CURTIUS RUFUS.

Cf.Ep.45, 4, ‘Non enim me cuiquam emancipavi, nullius nomen fero. Multum magnorum virorum iudicio credo, aliquid et meo vindico.’

Especially towards the end of his life, he came under the influence of Demetrius the Cynic.

Ep.62, 3, ‘Demetrium, virorum optimum, mecum circumfero et relictis conchyliatis cum illo seminudo loquor, ilium admiror. Quidni admirer? vidi nihil ei deesse.’

Inde provid.5, 7, after quoting Demetrius’ fatalistic views, Seneca adds, ‘Fata nos ducunt, et quantum cuique temporis restat, prima nascentium hora disposuit.’

Seneca was one of the few Romans who condemned the butcheries practised in the arena, and his views doubtless influenced Nero’s conduct inA.D.58.

Ep.95, 33, ‘Homo, sacra res homini, iam per lusum ac iocum occiditur et quem erudiri ad inferenda accipiendaque volnera nefas erat, is iam nudus inermisque producitur satisque spectaculi ex homine mors est.’

Tac.Ann.xiii. 31, ‘Edixit Caesar ne quis magistratus aut procurator, qui provinciam obtineret, spectaculum gladiatorum aut ferarum aut quod aliud ludicrum ederet.’

For Seneca’s love of wealth seep. 246. For his estimate of riches cf.De vita beata, 22, 5. ‘Apud me divitiae aliquem locum habent, apud te summum ac postremum. Divitiae meae sunt, tu divitiarum es.’

His simplicity of life has been already dealt with.

Dio, lxi. 10, 2, gives a most unjust account of Seneca’s character:

πάντα τὰ ἐναντιώτατα οἷς ἐφιλοσόφει ποιῶν ἠλέγχθη. καὶ γὰρ τυραννίδος κατηγορῶν τυραννοδιδάσκαλος ἐγίνετο, καὶ τῶν συνόντων τοῖς δυνάσταις κατατρέχων οὐκ ἀφίστατο τοῦ παλατίου ... τοῖς τε πλουσίοις ἐγκαλῶν οὐσίαν ἑπτακισχιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων μυριάδων ἐκτήσατο.

Seneca followed no traditional style. Cf.Ep.100, 6, ‘De compositione non constat’;Ep.114, 13, ‘Oratio certam regulam non habet.’ Quintilian, x. 1, 125-131, attacks his style, though admitting his great powers.

The full name is Q. Curtius Rufus, given in theMSS.of his work, ‘Historiarum Alexandri Magni Macedonis Libri x.’, the first two Books of which are lost. Curtius is not referred to by name by any ancient writer, but is probably identical with the Q. Curtius Rufus mentioned in the list prefixed to Sueton.de claris oratoribusbetween M. Porcius Latro and L. Valerius Primanus. This order favours the view that he belonged to the reign of Claudius, a view supported by the two contemporary references in Curtius:

iv. 4, 21 (of Tyre), ‘nunc tandem longa pace cuncta refovente sub tutela Romanae mansuetudinis adquiescit.’

x. 9, 3-6, ‘Quod imperium sub uno stare potuisset, dum a pluribus sustinetur, ruit. Proinde iure meritoque populus Romanus salutem se principi suo debere profitetur, qui noctis, quam paene supremam habuimus, novum sidus inluxit. Huius hercule, non solis ortus lucem caliganti reddidit mundo, cum sine suo capite discordia membra trepidarent,’ etc.

This passage probably refers to the tumultuous scene on the night between 24th and 25th Jan.,A.D.41, before Claudius’ accession, after the murder of Caligula (cf. the pun incaliganti), when rival claimants to the throne were put forward, and the Senate wished to restore the republic (cf.discordia membra trepidarent). Sen.ad Polyb.13, 1, uses similar language of Claudius, ‘Sidus hoc, quod praecipitato in profundum et demerso in tenebras orbi refulsit, semper luceat.’

As Curtius says nothing but good about the reign of Claudius, he probably wrote shortly after his accession. The passage in iv. 4, 21 (above) also fits in with this view, as there was little fighting in the Roman world from 17 to 43A.D.His bold tone with regard to rulers would also suit this time, while it would have been dangerous under Caligula, or from 43 to 54A.D.

Cf. viii. 5, 6, ‘Non deerat talia concupiscenti perniciosa adulatio, perpetuum malum regum, quorum opes saepius adsentatio quam hostis evertit.’

This tone also renders it impossible to identify him with Curtius Rufus, mentioned in Tac.Ann.xi. 21, as governor of Africa, and as ‘adversus superiores tristi adulatione, adrogans minoribus, inter pares difficilis.’

Seneca is supposed to have quoted his contemporary Curtius once or twice. Cf. Sen.Ep.56, 9, ‘Nihil tam certum est quam otii vitia negotio discuti’; and Curt. vii. 1, 4, ‘Satis prudens, otii vitia negotio discuti.’ Cf. also viii. 10, 29 with Sen.Ep.59, 12.

Curtius claims to transcribe his authorities carefully. Cf. ix. 1, 34, ‘Equidem plura transscribo quam credo: nam nec adfirmare sustineo, de quibus dubito, nec subducere quae accepi.’

Curtius’ statements are usually parallel to those of one or other of the historians of Alexander, but he appeals only twice to other authorities by name.

ix. 8, 15, ‘Clitarchus (c. 300B.C.) est auctor.’

ix. 5, 21, ‘Ptolemaeum (c. 300B.C.), qui postea regnavit, huic pugnae adfuisse auctor est Clitarchus et Timagenes (c. 55B.C.). Sed ipse ... afuisse se missum in expeditionem memoriae tradidit.’

The rhetorical tone of the work is seen in the speeches and letters. For the latter cf. iv. 1, 10-74. Curtius has little technical knowledge of war or politics. Thus Alexander’s assumption of oriental pomp to conciliate the Asiatics is looked on asὕβρις. Cf. iii. 12, 18. Like Livy, he attempts to depreciate Alexander’s abilities by unduly accentuating his good fortune.

Cf. viii. 3, 1, ‘Sed hanc quoque expeditionem, ut pleraque alia, fortuna indulgendo ei numquam fatigata pro absente transegit.’

L. Iunius Moderatus Columella was a native of Gades: x. 185, ‘mea [lactuca] quam generant Tartessi littore Gades.’ On an inscription he is styled ‘trib. mil. leg. vi. ferratae’ (C.I.L.ix. 325), and it was probably in the course of his military service that he visited Cilicia and Syria: ii. 10, 18, ‘hoc semen Ciliciae Syriaeque regionibus ipse vidi.’

His uncle, M. Columella, was a leading man in the province of Baetica (v. 5, 15); and he himself possessed land in Italy: iii. 9, 2, ‘cum et in Ardeatino agro, quem multis temporibus ipsi ante possedimus, et in Carseolano itemque in Albano generis Aminei vites huius modi notae habuerimus.’

He was a contemporary of the younger Seneca, who is spoken of as alive (iii. 3, 3).

His chief work isDe Re Rusticain twelve Books, dedicated to P. Silvinus—a practical treatise on husbandry for ‘negotiosi agricolae’ (ix. 2, 5). Book x., on gardening, is in hexameter verse, and was written at the suggestion of Silvinus and another friend, to fill the gap which Virgil had left in the Georgics (iv. 147-8); cf. the preface, ‘Cultus hortorum ... sicut institueram, prosa oratione prioribus subnecteretur exordiis, nisi propositum expugnasset frequens postulatio tua, quae pervicit, ut poeticis numeris explerem Georgici carminis omissas partes, quas tamen et ipse Vergilius significaverat, posteris se memorandas relinquere.’

The last two Books were added as an afterthought; xi. 1, 2, ‘numerum quem iam quasi consummaveram voluminum excessi.’

Columella wrote beforeA.D.65 (see above); later than Celsus, but earlier than the elder Pliny.

There is also extant a bookDe Arboribus, which formed Book ii. of an earlier treatise on agriculture: cf. i. 1, ‘Quoniam de cultu agrorum abunde primo volumine praecepisse videmur, non intempestiva erit arborum virgultorumque cura.’ It covers the same ground asDe R.R.iii.-v.

Columella also wrote ‘adversus astrologos’ (xi. 1, 31), and projected a treatise on the religious rites connected with agriculture (ii. 22, 5, ‘lustrationum ceterorumque sacrificiorum, quae pro frugibus fiunt, morem priscis usurpatum’).

The geographer Pomponius Mela was a native of Tingentera in Spain (ii. 96). His date can be inferred from iii. 49; the ‘principum maximus’ mentioned there as triumphing over Britain might be eitherCaligula(inA.D.40) orClaudius(in 44); but the earlier date is favoured by Mela’s division of Africa according to the system abolished byClaudiusin 42 (i. 25-30). The title of his work isDe Chorographia, in three Books: the dryness of its details (i. 1, ‘opus impeditum et facundiae minime capax’) is relieved by word-painting,e.g.the description of Britain, iii. 49. The only authors to whom he acknowledges obligations are Nepos (iii. 45) and Hanno (iii. 90).

We possess a very full account of the life of Persius, which, according to theMSS., is taken from Probus’ commentary on the poet, and may therefore be looked upon as trustworthy. According to Probus (from whom are taken the quotations throughout), he lived from 34 to 62A.D.: ‘Aulus Persius Flaccus natus est pridie Non. Decembr. Fabio Persico L. Vitellio coss., decessit viii. Kal. Decembr. Rubrio Mario Asinio Gallo coss.’ These dates are confirmed by Jerome.

He was born at Volaterrae in Etruria, and was the son of a Roman knight who died when Persius was quite young:

‘Natus in Etruria Volaterris, eques Romanus, sanguine et affinitate primi ordinis viris coniunctus. Pater eum Flaccus pupillum reliquit moriens annorum fere sex.’

‘Fulvia Sisennia (his mother) nupsit postea Fuscio equiti Romano.’

After the completion of his early education (for which seeSat.3, 44-51) he studied at Rome, where he came under the influence of the Stoic Annaeus Cornutus:

‘Studuit Flaccus usque ad annum xii. aetatis suae Volaterris, inde Romae apud grammaticum Remmium Palaemonem et apud rhetorem Verginium Flavum. Cum esset annorum xvi., amicitia coepit uti Annaei Cornuti, ita ut nusquam ab eo discederet; inductus aliquatenus in philosophiam est.’

InSat.5, 21-24 and 30-51, he speaks in the highest terms of Cornutus as his guide in life and close friend: cf. esp. ll. 36-7,

‘teneros tu suspicis annos,Socratico, Cornute, sinu.’

Among his other friends were Caesius Bassus (to whomSat.6 is addressed), Lucan, Seneca, and his own relative, Paetus Thrasea:

‘Cognovit per Cornutum etiam Annaeum Lucanum, aequaevum auditorem Cornuti. Lucanus adeo mirabatur scripta Flacci ut vix retineret se recitante eo cum clamore quin illa esse vera poemata diceret, sua ipse ludos faceret. Sero cognovit et Senecam, sed non ut caperetur eius ingenio ... Idem decem fere annis summe dilectus a Paeto Thrasea est, ita ut peregrinaretur quoque cum eo aliquando, cognatam eius Arriam uxorem habente.’

Persius was a man of considerable means, as is shown by his will and his landed property:

‘Reliquit circa HS vicies matri et sorori; scriptis tamen ad matrem codicillis Cornuto rogavit ut daret sestertia ut quidam centum, ut alii volunt ..., et argenti facti pondo viginti, et libros circa septingentos sive bibliothecam suam omnem. Verum a Cornuto sublatis libris, pecuniam sororibus, quas heredes frater fecerat, reliquit.’

‘Decessit ad octavum miliarium via Appia in praediis suis ... vitio stomachi anno aetatis xxviii.’

His character was lofty and disinterested:

‘Fuit morum lenissimorum, verecundiae virginalis, formae pulchrae, pietatis erga matrem et sororem et amitam exemplo sufficientis. Fuit frugi, pudicus.’

1. His early works, which Cornutus caused to be destroyed at his death, were:

(a) A praetexta, calledVescia(?).

(b) One Book ofὁδοιπορικά, no doubt referring to his travels with Thrasea.

‘Scripserat in pueritia Flaccus etiam praetextam Vesciam, etὁδοιπορικῶνlibrum unum, et paucos in socrum Thraseae in Arriam matrem versus ... Omnia ea auctor fuit Cornutus matri eius ut aboleret.’

2.Satires.There are six of these (in hexameters), with a prologue (in scazons). Persius wrote slowly, and the Book was left unfinished:

‘Et raro et tarde scripsit. Hunc ipsum librum imperfectum reliquit. Versus aliqui dempti sunt ultimo libro, ut quasi finitus esset. Leviter retractavit Cornutus, et Caesio Basso petenti, ut ipsi cederet, tradidit edendum.’

The prologue, and the first satire (on literary criticism)—the only real satire he wrote—are said to be imitated from Lucilius. The other five are largely Stoic dissertations in verse, and show throughout the influence of Cornutus and Persius’ other Stoic friends. Probus says he attacked Nero’s poetry inSat.1.

‘Lecto Lucilii libro x. vehementer satiras componere instituit, cuius libri principium imitatus est ... cum tanta recentium poetarum et oratorum insectatione, ut etiam Neronem ... culpaverit, cuius versus in Neronem cum ita se haberet:

‘Auriculas asini Mida rex habet,’

in eum modum a Cornuto, ipso iam tum mortuo, est emendatus:

‘Auriculas asini quis non habet?’ [1, 121]

ne hoc Nero in se dictum arbitraretur.’

Sat.1, 99-102 is said to be a travesty of Nero’s poetry.

Very few passages, however, are quoted by the Scholiasts as modelled on Lucilius.

Persius refers to Lucilius and Horace in 1, 114-8:

‘Secuit Lucilius urbem,te, Lupe, te, Muci, et genuinum fregit in illis;omne vafer vitium ridenti Flaccus amicotangit, et admissus circum praecordia ludit,callidus excusso populum suspendere naso.’

His obligations to Horace are paramount, imitations—often unintentional burlesques—occurring everywhere. Examples are: 1, 42,

‘cedro digna locutus,linquere nec scombros metuentia carmina nec tus.’

from Hor.A.P.331,

‘carmina ... linenda cedro’;

and Hor.Ep.ii. 1, 269,

‘Deferar in vicum vendentem tus et odoreset piper et quidquid chartis amiciturineptis.’

Again, 5, 103,

‘exclamet Melicerta perissefrontem de rebus’;

from Hor.Ep.ii. 1, 80,

‘clament periise pudoremcuncti paene patres.’

He even borrows Horace’s names: Pedius (1, 85), Natta (3, 31), Nerius (2, 14), Craterus (3, 65), Bestius (6, 37).

The statement of Joannes Lydus (i. 41) that Persius imitated the mimic writer, Sophron, has little to support it.

Probus says the work became immediately popular: ‘Editum librum continuo mirari homines et diripere coeperunt.’

Cf. also Quint. x. 1, 94, ‘multum et verae gloriae quamvis uno libro Persius meruit’; Mart. iv. 29, 7,

‘Saepius in libro memoratur Persius unoquam levis in tota Marsus Amazonide.’

Besides references to Lucan in other writers, especially Statius, Martial, and Tacitus, we have three biographies of him: (1) a short and defective life, probably by Suetonius, and showing his well-known hatred of the Annaei; (2) one by Vacca, a commentator on Lucan, who lived probably in the sixth century, complete and favourable; (3) one in Codex Vossianus ii. The last two are in part derived from the first.

M. Annaeus Lucanus was born at Corduba in Hispania Baetica, and was the son of M. Annaeus Mela, a Roman knight, and nephew of M. Annaeus Novatus (the Gallio of Acts 18, 12-17) and L. Annaeus Seneca the philosopher.

Vacca,vit. Luc., ‘M. Annaeus Lucanus patrem habuit M. Annaeum Melam ex provincia Baetica Hispaniae interioris Cordubensem equitem Romanum, illustrem inter suos, notum Romae et propter Senecam fratrem, clarum per omnes virtutes virum, et propter studium vitae quietioris ... Matrem habuit et regionis eiusdem et urbis Aciliam nomine, Acilii Lucani filiam ... cuius cognomen huic inditum apparet.’

Tac.Ann.xvi. 17, ‘Mela, quibus Gallio et Seneca, parentibus natus ... Idem Annaeum Lucanum genuerat, grande adiumentum claritudinis.’

Lucan was born Nov. 3,A.D.39, and was removed to Rome when eight months old.

Vacca,ibid., ‘Natus est iii. Non. Novembr. C. Caesare Germanico ii. L. Apronio Caesiano coss. Octavum mensem agens Romam translatus est.’

He had a successful school and college career. One of his teachers was Cornutus, through whom he knew Persius (seep. 261).

Vacca,ibid., ‘A praeceptoribus tunc eminentissimis est eruditus eosque intra breve temporis spatium ingenio adaequavit ... Declamavit et graece et latine cum magna admiratione audientium.’

His first literary success was thelaudes NeronisinA.D.60; this led to his political advancement.

Sueton.vit. Luc., ‘Prima ingenii experimenta in Neronis laudibus dedit quinquennali certamine.’

Vacca,ibid., ‘Ob quod puerili mutato in senatorium cultum et in notitiam Caesaris Neronis facile pervenit et honore vixdum aetati debito dignus iudicatus est. Gessit autem quaesturam, in qua cum collegis more tunc usitato munus gladiatorium edidit secundo populi favore; sacerdotium etiam accepit auguratus.’

Similarly Suetonius, who also tells us that Lucan had been in Athens.

Sueton.ibid., ‘Revocatus Athenis a Nerone cohortique amicorum additus atque etiam quaestura honoratus, non tamen permansit in gratia.’

The reason of the strained relations between Lucan and the emperor was, according to Suetonius, that Lucan had behaved rudely when reciting in public. Vacca says the reason lay in the jealousy felt by Nero, who forbade Lucan to write poetry or to plead causes.

Vacca,ibid., ‘Quippe et certamine pentaeterico acto in Pompei theatro laudibus recitatis in Neronem fuerat coronatus et ex tempore Orphea scriptum in experimentum adversum conplures ediderat poetas et tres libros, quales videmus. Quare inimicum sibi fecerat imperatorem. Quo ambitiosa vanitate, non hominum tantum, sed et artium sibi principatum vindicante interdictum est ei poetica, interdictum est etiam causarum actionibus.’

Cf. Tac.Ann.xv. 49, ‘Famam carminum eius premebat Nero prohibueratque ostentare, vanus adsimulatione.’

Lucan replied by a poem satirizing Nero and his court.

Sueton.ibid., ‘Sed et famoso carmine cum ipsum tum potentissimos amicorum gravissime proscidit.’

Lucan joined the conspiracy of Piso which was startedA.D.62, but was discovered, and compelled to commit suicide, 30th April,A.D.65.

Sueton.ibid., ‘Paene signifer Pisonianae coniurationis extitit.’

Vacca,ibid., ‘A coniuratis in caedem Neronis socius adsumptus est, sed parum fauste. Deceptus est a Pisone ... Sua sponte coactus vita excedere venas sibi praecidit periitque pridie Kal. Maias Attico Vestino et Nerva Siliano coss., xxvi. aetatis annum agens.’

Tac.Ann.xv. 70, ‘Exin Annaei Lucani caedem imperat. Is, profluente sanguine, ubi frigescere pedes manusque et paulatim ab extremis cedere spiritum fervido adhuc et compote mentis pectore intellegit, recordatus carmen a se compositum, quo volneratum militem per eius modi mortis imaginem obisse tradiderat, versus ipsos rettulit, eaque illi suprema vox fuit.’

Suetonius (corroborated by Tac.Ann.xv. 56) says that Lucan named his mother as a fellow-conspirator.

‘Verum detecta coniuratione nequaquam parem animi constantiam praestitit. Facile enim confessus et ad humillimas devolutus preces matrem quoque innoxiam inter socios nominavit, sperans impietatem sibi apud parricidam principem profuturam.... Epulatus largiter brachia ad secandas venas praebuit medico.’

Lucan married Polla Argentaria. Statius and Martial were her friends, and seem to have kept up an observance of Lucan’s birthday.

Cf. especially Statius,Silvae, ii. 7, on which the author, in his preface to the book, says, ‘Cludit volumen genethliacon Lucani, quod Polla Argentaria, clarissima uxorum, cum hunc diem forte consecraremus, imputari sibi voluit.’

Martial vii. 21, 22, and 23 are written on the subject of Lucan’s birthday.

1. The only extant work of Lucan isDe Bello Civili.This is the title in theMSS., and in Petron. 118. The usual title comes from ix. 985, ‘Pharsalia nostra vivet,’ words which come after a list of places in Greece and Asia immortalized by the poets, and which mean ‘My story of Pharsalus shall live.’ There is no evidence that Lucan gave the poem this title.

2.Lost works.Vacca mentions the following:

(a) In verse: Orpheus; Iliacon; Saturnalia; Catachthonion; Silvarum x.; tragoedia Medea (imperfecta): Salticae Fabulae, xiv.; epigrammata.

(b) In prose: Oratio in Octavium Sagittam et pro eo; de incendio urbis; epistulae ex Campania.

Suetonius also mentions ‘Neronis laudes; famosum carmen in Neronem.’ Stat.Silv.ii. 7, 62, mentions another work—‘allocutio ad Pollam’ (his wife).

Lucan’s works became immediately popular.

Sueton.ibid., ‘Poemata eius etiam praelegi memini, confici vero ac proponi, non tantum operose et diligenter, sed et inepte quoque.’

Mart. xiv. 194,

‘Sunt quidam qui me dicunt non esse poetam:sed qui me vendit bibliopola putat.’

The epic poemDe Bello Civiliin ten Books (the last incomplete) carries the story of the Civil War down to the point where Caesar is besieged in Alexandria. Vacca informs us that Lucan did not live to correct the last seven Books.

‘Ediderat ... tres libros quales videmus ... Reliqui vii. belli civilis libri locum calumniantibus tamquam mendosi non darent, qui tametsi sub vero crimine non egent patrocinio: in isdem dici, quod in Ovidii libris praescribitur, potest: “emendaturus, si licuisset, erat.”’

Lucan’s political views.—The first three Books were published when Lucan was still on good terms with Nero (cf. the gross flattery in i. 33-66), but practically the same view of the empire is taken throughout the poem; only Lucan expresses his views with greater vigour in the last seven Books; and, while in Books i.-iii. the question is one between Caesar and Pompey, afterwards it is one between Caesar and liberty. Even in Books i.-iii. Caesar is the villain of the piece; Pompey embodies all that is good; Cato and Brutus are highly spoken of; the former stands as the ideal Stoic. The Senate, except in Book v.ad init., appears in a rather unfavourable light, and so does the plebs. Lucan did not want the re-establishment of the republican oligarchy, but acquiesced in the empire as being ordained by fate. This is borne out by what we know of the Pisonian conspiracy, the object of which was not to re-establish the republic, but to put some leading man like Seneca on the throne. A few quotations will exemplify these points:

(1) The empire; iv. 691,

‘Libyamque auferre tyrannodum regnum te, Roma, facit’;

vii. 432,

‘Quod fugiens civile nefas redituraque nunquamlibertas ultra Tigrim Rhenumque recessit’;

vii. 442,

‘Felices Arabes Medique eoaque tellus,quam sub perpetuis tenuerunt fata tyrannis.Ex populis qui regna ferunt, sors ultima nostra est,quos servire pudet.’

(2) Pompeius; ii. 732-6,

‘Non quia te superi patrio privare sepulchromaluerint, Phariae busto damnantur harenae:parcitur Hesperiae; procul hoc et in orbe remotoabscondat fortuna nefas, Romanaque tellusinmaculata sui servetur sanguine Magni.’

Cf. ix. 601-4 (where apotheosis is assigned him).

(3) Cato (the hero of Book ix.) and Brutus; ii. 234,

‘At non magnanimi percussit pectora Brutiterror’;

ix. 554,

‘Nam cui crediderim superos arcana daturosdicturosque magis quam sancto vera Catoni?’

Cf. ix. 186-9.

(4) Caesar; ii. 439,

‘Caesar in arma furens nullas nisi sanguine fusogaudet habere vias’;

v. 242,

‘perdere successus scelerum’;

vii. 593,

‘nondum attigit arcemiuris et humanum columen, quo cuncta premuntur,egressus meruit fatis tam nobile letum.Vivat et, ut Bruti procumbat victima, regnet.’

Caesar’s acts are sometimes unfairly represented, as in vii. 798sqq., ix. 1035sqq.(on viewing Pompeius’ corpse); ll. 1038-9,

‘lacrimas non sponte cadentiseffudit gemitusque expressit pectore laeto.’

Lucan’s philosophical and religious views.—His Stoicism comes out strongly in the poem, ix. 566-84 (speech of Cato), especially 578-80,

‘Estque dei sedes, nisi terra et pontus et aëret caelum et virtus? Superos quid quaerimus ultra?Iuppiter est, quodcumque vides, quodcumque moveris?’

vii. 814,

‘Communis mundo superest rogus ossibus astramixturus.’

Note especially the very frequent references to fate; i. 263-4,

‘cunctasque pudorisrumpunt fata moras.’

The gods are not introduced as chief agents; cf. the censure of Petronius quoted below. Lucan prides himself on despising the gods, and substitutes for them his favourite divinity, Fortuna; i. 128,

‘Victrix causa deis placuit, sed victa Catoni’;

vii. 445,

‘Sunt nobis nulla profectonumina; cum caeco rapiantur saecula casu,mentimur regnare Iovem.’

Rhetorical treatmentis seen in (1) the vast amount of hyperbole employed; cf. the account of the siege of Massilia, iii. 538-762; (2) the geographical and mythological learning introduced. This is sometimes inaccurate; the best known instance is his confusion of Pharsalus and Philippi; cf. i. 1 and 688.

Lucan’s models.—(1) For diction, chiefly Virgil.[77]Horace and Ovid are also imitated.

(2) For history Lucan is supposed to have used Livy mostly. How far he used other authorities is unknown. His history is sometimes inexact. In ii. 478sqq.the character of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus is falsely portrayed. So the journey of Cato to the shrine of Hammon, ix. 511sqq.

(3) Seneca is one of his authorities for science and philosophy. Thus in describing the Nile, x. 194-331, Lucan has used Seneca,Nat. Quaest.iv. 1-2. The biographer of theCodex Vossianusii. attributes (probably wrongly) the first seven verses of Book i. to Seneca.

‘Seneca, qui fuit avonculus eius, quia ex abrupto incohabat, hos vii. versus addidit: “Bella per Emathios” usque “et pila minantia pilis.”’

Criticisms of Lucan.—Petronius, in introducing his parody of Lucan, says, § 118, ‘Ecce belli civilis ingens opus quisquis attigerit, nisi plenus litteris, sub onere labetur. Non enim res gestae versibus comprehendendae sunt, quod longe melius historici faciunt, sed per ambages deorumque ministeria et fabulosum sententiarum tormentum praecipitandus est liber spiritus.’ Seep. 275.

Quint. x. 1, 90, ‘Lucanus ardens et concitatus et sententiis clarissimus et, ut dicam quod sentio, magis oratoribus quam poetis imitandus.’

TheSatiraeof Petronius are attributed in theMSS.to Petronius Arbiter. It is practically certain that the author was C. Petronius, once proconsul of Bithynia and afterwards consul, who was long a member of Nero’s inner circle, and who, inA.D.66, when accused by Tigellinus, anticipated execution by suicide.

Tac.Ann.xvi. 18, ‘Proconsul Bithyniae, et mox consul, vigentem se ac parem negotiis ostendit. Dein revolutus ad vitia, seu vitiorum imitatione, inter paucos familiarium Neroni adsumptus est, elegantiae arbiter, dum nihil amoenum et molle adfluentia putat, nisi quod ei Petronius adprobavisset. Unde invidia Tigellini ... (Ch. 19) Forte ... Campaniam petiverat Caesar, et Cumas usque progressus Petronius illic attinebatur. Nec tulit ultra timoris aut spei moras. Neque tamen praeceps vitam expulit, sed incisas venas, ut libitum, obligatas aperire rursum, et adloqui amicos, non per seria aut quibus gloriam constantiae peteret ... Flagitia principis sub nominibus exoletorum feminarumque et novitatem cuiusque stupri perscripsit, atque obsignata misit Neroni.’

The document mentioned above as sent to Nero has nothing to do with the extantSatirae. That C. Petronius is the author of the work is rendered even more certain from the fact that it was obviously written in Nero’s time by a man of high culture and knowledge of the world.

The novel contains an account of the adventures of a certain Encolpius, as told by himself. Encolpius comes in contact with Priapus in Massilia, Cumae, and Croton; and probably the wrath of Priapus (a parody of the wrath of Poseidon in the Odyssey) is the leading motive that binds the disjointed parts. Cf. ch. 139,

‘Me quoque per terras, per cani Nereos aequorHellespontiaci sequitur gravis ira Priapi.’

The work, the extant parts of which are from Books xv. and xvi., is in form a Satira Menippea,[78]alternately prose and verse. The longer episodes, as the supper of Trimalchio and the story of the matron of Ephesus, are exclusively prose. In theCena Trimalchionis, where Encolpius and his company are entertained by a rich freedman, Petronius has given us a correct account of provincial life in South Italy. Mommsen (Hermes, xiii. 106) has shown that Cumae was the town where Trimalchio lived. It is a ‘Graeca urbs’ (ch. 81), and a Roman colony (ch. 44, etc.), so that it cannot be Naples. The chief magistrates are calledpraetores(ch. 65), which suits Cumae alone of the towns of this district. The only objection to Cumae being the place is the passage in ch. 48, where an event at Cumae is given as something wonderful and unusual:

‘Nam Sibyllam quidem Cumis ego ipse oculis meis vidi in ampulla pendere, et cum illi pueri dicerent:Σίβυλλα, τί θέλεις;respondebat illa:ἀποθανεῖν θέλω.’

This, however, may simply be given for comic effect. Friedländer thinksCumisis a wrong reading. The date of Encolpius’ adventures cannot be under Tiberius, for the emperor is called ‘pater patriae’ (ch. 60), a title which Tiberius refused. Mommsen thinks the dramatic date is under Augustus; Friedländer,[79]towards the end of Claudius’ or the beginning of Nero’s reign. The cognomen of Trimalchio, Maecenatianus (ch. 71), means that he was a freedman of the well-known Maecenas. Trimalchio, therefore, came to Rome as a boy (ch. 29; 75) before Maecenas’ death (B.C.8), and was probably born aboutB.C.18. He is represented as ‘senex’ (ch. 27),i.e.at least sixty, but may have been over seventy.A.D.57 is probably the later limit of date. Mommsen thinks that the words (ch. 57), ‘puer capillatus in hanc coloniam veni: adhuc basilica non erat facta,’ mean that when Trimalchio came to Cumae it was not a Roman colony. Now, Cumae became a colony between 43 and 27B.C., and, on this supposition, the supper of Trimalchio would have to be placed betweenA.D.7 andA.D.23, as it is about fifty years since Trimalchio came to Cumae. Friedländer, however, thinks that the basilica would not have been put up immediately the town became a colony.

The language of the narrative is that of the educated classes of the time, and is in close agreement with the style of Seneca the younger. The diction of Trimalchio and his fellow-freedman is the South Italian popular speech of the time, filled with grammatical mistakes and provincialisms, and rich in proverbial expressions. The longest poems in the work are: (1)Troiae halosis(ch. 89), 65 senarii, supposed to be a parody of Nero’s poem of the same name; (2)De bello civili(ch. 119-124), 295 hexameters, in which Lucan’s style is imitated and sometimes parodied. Cf. ll. 26-7,

‘Et laxi crines et tot nova nomina vestis,quaeque virum quaerunt,’

with Lucan, i. 164-5,

‘Cultus gestare decorosvix nuribus rapuere mares’;

and ll. 51-2,

‘Praeterea gemino deprensam gurgite plebemfaenoris illuvies ususque exederat aeris,’

with Lucan, i. 181,

‘Hinc usura vorax, avidumque in tempora faenus.’

Eleven eclogues used to be attributed to T. Calpurnius Siculus, but only the first seven are his work, the last four being written by M. Aurelius Olympius Nemesianus in the second half of the 3rd centuryA.D.AMS.now lost gave beforeEcl.1, ‘Titi Calphurnii Siculi bucolicum carmen ... incipit’; and beforeEcl.8, ‘Aurelii Nemesiani poetae Carthaginiensis ecloga prima incipit.’

Some information about Calpurnius’ life is got from his works. In 4, 17-8, he (as Corydon) mentions a brother; in 4, 155-6, he speaks of his poverty; and in 4, 29sqq., of Meliboeus as having come to his assistance when about to leave for Spain; cf.Ecl.4, 36-42,

Ecce nihil querulum per te, Meliboee, sonamus;per te secura saturi recubamus in umbra,et fruimur silvis Amaryllidos, ultima nuperlitora terrarum, nisi tu, Meliboee, fuisses,ultima visuri, trucibusque obnoxia Mauris pascua Geryonis.

The old theory was that Calpurnius lived in the time of Carus and his sons (in the second half of the 3rd centuryA.D.), but the facts fit in best with the view that he lived at the beginning of Nero’s reign. (1) Meliboeus inEcl.4 probably stands for Seneca (others suppose Calpurnius Piso to be meant); 4, 53-7,

Nam tibi non tantum venturos discere nimbosagricolis qualemque ferat sol aureus ortum,attribuere dei, sed dulcia carmina saepeconcinis.

These lines agree with the fact of Seneca’s being the author ofNaturales Quaestionesand of tragedies. (2)Ecl.i. 77-83 refers to the comet which appeared at the beginning of Nero’s reign. (3) References to Nero’s youth and beauty, poetical gifts, the games he gave, and the new era of peace he introduced; 1, 42-5,

Aurea secura cum pace renascitur aetas,et redit ad terras tandem squalore situquealma Themis posito, iuvenemque beata secuntursaecula, maternis causam qui vicit in ulnis

7, 6,

quae patula iuvenis deus edit harena.

Cf. also 1, 84-8; 4, 84-9; 7, 83-4.Ecl.7 used to be taken as referring to the Colosseum, which was not commenced till aboutA.D.77; but the games may be those mentioned in Sueton.Nero, 11, and the wooden amphitheatre in 7, 23-4, may be that mentioned by Sueton.Nero, 12, and Tac.Ann.xiii. 31.

The difference of authorship ofEcl.1-7 and ofEcl.8-11 is shown by the following: (1) Finalŏshows classical usage in 1-7, but in 8-11 we haveexpectŏ(9, 26),coniungŏ(10, 14),ambŏ(9, 17), and the like; (2) 1-7 show only eight elisions, 7-11 show thirty-nine; (3) no ending likemontivagus Pan(10, 17) is found in 1-7; (4)fateorandmeminiused parenthetically are common in 1-7, and not found in 8-11; (5) there are no allusions to the emperor in 8-11; (6)Ecl.9 shows imitations ofEcl.2 and 3; (7) 8-11 agree in many points with Nemesianus’Cynegetica.

TheEcloguesare modelled chiefly on Virgil and Theocritus,e.g.Ecl.3 on Verg.Ecl.7 and Theocr. 3, 14, and 23.

The poemde laude Pisonisis now generally attributed to Calpurnius Siculus. One point of similarity with Calpurnius’ other poems is the rareness of elision, there being only two instances (ll. 24, 259). The description of Piso’s liberality and eloquence (ll. 32, 88, 97sqq.) and of his skill in draughts (ll. 178-96) corresponds with the information given by Tac.Ann.xv. 48 and the Schol. on Iuv. 5, 109, about Calpurnius Piso, who flourished under Claudius.

This poem, in 645 hexameter lines, is attributed to Virgil in theMSS., but is probably by Lucilius Iunior, to whom Seneca addresses hisEpistulae Morales,De Providentia, andQuaestiones Naturales. Lucilius was younger than Seneca (Sen.Ep.26, 7, ‘iuvenior es’), and was born at Naples or Pompeii.

Sen.Ep.49, 1, ‘Ecce Campania et maxime Neapolis ad Pompeiorum tuorum conspectum incredibile est quam recens desiderium tui fecerint.’

Lucilius had held procuratorial offices in Alpes Graiae et Poeninae, Epirus, Creta et Cyrene, and Sicily.

Ibid.44, 2, ‘Eques Romanus es et ad hunc ordinem tua te perduxit industria.’Ibid.31, 9, ‘Quo modo, inquis, isto pervenitur? Non per Poeninum Graiumve montem, nec per deserta Candaviae, nec Syrtes tibi nec Scylla aut Charybdis adeundae sunt, quae tamen omnia transisti procuratiunculae pretio.’[80]

Sen.N.Q.iv. praef. 1, ‘Delectat te, Lucili, Sicilia et officium procurationis otiosae.’

For his life cf. also the words put into his mouth by Sen.N.Q.iv. praef. 15-17, which show his loyalty to his friends, ‘Non mihi in amicitia Gaetulici (diedA.D.39) vel Gaius fidem eripuit, non in aliorum persona infeliciter amatorum Messalla et Narcissus ... propositum meum avertere potuerunt.... videbam apud Gaium tormenta, videbam ignes.’[81]

Seneca speaks of him as a pupil in philosophy inEp.34, 2, ‘Adsero te mihi: meum opus es.’

A literary work of his is spoken of by Seneca, also a poem in which he mentions Alpheus and Arethusa:

Ep.46, 1, ‘Librum tuum, quem mihi promiseras, accepi. Levis mihi visus est, cum esset nec mei nec tui corporis, sed qui primo adspectu aut T. Livi aut Epicuri posset videri.... Non tantum delectatus, sed gavisus sum.’

N.Q.iii. 26, 6, ‘Hoc et a te traditum est ut in poemate, Lucili carissime, et a Vergilio, qui adloquitur Arethusam.’

A poem on Aetna is referred to inEp.79, 5-7, ‘Donec pudor obstet, ne Aetnam describas in tuo carmine et hunc sollemnem omnibus poetis locum adtingas; quem quo minus Ovidius tractaret, nihil obstitit, quod iam Vergilius impleverat ... Aut ego te non novi aut Aetna tibi salivam movet: iam cupis grande aliquid et par prioribus scribere.’

Some authorities think that Lucilius had meant to incorporate this description in a larger poem, but changed his mind, and wrote a poem on Aetna alone.

As regards the date of the poem: (1) It was written at a time when imitation of Ovid was common. Cf. Sen.N.Q.iv. 2, 2, ‘Quare non cum poeta meo iocor et illi Ovidium suum impingo?’ (2) There is no mention of Vesuvius in the list of volcanoes in 1. 425sqq.The poem must therefore have been written beforeA.D.79.

The following are the arguments for Lucilius having been the author:

(1) The poem was written by one who knew Aetna and the vicinity. Now Lucilius was long procurator of Sicily.

(2) Military metaphors, as ll. 464-74, would fit in with his having been a soldier.

(3) The author speaks as if he knew the neighbourhood of Naples well.

(4) However, the argument that the writer shows Epicurean views, and that Lucilius was an Epicurean, has little weight. (a) There are Stoical doctrines in the poem. Cf. ll. 33-5, 68-70, on the divinity of the stars; ll. 173-4, which maintain that the world would come back to its former state; ll. 536-9, where Heraclitus’ doctrine of fire is recommended. (b) TheEpistulae Moralesonly show that Lucilius had a leaning to Epicureanism, not that he was an Epicurean. Cf.Ep.23, 9, ‘Vocem tibi Epicuri tui reddere,’ and other playful references.

(5) The views on natural science given in the poem are sometimes the same as those in Sen.N.Q.This would fix the date of the poem between 65 and 79A.D.Cf.Aetna, 123,

‘Flumina quin etiam latis currentia rivisoccasus habuere suos: aut illa voragoderepta in praeceps fatali condidit oreaut occulta fluunt tectis adoperta cavernisatque inopinatos referunt procul edita cursus’;

and Sen.N.Q.iii. 26, 3, ‘Quaedam flumina palam in aliquem specum decidunt et sic ex oculis auferuntur, quaedam consumuntur paulatim et intercidunt. Eadem ex intervallo revertuntur recipiuntque et nomen et cursum.’ Cf. alsoAetna, 96,

‘Defit namque omnis hiatu,secta est omnis humus penitusque cavata latebrisexiles suspensa vias agit’;

and Sen.N.Q.v. 14, 1, ‘Non tota solido contextu terra in imum usque fundatur, sed multis partibus cava et caecis suspensa latebris.’ So the story of the Catanian brothers (ll. 624-45) is told by Sen.De Benef.iii. 37, 2-3.

Imitations of Lucretius abound. Cf. ll. 219sqq.,

‘Nunc quoniam in promptu est operis natura solique,unde ipsi venti, quae res incendia pascit,’ etc.

For the author’s attacks on superstition, cf. ll. 91-3,

‘Debita carminibus libertas ista; sed omnisin vero mihi cura: canam quo fervida motuaestuet Aetna novosque rapax sibi congerat ignes.’

A version of thePhaenomenaof Aratus is extant, the author of which is called in theMSS.‘Claudius Caesar,’ or ‘Germanicus.’ He is generally identified with Germanicus, the adopted son of Tiberius (so Jerome and Lactantius), though in modern times the poem has been ascribed to Domitian, who had the title of ‘Germanicus’ fromA.D.84. There are also fragments ofPrognostica, which are independent of Aratus.

There is a very brief life of Pliny by Suetonius, but most of our information about him is derived from his own writings and the letters of his nephew (Plin.Ep.iii. 5; v. 8; vi. 16; vi. 20).

C. Plinius Secundus was bornA.D.23 or 24, for at the time of his death inA.D.79 he was in his fifty-sixth year (Plin.Ep.iii. 5, 7, ‘decessisse anno sexto et quinquagesimo’). His birthplace was Comum in Cisalpine Gaul, according to Sueton.vit. Plin.In an anonymous Life he is styled ‘Veronensis,’ probably on account of the phrase inN.H.praef. 1, ‘Catullum conterraneum meum,’ where, however,terrameans Gallia, the province, not the city.

Pliny was the son of aneques, and had a sister married to L. Caecilius of Novum Comum (seep. 139). He came to Rome not later thanA.D.35 (N.H.xxxvii. 81, ‘Servilii Noniani quem consulem vidimus’), and was trained in poetry and literature, probably by P. Pomponius Secundus[82]; his instructors in rhetoric are not known, but he mentions as rhetoricians Remmius Palaemon (xiv. 49) and Arellius Fuscus (xxxiii. 152). In botany he learned much from Antonius Castor (xxv. 9).

At the beginning of the reign of Claudius, Pliny was an eye-witness of the building operations at the harbour of Ostia,A.D.42 (ix. 14): in 44 he practised in the law courts. Having decided on a military career, he would begin, according to the regulation of Claudius (Sueton.Claud.25), with the command of a cohort of infantry. He was nextpraefectus alae(Plin.Ep.iii. 5, 3) under Corbulo, who waslegatusof Germania Inferior,A.D.47, in his campaign against the Chauci: cf.N.H.xvi. 2, ‘Sunt vero in septemtrione visae nobis Chaucorum [gentes]’; and inA.D.50 fought under Pomponius against the Chatti. His ‘castrense contubernium’ with Titus (bornA.D.41) was probably in 55 or 56, when he was in the army of Pompeius Paulinus: cf. xxxiii. 143, ‘Pompeium Paulinum XII pondo argenti habuisse apud exercitum ferocissimis gentibus oppositum scimus.’ Personal knowledge of Germany appears in several passages of theN.H., e.g. xii. 98, ‘extremo in margine imperii, qua Rhenus adluit, vidi’; xxii. 8, ‘quem morem etiam nunc durare apud Germanos scio.’

Pliny was present at the festivities at Lake Fucinus inA.D.52 (xxxiii. 63). During Nero’s reign he spent some time in Campania (ii. 180) and Cisalpine Gaul (xxxv. 20), was a spectator at the Vatican games inA.D.59, and saw the building of Nero’s golden house after the fire ofA.D.64 (xxxvi. iii).

Under Vespasian Pliny was procurator in Italy, and in several of the provinces: Sueton.vit., ‘Procurationes splendidissimas et continuas summa integritate administravit.’ (a) Hispania Tarraconensis: Plin.Ep.iii. 5, 17, ‘cum procuraret in Hispania’; (b) Gallia Narbonensis:N.H.ii. 150, ‘ego vidi in Vocontiorum agro’; (c) Gallia Belgica: xviii. 183, ‘nec recens subtrahemus exemplum in Treverico agro tertio ante hoc anno compertum’; (d) Africa: vii. 36, ‘ipse in Africa vidi.’ For his intimacy with Vespasian cf. Plin.Ep.iii. 5, 9, ‘ante lucem ibat ad Vespasianum imperatorem ... inde ad delegatum sibi officium.’

InA.D.79 Pliny was in command of the fleet at Misenum, when his scientific interest in the eruption of Vesuvius led him to approach too near the volcano, with the result that he was suffocated by the ashes (24th August). For a detailed account of his death, see Plin.Ep.vi. 16 (to Tacitus). Cf. Sueton.vit., ‘Periit clade Campaniae. Cum enim Misenensi classi praeesset, et flagrante Vesuvio ad explorandas propius causas liburnica pertendisset, neque adversantibus ventis remeare posset, vi pulveris ac favillae oppressus est, vel, ut quidam existimant, a servo suo occisus, quem aestu deficiens ut necem sibi maturaret oraverit.’

A chronological list of Pliny’s writings is given by his nephew (Ep.iii. 5).

1.De iaculatione equestri.—‘Hunc, cum praefectus alae militaret, pari ingenio curaque composuit.’ This manual on the javelin as a cavalry weapon is mentioned by Pliny himself,N.H.viii. 162, ‘Nos diximus in libro de iaculatione equestri condito.’

2.De vita Pomponii Secundi, in two Books, a tribute to the memory of a valued friend, the tragic poet Pomponius. Cf.N.H.xiv. 56, ‘referentes vitam Pomponii Secundi vatis.’

3.Bella Germaniae, in twenty Books, a narrative of the Roman wars in Germany; begun by Pliny when serving in that country, the apparition of Drusus having besought him to rescue his name from oblivion (so Pliny the younger). Cf. Tac.Ann.i. 69, ‘Tradit C. Plinius, Germanicorum bellorum scriptor.’

4.Studiosus, in three Books or six parts, a treatise on rhetoric from the very rudiments. Quintilian, though surprised at some of Pliny’s views (xi. 3, 143; 148), numbers him among the more careful exponents of the subject (iii. 1, 21, ‘accuratius scripsit’). The book contained models of good style: Gell. ix. 16, 1, ‘refert plerasque sententias quas in declamandis controversiis lepide arguteque dictas putat.’

5.Dubius Sermo, in eight Books, publishedA.D.67, towards the end of Nero’s reign, when purely technical subjects alone could be treated without danger to an author. Cf.N.H.praef. 28, ‘libellos quos de grammatica edidi.’

6.A fine Aufidii Bassi, in thirty-one Books. At what point Bassus’ history ended and Pliny’s began is not known: but the latter certainly dealt with the closing years of Nero’s reign (N.H.ii. 199, ‘anno Neronis principis supremo, sicut in rebus eius exposuimus’), as well as with the times of Vespasian and Titus (N.H.praef. 20, ‘Vos omnes, patrem te fratremque diximus opere iusto, temporum nostrorum historiam orsi a fine Aufidii Bassi’). The work was completed inA.D.77, but not published till after the author’s death. His nephew says he wrote with scrupulous care:Ep.v. 8, 5, ‘historias et quidem religiosissime scripsit.’ The book was used by Tacitus (Ann.xiii. 20; xv. 53;Hist.iii. 28).

7.Naturae Historiae, in thirty-seven Books, is Pliny’s only extant work. As he speaks of Titus as ‘sexies consul,’ the date of its presentation to him wasA.D.77. Book i. consists of a dedicatory epistle to Titus and a table of contents. The body of the work is arranged as follows: Book ii., the universe and the elements; iii.-vi., geography of Europe, Asia, and Africa; vii., anthropology and human physiology; viii.-xi., zoology; xii.-xix., botany; xx.-xxvii., the use of vegetable substances in medicine; xxviii.-xxxii., the use of animal substances in medicine; xxxiii.-xxxvii., mineralogy applied to medicine and the fine arts.

This work, which was meant not for continuous perusal, but for consultation as a book of reference, contained twenty thousand facts; and its preparation involved the reading of about two thousand volumes by one hundred authors (seeN.H.praef. 17). The extracts he had made from these sources Pliny bequeathed to his nephew in one hundred and sixty volumes. He makes a point of acknowledging his obligations to other writers (praef. 21, ‘in his voluminibus auctorum nomina praetexui, est enim benignum ... et plenum ingenui pudoris fateri per quos profeceris’); cf. the lists of authorities, Roman and foreign, prefixed to the work. Such devotion to natural science was unusual in men of Pliny’s class, and not generally appreciated; cf. xxii. 15, ‘Plerisque ultro etiam irrisui sumus ista commentantes atque frivoli operis arguimur.’ As a scientific writer Pliny fails because he is not an original investigator, and because he lacks the critical faculty. For his method of working see Plin.Ep.iii. 5.

Politically, Pliny recognizes the necessity of the empire, but his heroes are old Romans such as Cincinnatus and Cato. His Roman and Italian feeling is intense: cf. xxxvii. 201, ‘In toto orbe ... pulcherrima omnium est in rebusque merito principatum naturae obtinet Italia, rectrix parensque mundi altera.’

His view of life is gloomy (N.H.ii. 25, ‘nec quidquam miserius homine’), and through theNaturae Historiaethere runs a monotonous strain of condemnation of the immorality of his day. He is uncertain as to divine providence, but considers the belief in it salutary, and he accepts portents (ii. 92). His tendency is, in the main, Stoic; he was probably acquainted with Paetus Thrasea, who corresponded with Pomponius.

His full name is given in the VaticanMS.as C. Valerius Flaccus Setinus Balbus. It is doubtful (even if the last two names really belong to the poet) whetherSetinusmeans from Setia in Italy or from Setia in Spain. The poet’s Latinity gives no evidence on the point. Quintilian is the only Roman writer who refers to him; x. 1, 90, ‘Multum in Valerio Flacco nuper amisimus’; which shows that he must have died aboutA.D.90. In the beginning of the first Book of theArgonautica(written shortly afterA.D.70), Valerius addresses Vespasian, referring to his exploits in Britain, and to the capture of Jerusalem by Titus; i. 7sqq.,

‘Tuque o, pelagi cui maior apertifama, Caledonius postquam tua carbasa vexitoceanus Phrygios prius indignatus Iulos,eripe me populis et habenti nubila terrae,sancte pater, veterumque fave veneranda canentifacta virum. Versam proles tua pandet Idumen(namque potest), Solymo nigrantem pulvere fratremspargentemque faces et in omni turre furentem.’

i. 5sqq.probably shows that Valerius was a quindecimvir sacris faciundis,

‘Phoebe, mone, si Cymaeae mihi conscia vatisstat casta cortina domo, si laurea dignafronte viret.’

Cf. the allusion in viii. 239sqq.to Cybele’s bath, which was under the management of the xv.viri; and to the rites of lustration, iii. 417sqq.

There are several allusions to the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius inA.D.79,e.g.iv. 507.

TheArgonauticais in eight Books, the last being incomplete, and the story breaking off shortly before the death of Medea’s brother, Absyrtus. Valerius probably meant to write twelve Books, but it is not known how much farther he actually proceeded in his work. There is evidence to show that the last Books would have differed considerably from the story as given by Apollonius Rhodius;e.g.the visit to Phaeacia was probably omitted, as Jason was married at Peuce (Book viii.).

Apollonius is followed very closely, many passages being translated from him; thus iv. 236 = Apoll. ii. 38; vii. 404 = Apoll. in. 966. Valerius, however, amplifies where Apollonius is brief, and vice versa. Thus Apoll. ii. 948sqq.is dismissed by Valerius v. 110sqq.in a few words. The character painting of Valerius is superior to that of the original, cf. the character of Jason and of Aeetes. So for his artistic work; thus his portraiture of the gradual progress of Medea’s love is superior to Apollonius’ description, and to Virgil’s of Dido.

The obligations to Virgil are paramount.

(1) Verbal; as i. 55,

‘Tu, cui iam curaeque vigent animique viriles,’

fromAen.ix. 311,

‘Ante annos animumque gerens curamque virilem.’

Cf. ‘horrentem iaculis, nec credere quivi, heu quid agat, libans carchesia, summa dies, miscere polum, rumpere questus,’ in Book i.[83]

(2) In matter. The description of Fame, ii. 116sqq., is fromAen.iv. The character of Styrus, the betrothed of Medea, is modelled on that of Turnus.

After Virgil, Homer (esp. in Book vi.), Ovid, and Seneca’s tragedies are chiefly imitated. Statius is full of imitations of Valerius.

Valerius often tries to connect his subject with Rome.[84]Cf. ii. 304,

‘Iam nemus Egeriae, iam te ciet altus ab AlbaIuppiter et soli non mitis Aricia regi’;

ii 573,

‘genus Aeneadum et Troiae melioris honores.’

The full name of Silius is got from an inscription (C.I.L.vi. 1984), and is Ti. Catius Silius Italicus. Our chief information about his life is found in Pliny,Epist.iii. 7, where his recent death is mentioned. It was probably writtenA.D.101, and as it states that Silius was then 75 years old, the year of his birth wasA.D.25. His birthplace is unknown, but was not Italica in Spain, otherwise Martial would have claimed him as a countryman. Pliny tells us that Silius had risen by acting as adelatorunder Nero, who made him consulA.D.68. He had taken the side of Vitellius in the war of the successionA.D.69[85]and had afterwards, as proconsul, governed Asia with success (under Vespasian). After this he possessed great social influence. Towards the end of his life, he retired to Campania, and gave himself up to study. The account of his learned retirement,[86]his reverence for Virgil,[87]the consulship of his son,[88]the death of his younger son,[89]and other details, are corroborated by his contemporary Martial.

The passage of Pliny is as follows:

‘Modo nuntiatus est Silius Italicus in Neapolitano suo inedia finisse vitam. Causa mortis valetudo. Erat illi natus insanabilis clavus, cuius taedio ad mortem inrevocabili constantia decucurrit, usque ad supremum diem beatus et felix, nisi quod minorem ex liberis duobus amisit, sed maiorem melioremque florentem atque etiam consularem reliquit. Laeserat famam suam sub Nerone, credebatur sponte accusasse: sed in Vitelli amicitia sapienter se et comiter gesserat, ex proconsulatu Asiae gloriam reportaverat, maculam veteris industriae laudabili otio abluerat. Fuit inter principes civitatis sine potentia, sine invidia: salutabatur, colebatur, multumque in lectulo iacens cubiculo semper non ex fortuna frequenti doctissimis sermonibus dies transigebat, cum a scribendo vacaret. Scribebat carmina maiore cura quam ingenio, non numquam iudicia hominum recitationibus experiebatur. Novissime ita suadentibus annis ab urbe secessit, seque in Campania tenuit, ac ne adventu quidem novi principis inde commotus est ... Eratφιλόκαλοςusque ad emacitatis reprehensionem. Plures isdem in locis villas possidebat adamatisque novis priores neglegebat. Multum ubique librorum, multum statuarum, multum imaginum, quas non habebat modo verum etiam venerabatur, Vergilii ante omnes, cuius natalem religiosius quam suum celebrabat, Neapoli maxime, ubi monimentum eius adire ut templum solebat. In hac tranquillitate annum quintum et septuagensimum excessit, delicato magis corpore quam infirmo; utque novissimus a Nerone factus est consul, ita postremus ex omnibus quos Nero consules fecerat decessit.’

Silius’ career as an orator is mentioned by Martial vii. 63, 5-8,

‘Sacra cothurnati non attigit ante Maronis,implevit magni quam Ciceronis opus.Hunc miratur adhuc centum gravis hasta virorum,hunc loquitur grato plurimus ore cliens.’

ThePunicais an Epic in seventeen Books on the Second Punic War, and treats of events down to the battle of Zama,B.C.202. The historical treatment is founded mainly on Livy, and in point of style Silius has followed Homer and Virgil, imitations of whom are found on every page. For Silius’ reverence for Virgil, see above, and cf. viii. 593,

‘Mantua Musarum domus, atque ad sidera cantuevecta Aonio, et Smyrnaeis aemula plectris.’

Silius also follows Homer and Virgil in their mythology, bringing in supernatural motives in a way unsuitable to a historical subject,e.g.in xv. 20, where Scipio has, like Hercules, to choose between Voluptas and Virtus.

The example of Hannibal’s dream, iii. 163-182, will show these different points. The story of the dream is got from Livy xxi. 22, but, foriuvenis divina specie, Silius, like Virg.Aen.iv. 222sqq.and 259sqq.substitutes Mercury. Individual imitations in the passage are: l. 172, ‘Turpe duci totam somno consumere noctem,’ fromIl.ii. 24,οὐ χρὴ παννύχιον εὕδειν βουληφόρον ἄνδρα; l. 168, ‘umentem noctis umbram’ is fromAen.iv. 7, ‘umentemque Aurora polo dimoverat umbram’; l. 174, ‘iam maria effusas cernes turbare carinas,’ fromAen.iv. 566, ‘iam mare turbari trabibus ... videbis’; l. 182, ‘altae moenia Romae’ is fromAen.i. 7; l. 181, ‘respexisse veto’ fromEcl.8, 102, ‘nec respexeris.’

The Epitome of the Iliad (in 1075 hexameters), which passes under the name ofHomerus Latinus, has been attributed to Silius. It is a close adaptation from the original.

Back to Index Next