at Rome; but i. 18 was written near the Clitumnus, and in ii. 19 he promises to join Cynthia in that region. In iii. 21 he contemplates a voyage to Athens; l. 1,

‘Magnum iter ad doctas proficisci cogor Athenas,ut me longa gravi solvat amore via.’

A few years earlier he had refused to accompany his friend Tullus to Athens and Asia (i. 6).

Nothing is known of the subsequent life of Propertius, but from two passages in the younger Pliny it is natural to infer that he married, in obedience to theLex IuliaofB.C.18, and had issue. Pliny,Ep.vi. 15, ‘Passennus Paullus ... inter maiores suos Propertium numerat’; ix. 22, ‘Propertium ... a quo genus ducit.’

We cannot tell even when he died. He must have been alive inB.C.16, because iv. 6 was written for theludi quinquennales, which were held for the first time in that year; and iv. 11. 65, is an allusion to the consulship of P. Cornelius Scipio, also inB.C.16.

In personal appearance Propertius was pale and thin, and rather fond of dress; i. 5, 21,

‘Nec iam pallorem totiens mirabere nostrum,aut cur sim toto corpore nullus ego’;

ii. 4, 5,

‘Nequiquam perfusa meis unguenta capillis,ibat et expenso planta morata gradu.’

He had been introduced to Maecenas after the publication of his first Book, but naturally was not on such intimate terms with him as older men like Virgil and Horace were. ii. 1 and iii. 9 are addressed to Maecenas. In the first of these poems Propertius declares that he is unequal to the composition of an epic, which his patron had urged upon him, but adds (l. 17)

‘Quod mihi si tantum, Maecenas, fata dedissentut possem heroas ducere in arma manus, ...bellaque resque tui memorarem Caesaris, et tuCaesare sub magno cura secunda fores.’

For poems referring to Augustus cf. ii. 10, iv. 6 (on Actium), iii. 18 (on the death of Marcellus).

Horace and Propertius do not mention each other by name. Chronology forbids the identification of the bore in Hor.Sat.i. 9 with Propertius, who, on the same ground, cannot be meant inSat.i. 10, 18,

‘Neque simius iste,nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum.’

But Hor.Ep.ii. 2, 87-101, is undoubtedly aimed at Propertius. Cf. especially l. 99,

‘Discedo Alcaeus puncto illius; ille meo quis?quis nisi Callimachus? Si plus adposcere visus,fit Mimnermus et optivo cognomine crescit.’

Though both poets belonged to the same literary circle, they differed widely in temperament as well as in age. With Tibullus, who was a member of Messalla’s circle, Propertius may have had no personal acquaintance; at all events, neither alludes to the other.

For Virgil Propertius expresses warm admiration in ii. 34, written during the composition of theAeneid. Ovid, who calls him ‘blandus’ (Tr.ii. 465) and ‘tener’ (A.A.iii. 333), was an intimate friend of his; cf.Tr.iv. 10, 45 (quotedp. 206). The minor poets to whom he writes are Ponticus (i. 7 and 9), Bassus (i. 4), and a tragic poet, Lynceus (a pseudonym, ii. 34, 25).

The extant Elegies, divided in theMSS.into four Books, are probably all that Propertius ever wrote. On account of the disproportionate length of Book ii., and the number ‘tres’ (which, however, may be said in anticipation) in ii. 13, 25,

‘Sat mea sat magna est si tres sint pompa libelli,quos ego Persephonae maxima dona feram,’

some editors make Book ii. consist only ofEl.1-9, and assign the remainder (10-34) to a new Book iii. Books iii. and iv. of theMSS.then become iv. and v. respectively. In the most recent editions, however, theMSS.arrangement is retained, and it is here followed.

Booki.—All the Elegies in Book i., except the last two, are amatory.El.2-10 belong to the first months of the poet’s love, when Cynthia was gracious, though capricious. She had refused to accompany a rival of his, who was going to Illyricum as praetor (El.8); but afterwards she left Rome for Baiae, and the rest of the Book is full of complaints of her harshness.El.1, written after the year of separation, introduces the whole Book in a melancholy strain.

The clearest indication of date in Book i. is 8, 21, ‘Nam me non ullae poterunt corrumpere taedae,’ where Propertius protests that he will never marry, in spite of theLex IuliaofB.C.27. (He could not legally marry a woman of Cynthia’s class.) The Book was published probably inB.C.25, under the title of ‘Cynthia.’ Cf. ii. 24, 1,

‘Cum sis iam noto fabula libroet tua sit toto Cynthia lecta foro.’

Her name was a recommendation for the Book, and it was probably her satisfaction at the fame which it brought her that caused her to relent towards Propertius. Cf. Mart. xiv. 189,

‘Cynthia, facundi carmen iuvenile Properti,accepit famam, nec minus ipsa dedit.’

At all events, a few months afterwards we find the old relations re-established; ii. 3, 3,

‘Vix unum potes, infelix, requiescere mensem,et turpis de te iam liber alter erit.’

Bookii.—Cynthia is the theme of nearly all the thirty-four poems of Book ii., which give lively expression to her lover’s varying moods. Only three Elegies (1, 10, and 31) are given to other subjects.

Of the few poems to which dates can be assigned, the earliest isEl.31 (on the dedication of the temple of the Palatine Apollo,B.C.28), and the latest isEl.10, to Augustus (written shortly before the invasion of Arabia by Aelius Gallus inB.C.24. Cf. l. 16, ‘et domus intactae te tremit Arabiae’). The Book was therefore publishedB.C.24 at the earliest.

Bookiii.—In this Book the poems on Cynthia form a far smaller proportion; 7, 12, and 22 show the warmth of the poet’s friendship; events of national interest are treated in 4, 11, and 18. In 5, 23-47, Propertius looks forward to spending his later years in the study of natural science (‘naturae perdiscere mores,’ l. 25).

There are few hints of the date of any of the poems in iii.El.20 is apparently as early asB.C.28; 18 certainly belongs toB.C.23; 4 perhaps refers to the expedition against the Parthians planned inB.C.22. The last-mentioned year is the earliest possible date of publication.

Bookiv., in which there is no principle of arrangement, probably appeared after the author’s death. His archaeological tastes come out in four Elegies written, in imitation of theΑἴτιαof Callimachus, on Roman antiquities—El.2 on Vertumnus, 4 on Tarpeia, 9 on Cacus, 10 on Jupiter Feretrius. In this way Propertius fulfilled his promise to Maecenas, iii. 9, 49,

‘Celsaque Romanis decerpta Palatia taurisordiar et caeso moenia firma Remo,eductosque pares silvestri ex ubere reges,crescet et ingenium sub tua iussa meum.’

El.7 and 8 relate to Cynthia; in 7 her ghost appears to the poet.El.3, a letter from Arethusa to Lycotas, possibly suggested to Ovid the plan of hisHeroides, just as the antiquarian poems already mentioned may have suggested theFasti. The Book ends with a lament for Cornelia, daughter of Scribonia, Augustus’ first wife (El.11).

The date of 6 and 11 is certainly not earlier thanB.C.16, while 8 seems to have been written before the rupture with Cynthia. The antiquarian poems are considered by some to have been among Propertius’ earliest efforts.

Propertius was familiar with the whole range of Greek poetry—Homer (iii. 1, 25-34), Mimnermus (i. 9, 11), Pindar (iii. 17, 40), the dramatists, Theocritus, and Apollonius Rhodius. As his models he names especially the Alexandrians Callimachus and Philetas, whom he claims to follow more closely than any of his predecessors; iii. 1, 1,

‘Callimachi Manes et Coi sacra Philetae,in vestrum, quaeso, me sinite ire nemus.Primus ego ingredior puro de fonte sacerdosItala per Graios orgia ferre choros.’

Cf. iv. 1, 64,

‘Umbria Romani patria Callimachi.’

In wealth of mythological illustration Propertius is peculiarly Alexandrian. He is continually drawing parallels and contrasts from Greek legend;e.g.i. 15, Cynthia how unlike Calypso! iii. 12, Aelia Galla a modern Penelope. Of Roman poets, he names as his predecessors in amatory verse Virgil, Varro Atacinus, Catullus, Calvus, and Cornelius Gallus (ii 34, 61-92). Once he dreams of writing an epic on the Alban kings in the vein of Ennius; iii. 3, 5,

‘Parvaque tam magnis admoram fontibus ora,unde pater sitiens Ennius ante bibit.’

In Propertius love of social pleasures appears side by side with a strain of deep melancholye.g.in. 5, 21,

Me iuvat et multo mentem vincire Lyaeoet caput in verna semper habere rosa,

contrasted with the numerous passages where he is thinking of the grave,e.g.ii. 1, 71,

‘Quandocumque igitur vitam mea fata reposcent,et breve in exiguo marmore nomen ero.’

There is no greater patriot than Propertius. Cf. the denunciation of Cleopatra (iii. 11) and the frequency of the epithet ‘Romanus.’

Ovid’s own writings (especiallyTr.iv. 10) supply nearly all the information we possess regarding his life. The biographies in theMSS.are valueless.

P. Ovidius Naso was his full name, in which theMSS.agree. He speaks of himself as Naso simply, and Statius and Martial refer to him by that name; Tacitus and the two Senecas use thenomenOvidius.

He was born in Sulmo, one of the three divisions of the Paelignian country,B.C.43—the year in which Hirtius and Pansa fell at Mutina.Tr.iv. 10, 3,

‘Sulmo mihi patria est, gelidis uberrimus undis,milia qui novies distat ab urbe decem.Editus hic ego sum; nec non ut tempora noris,cum cecidit fato consul uterque pari.’

His birthday was 20th March—the second day of the festival of the Quinquatria (cf.Fast.iii. 809-814), l. 13,

‘Haec est armiferae festis de quinque Minervae,quae fieri pugna prima cruenta solet.’

He belonged to an equestrian family, and he frequently contrasts himself with those who had reached that dignity by military service or by possessing the requisite fortune;ibid.l. 7,

‘Si quid id est, usque a proavis vetus ordinis heres,non sum fortunae munere factus eques.’

Cf.Am.i. 3, 7; iii. 8, 9; iii. 15, 5;Pont.iv. 8, 17.

Along with his elder brother, he received a careful education at Rome, and studied also at Athens. He practised rhetoric under Arellius Fuscus and Porcius Latro.Tr.iv. 10, 15,

‘Protinus excolimur teneri, curaque parentisimus ad insignes urbis ab arte viros.’

Tr.i. 2, 77,

‘Non peto quas quondam petii studiosus Athenas.’

Sen.Contr.ii. 10, 8, ‘Hanc controversiam memini ab Ovidio Nasone declamari apud rhetorem Arellium Fuscum, cuius auditor fuit, nam Latronis admirator erat, cum diversum sequeretur dicendi genus.’ Seneca says thatMet.xiii. 121, andAm.i. 2, 11, were borrowed from Latro.

But, in spite of his father’s remonstrances, Ovid preferred poetry to public life.Tr.iv. 10, 19,

‘At mihi iam parvo caelestia sacra placebant,inque suum furtim Musa trahebat opus.Saepe pater dixit, “studium quid inutile temptas?Maeonides nullas ipse reliquit opes.”Motus eram dictis totoque Helicone relictoscribere conabar verba soluta modis:sponte sua carmen numeros veniebat ad aptos;quicquid temptabam dicere, versus erat.’

In due time he assumed thetoga virilis, and with it the broad purple stripe worn by prospective senators. He also held two of the minor offices of thevigintiviratus, the preliminary to a senatorial career, being (1) triumvir capitalis or else triumvir monetalis, (2) decemvir stlitibus iudicandis.Tr.iv. 10, 28,

‘Liberior fratri sumpta mihique toga est,induiturque umeris cum lato purpura clavo’;

l. 33,

‘Cepimus et tenerae primos aetatis honores,deque viris quondam pars tribus una fui.’

Fast.iv. 384,

‘Inter bis quinos usus honore viros.’

In virtue of this second office he sat in the centumviral court;[67]and he also acted as an arbitrator.Tr.ii. 93,

‘Nec male commissa est nobis fortuna reorumlisque decem deciens inspicienda viris.Res quoque privatas statui sine crimine iudex.’

He sought no higher office, having neither strength nor inclination for the Senate; he assumed the narrow stripe of theeques, and devoted himself to poetry and pleasure.Tr.iv. 10, 35,

‘Curia restabat: clavi mensura coacta est:maius erat nostris viribus illud onus.Nec patiens corpus, nec mens fuit apta labori,sollicitaeque fugax ambitionis eram.Et petere Aoniae suadebant tuta sororesotia, iudicio semper amata meo.’

He made a tour in Asia (including Troy) and Sicily in the company of the poet Pompeius Macer: the date of this journey is unknown, but he was almost a year in Sicily.Pont.ii. 10, 21-29 (to Macer),

‘Te duce magnificas Asiae perspeximus urbes,Trinacris est oculis te duce nota meis, ...Hic mihi labentis pars anni magna peracta est.’

Fast.vi. 423,

‘Cura videre fuit: vidi templumque locumque,’

(of the temple of Pallas at Troy).

Towards the end ofA.D.8, Ovid was banished by imperial edict to Tomi, on the Black Sea, near the mouth of the Danube, the cause alleged being the publication of theArs Amatoria. Ovid mentions this edict, but also hints at another reason, connected with the imperial family.Tr.ii. 207,

‘Perdiderint cum me duo crimina, carmen et error,alterius facti culpa silenda mihi;nam non sum tanti renovem ut tua vulnera, Caesar,quem nimio plus est indoluisse semel.Altera pars superest, qua turpi carmine factusarguor obscaeni doctor adulterii.’

He was guilty of no crime of his own, but was banished for witnessing the crime of another. Cf.Tr.iii. 5, 49,

‘Inscia quod crimen viderunt lumina, plector,peccatumque oculos est habuisse meum.’

It is probable that the real reason[68]of Ovid’s banishment was that he was privy to a guilty intrigue between D. Silanus and Julia, the grand-daughter of Augustus. Julia was banished inA.D.9, and Tacitus (Ann.iii. 24) tells us of the intrigue, for which Silanus (like Ovid) sufferedrelegatio. His knowledge of the offence was betrayed by friends and domestics. Cf.Tr.iv. 10, 101,

‘Quid referam comitumque nefas famulosque nocentes?’

The date of his banishment is givenTr.iv. 10, 95,

‘Postque meos ortus Pisaea vinctus olivaabstulerat decies praemia victor equus,cum maris Euxini positos ad laeva Tomitasquaerere me laesi principis ira iubet.’

[Here an Olympiad is reckoned as five years.] His punishment wasrelegatio, involving banishment to a fixed spot, but not confiscation of property;Tr.ii. 135,

‘Adde quod edictum, quamvis immite minaxque,attamen in poenae nomine lene fuit;quippe relegatus, non exul, dicor in illo,privaque fortunae sunt ibi verba meae.’

In Tomi he spent the remaining years of his life, far from friends and books;Tr.v. 12, 53,

‘Non liber hic ullus, non qui mihi commodet aurem,verbaque significent quid mea norit, adest’;

suffering from illness (Tr.iii. 3) and the climate, and fighting against the barbarians;Tr.iv. 1, 71,

‘Aspera militiae iuvenis certamina fugi,nec nisi lusura movimus arma manu:nunc senior gladioque latus scutoque sinistram,canitiem galeae subicioque meam.’

On the other hand he learned the language of the people, and actually wrote poems in it;Tr.v. 12, 57,

‘Ipse mihi videor iam dedidicisse Latine:nam didici Getice Sarmaticeque loqui.’

Pont.iv. 13, 19,

‘A! pudet, et Getico scripsi sermone libellum,structaque sunt nostris barbara verba modis,et placui—gratare mihi—coepique poetaeinter inhumanos nomen habere Getas!materiam quaeris? laudes de Caesare dixi.’

For his popularity with the natives cf.Pont.iv. 14, 53,

‘Solus adhuc ego sum vestris immunis in oris,exceptis si qui munera legis habent.Tempora sacrata mea sunt velata corona,publicus invito quam favor imposuit’;

alsoPont.iv. 9, 101.

Ovid’s death took place inA.D.18: Jerome yr. Abr. 2033, ‘Ovidius poeta in exilio diem obiit et iuxta oppidum Tomos sepelitur.’ He was thrice married;Tr.iv. 10, 69,

‘Paene mihi puero nec digna nec utilis uxorest data, quae tempus per breve nupta fuit;illi successit quamvis sine crimine coniunx,non tamen in nostro firma futura toro;ultima, quae mecum seros permansit in annos,sustinuit coniunx exulis esse viri.’

His third wife belonged to thegens Fabia. Cf.Pont.i. 2, 138 (to Fabius Maximus),

‘Ille ego, de vestra cui data nupta domo est.’

ThefiliamentionedTr.iv. 10, 75, may have been either a daughter or step-daughter of Ovid’s. Some think that she is the Perilla ofTr.iii. 7.

Ovid’s social position was of the highest, as may be inferred from his relations with the palace. He was intimate with Messalla, the patron of Tibullus, and wrote an elegy on him (now lost). Cf.Pont.i. 7, 27 (to Messalinus),

‘Nec tuus est genitor nos infitiatus amicos,hortator studii causaque faxque mei:cui nos et lacrimas, supremum in funere munus,et dedimus medio scripta canenda foro.’

Among the friends to whom theEpp. ex Pontoare written may be mentioned Albinovanus, Carus, Rufus, Severus, Fabius Maximus Cotta, Tuticanus, the younger Macer, all poets; and other literary men of distinction,e.g.Graecinus, Atticus, Brutus, Sex. Pompeius, Gallio. For his intimacy with the learned Hyginus cf. Sueton.Gramm.20, ‘fuit familiarissimus Ovidio poetae.’

He was old enough to have seen Virgil, and hear Aemilius Macer and Horace recite; with Propertius, Tibullus, Ponticus, and Bassus he was on terms of close intimacy (Am.iii. 9 is a lament for Tibullus),Tr.iv. 10, 41-52,

‘Temporis illius colui fovique poetas,quotque aderant vates, rebar adesse deos.Saepe suas volucres legit mihi grandior aevo,quaeque necet serpens, quae iuvet herba, Macer.Saepe suos solitus recitare Propertius ignes,iure sodalicii qui mihi iunctus erat.Ponticus heroo, Bassus quoque clarus iambisdulcia convictus membra fuere mei.Detinuit nostras numerosus Horatius aures,dum ferit Ausonia carmina culta lyra.Vergilium vidi tantum; nec amara Tibullotempus amicitiae fata dedere meae.’

Besides therura paternaat Sulmo, Ovid possessed an estate on thevia Clodia, near Rome;Pont.i. 8, 41,

‘Non meus amissos animus desiderat agrosruraque Paeligno conspicienda solo,nec quos piniferis positos in collibus hortosspectat Flaminiae Clodia iuncta viae.’

He cannot have been poor, in spite of his complaints,e.g.Pont.iv. 8, 32,

‘Carpsit opes illa ruina meas.’

1.Amores, at first in five Books, but in a second edition reduced to three; cf. the motto prefixed to the Book,

‘Qui modo Nasonis fueramus quinque libelli,Tres sumus.’

The poems are nearly all on Corinna, a name which probably does not stand for any real person, but merely for an abstraction around which Ovid groups his own fancies. To suppose, as Sidonius Apollinaris did (23, 157)[69]that Augustus’ daughter Julia was meant, is absurd, for Corinna is ameretrix. The identity of Corinna was unknown;Am.ii. 17, 28,

‘Et multae per me nomen habere volunt.Novi aliquam, quae se circumferat esse Corinnam’;

and twenty years afterwards Ovid could write (A.A.iii. 538),

‘Et multi, quae sit nostra Corinna, rogant.’

TheAmores, in their original form, constituted Ovid’s earliest work, written in his youth. The extant poems are not all that he wrote on Corinna;Tr.iv. 10, 57,

‘Carmina cum primum populo iuvenilia legi,barba resecta mihi bisve semelve fuit.Moverat ingenium totam cantata per urbemnomine non vero dicta Corinna mihi.Multa quidem scripsi; sed quae vitiosa putavi,emendaturis ignibus ipse dedi.’

The lament for Tibullus (iii. 9) must have been written in Ovid’s twenty-fourth year.

2.Heroides.—Some of these at least were written before the second edition of theAmores, for inAm.ii. 18, 21-6 nine of them are mentioned by name. The titleHeroidesis due to the grammarian Priscian; in theMSS.they are calledEpistulae, and so Ovid himself refers to them,A.A.iii. 345,

‘Vel tibi composita cantetur epistula voce:ignotum hoc aliis ille novavit opus.’

Of the twenty letters in our collection 1-14 are letters from heroines to their lovers; 15-20 are in pairs,e.g.Paris to Helen and Helen to Paris. The authenticity of these last six is doubted, partly because the titleHeroidescannot apply to half of them, and also because of their inferiority in style. In the use of the epistolary form in love poetry Ovid had no predecessor, and he himself calls attention to the novelty (A.A.above). The style shows the influence of Ovid’s rhetorical training: the Epistles aresuasoriaein verse, and ofsuasoriaewe know that he was particularly fond (Sen.Contr.ii. 10, 12, ‘Declamabat Naso raro controversias et non nisi ethicas: libentius dicebat suasorias. Molesta illi erat omnis argumentatio.’). His matter he would naturally draw from Homer, theCypria, Apollonius Rhodius, and the Greek tragedians.

3. Between the two editions of theAmoreshe wrote the lost tragedyMedea. It was later thanAm.iii. 1, where he pictures the Muses of Elegy and Tragedy as contending for his homage, and he finally decides (ll. 67-8),

‘Exiguum vati concede, Tragoedia, tempus:tu labor aeternus; quod petit illa breve est.’

On the other hand, it was earlier thanAm.ii. 18, 13,

‘Sceptra tamen sumpsi, curaque tragoedia nostracrevit, et huic operi quamlibet aptus eram.’

The drama enjoyed a high reputation in antiquity. Cf. Quint. x. 1, 98, ‘Ovidii Medea videtur mihi ostendere, quantum ille vir praestare potuerit, si ingenio suo imperare quam indulgere maluisset.’

4.Medicamina Faciei Femineae, an incomplete poem of 100 lines, giving directions for the toilet. Cf.A.A.iii. 205,

‘Est mihi, quo dixi vestrae medicamina formae,parvus, sed cura grande, libellus, opus.’

5.Ars Amatoria, a didactic poem in three Books, on the art of love-intrigue. The title given by theMSS.is doubtless correct: Ovid himself speaks of ‘ars amandi,’ or simply ‘ars’ or ‘artes.’ It was written aboutB.C.2, from the allusion, i. 171, to the ‘naumachia’ in that year,

‘Quid, modo cum belli navalis imagine CaesarPersidas induxit Cecropiasque rates?’

TheArsmust have been in view when he wroteAm.ii. 18, 19,

‘Quod licet, aut artes teneri profitemur amoris—ei mihi, praeceptis urgeor ipse meis!’

6.Remedia Amoris, written next, while professing to be a recantation of the last-named work, exhibits, if possible, a more immoral tone. Cf. l. 487,

‘Quaeris, ubi invenias? artes, i, perlege nostras.’

7. Ovid now produced a work of greater compass, theMetamorphoses, in fifteen Books of heroic verse. When it was composed is not known, but he had the idea of it in his mind when he wroteAm.iii. 12, 21-40. At the time of his banishment the poem had been written, but not revised. He committed hisMS.to the flames, but copies were in the hands of friends;Tr.i. 7, 13-16,

‘Carmina mutatas hominum dicentia formas,infelix domini quod fuga rupit opus.Haec ego discedens, sicut bene multa meorum,ipse mea posui maestus in igne manu.Quae quoniam non sunt penitus sublata, sed extant, (l. 23)pluribus exemplis scripta fuisse reor.Ablatum mediis opus est incudibus illud, (l. 29)defuit et scriptis ultima lima meis.’

‘Carmina mutatas hominum dicentia formas,infelix domini quod fuga rupit opus.Haec ego discedens, sicut bene multa meorum,ipse mea posui maestus in igne manu.

Quae quoniam non sunt penitus sublata, sed extant, (l. 23)pluribus exemplis scripta fuisse reor.

Ablatum mediis opus est incudibus illud, (l. 29)defuit et scriptis ultima lima meis.’

The poem consists of a collection of stories of the transformation of human beings into animals. Cf. i. 1,

‘In nova fert animus mutatas dicere formascorpora.’

The idea, title, and much of the subject-matter was borrowed from the Alexandrians,e.g.theΜεταμορφώσειςof Parthenius, theἙτεροιούμεναof Nicander.

8. In theFasti, in six Books, Ovid furnishes a poetical calendar of the Roman year. Each month has a Book allotted to it, and he speaks of having written twelve Books;Tr.ii. 549,

‘Sex ego Fastorum scripsi totidemque libellos,cumque suo finem mense volumen habet.Idque tuo nuper scriptum sub nomine, Caesar,et tibi sacratum sors mea rupit opus.’

Probably the second six Books were never completed; but there are references to portions of them,e.g.iii. 57,

‘Vester honos veniet, cum Larentalia dicam;acceptus Geniis illa December habet.’

TheFastihad been written side by side with theMetam.and interrupted at the sixth Book by Ovid’s banishment. During his exile he added some passages, but found that his Muse was fit only for melancholy themes; iv. 81,

‘Sulmonis gelidi—patriae, Germanice, nostrae—me miserum, Scythico quam procul illa solo est!’

i. 540,

‘Felix, exilium cui locus ille fuit!’

The design is stated at the outset, i. 1-8,

‘Tempora cum causis Latium digesta per annumlapsaque sub terras ortaque signa canam ...Sacra recognosces annalibus eruta priscis,et quo sit merito quaeque notata dies.’

The work is thus a medley of religion, history, and astrology, and in its explanations of customs may be compared to theΑἴτιαof Callimachus. For information about religious rites, and for derivations of names (e.g.Agnalia, i. 317-332), he would have recourse to Varro; for history, to Livy (cf. ii. 193-242, the story of the Fabii, from Livy, ii. 49, and vi. 587, etc., the story of Tullia, from Livy, i. 48); for astronomy, to Clodius Tuscus.

It was begun some time after Augustus regulated the Julian calendar inB.C.8, and was originally addressed to Augustus, as Ovid himself says (Tr.ii. 552 above); ‘Caesar’ is addressed ii. 15, vi. 763, and elsewhere. After the death of Augustus, Ovid began to remodel it and dedicate it to Germanicus. Cf. i. 3,

‘Excipe pacato, Caesar Germanice, voltuhoc opus et timidae dirige navis iter.’

But the task was stopped by his death; and while Book i. has the remodelled form, Books ii.-vi. remain as first written.

Poems written in exile.—9.Tristia, five Books of letters to Augustus, to Ovid’s wife and friends (who, however, are not named), praying for pardon or for a place of exile nearer Rome. Book i. was written on the journey to Tomi, the other books not afterA.D.11 or 12, Cf. v. 10, 1,

‘Ut sumus in Ponto, ter frigore constitit Hister.’

10. TheIbiswas written at the beginning of his exile. Cf. l. 1,

‘Tempus ad hoc, lustris bis iam mihi quinque peractis.’

The title was taken from the poem in which Callimachus attacked Apollonius Rhodius under the name of Ibis. Cf. l. 55,

‘Nunc, quo Battiades inimicum devovet Ibin,hoc ego devoveo teque tuosque modo.’

Ovid studiously conceals the identity of the enemy whom he attacks; l. 61,

‘Et quoniam, qui sis, nondum quaerentibus edo,Ibidis interea tu quoque nomen habe.’

He had once been a friend of the poet, but had proved false to him, doubtless in connexion with the circumstances which caused his banishment; cf. l. 85, ‘capiti male fido,’ l. 130, ‘perfide.’ He persecuted Ovid’s wife, and tried to get possession of his property.

The conjectures that the unknown was Messalla Corvinus or the poet Manilius may be dismissed at once. Many hold that Hyginus is meant; Prof. Ellis suggests thedelatorCassius Severus (Tac.Ann.iv. 21), or T. Labienus (Sen.Contr.x. praef. 4), or the astrologer Thrasyllus (Tac.Ann.vi. 20). To the same person probably are addressedTr.iii. 11, iv. 9, v. 8;Pont.iv. 3.

11. TheEpistulae ex Ponto, in four Books, were writtenA.D.12-16. In tone they resemble theTristia, but the composition is more careless, and the friends to whom he writes are mentioned by name.

12.Halieuticon, a poem on fish, in hexameters, in a fragmentary condition. Ovid wrote this towards the end of his life.

Pliny,N.H.xxxii. 152, ‘His adiciemus ab Ovidio posita nomina quae apud neminem alium reperiuntur, sed fortassis in Ponto nascentium, ubi id volumen supremis suis temporibus incohavit.’

Manilius is not mentioned by any other writer, and his own poem gives no particulars of his life. There is uncertainty even as to the true form of his name, theMSS.giving variously M. Mallius, Manlius, or Manilius, with the addition in one case of EQOM (probably = equitis Romani). In someMSS.the poem is wrongly attributed to Aratus or Boetius, both of whom wrote on the same subject as Manilius.

Bentley conjectured that Manilius was an Asiatic Greek, but the poet speaks of Latin as ‘nostra lingua’ (ii. 889), while Greek is ‘externa lingua’ (iii. 40), and he uses no Greek constructions.

His poem, theAstronomica, in its present form, consists of five Books of hexameter verse: probably a sixth Book has been lost. It may have been wholly composed in the reign of Tiberius, or begun under Augustus. Book v. was written under Tiberius, if the burning of Pompey’s theatre inA.D.22 is alluded to in ll. 513-515. The earlier Books contain nothing which might not have been written after the death of Augustus—the allusions to the disaster of Varus inA.D.9 (i. 899), and to the sojourn of Tiberius at Rhodes (iv. 764). Either Augustus or Tiberius may be the ‘Caesar’ of i. 7 and i. 386. On the other hand, if Ovid is referring to Manilius (as Prof. Ellis suggests) inTr.ii. 485,

‘Ecce canit formas alius iactusque pilarum,hic artem nandi praecipit, ille trochi,’

it would follow that the whole poem had been published before the death of Augustus, for the descriptions of ball-play and swimming occur in v. 165-171 and 420-431.

Astronomy is treated only in Book i.; the rest of the poem is devoted to astrology. This is in accordance with the author’s statement of his theme (i. 1-3), which he was the first Roman to treat in verse (i. 4, 113, ii. 57). As his object is to convey instruction rather than to give pleasure (iii. 36-39), he does not scruple to use Greek technical terms (ii. 693, 829, 897, iii. 40). The subject does not lend itself readily to verse (i. 20, iii. 31), and the poem is intolerably dry, except the introductions to each Book, which reveal considerable poetical power. The chief peculiarities of Manilius’ language are his strange use of prepositions and his fondness for alliteration; imitations of Virgil are found throughout.

Manilius is a fatalist (iv. 14 and 22): still fate does not abolish the moral quality of actions (iv. 108-118). The universe is directed by a ‘vis animae divina’ or ‘divinum numen’ (i. 250, 491).

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