[34]Some ascribe these stories to Lenaeus, a freedman of Pompey, Sueton.Gramm.15.
[35]Only inferiorMSS.give Q., and the reading in c. 67, 12, ‘verum istud populi, fabula, Quinte, facit,’ is not to be accepted.
[36]Some critics, without sufficient proof, identify Volusius with the inferior poet Tanusius Geminus.
[37]Martial, of course, has here forgotten his dates.
[38]The incident has been borrowed from Plutarch by Shakespeare,Julius Caesar, Act iii. Scene 3.
[39]Seep. 184.
[40]This appears to us to be an indirect proof that the half lines in Virgil are often complete as they stand.
[41]M. Valerius Probus of Berytus (Sueton.Gramm.24) who flourished, according to Jerome,A.D.56, prepared critical editions of Lucretius, Virgil, and Horace. A commentary on theEcloguesandGeorgicspasses under his name, but most of it is spurious.
[42]A grammarian of the fifth centuryA.D., who merely versifies Donatus.
[43]On this point Professor W. M. Ramsay writes to us: ‘Virgil’s farm was certainly not at Pietole (which is two miles south of Mantua, out in the flat plain): for (1) the farm was a long way from the city (cf.Ecl.9, 59sqq.); (2) it was beside hills (ibid.7sqq.); (3) woods were on or by it (cf. Donatus “silvis coemendis”), and the flat fertile valley was certainly not abandoned to forests. After exploring the country, I felt clear that the farm was on the west bank of the Mincio, opposite Valeggio, where the northern hills sink to the dead level of the Po valley.’
[44]His knowledge of science is reflected in his works. Cf.Georgics, passim, andEcl.3, ll. 40-2.
[45]The latter part of this statement is worthless: Augustus was only a child when Virgil came to Rome.
[46]Probus is manifestly wrong in saying that the distribution of land took place ‘postMutinensebellum.’
[47]For details see H. Nettleship,Ancient Lives of Vergil, who holds that there was really only one eviction.
[48]The writings of Augustus are enumerated by Sueton. Aug. 85— (1)Rescripta Bruto de Catone, a reply to Brutus’ pamphlet on Cato; (2)Hortationes ad Philosophiam; (3)De Vita Sua; (4) Life of Drusus (Sueton.Claud.1); (5) Poems: ‘Sicily’ in hexameters, Epigrams and Fescennine verses; a tragedy, ‘Ajax’ (never finished).
[49]Servius wrote ‘triennio’ perhaps because he thought only of the dates ofEcl.1 and 10 (H. Nettleship,ibid.).
[50]C. Schaper’s view is thatEcls.4, 6, and 10 were not written tillB.C.27-25 for a second edition. He supposesEcl.6 to allude to the marriage of Marcellus and Julia in 25 (referring 6, 3 to theAeneid), andEcl.10 to be a lament for Gallus, who committed suicideB.C.27.
[51]Iulus is properly spelt Iullus (as in inscriptions), and is for Iovillos, a diminutive from the stem of Iuppiter.
[52]L. Orbilius Pupillus of Beneventum, who in hisΠεριαλγήςcomplained of the wrongs of his profession (Sueton.Gramm.4 and 9).
[53]Maecenas wrote, besides smaller prose works, a history of his own times (Hor.Od.ii. 12, 9; Pliny,N.H.vii. 148).
[54]For Horace’s relations to Propertius seeEp.ii. 2, 91-101, and under ‘Propertius,’p. 196.
[55]See G. Boissier,Nouvelles Promenades Archéologiques: Horace et Virgile(Paris, 1886).
[56]Dr. A. W. Verrall’s argument (Studies in Horace, pp. 25sqq.) thatOd.i.-iii. were publishedB.C.19 is not convincing.
[57]Ed. by Mommsen inEphemeris Epigraphica, 1892, p. 225.
[58]For Horace’s eclectic position in philosophy, cf.Ep.i. 1, 14-15,
‘Nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri,quo me cumque rapit tempestas, deferor hospes.’
‘Nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri,quo me cumque rapit tempestas, deferor hospes.’
[59]As suggested to us by Prof. W. M. Ramsay. For Horace’s opinion of Catullus cf.Sat.i. 10, 18-9,
‘Simius iste,nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum.’
‘Simius iste,nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum.’
[60]See Th. Mommsen,Sitzungsberichte der königl. preuss. Akad. der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. 24 Jan. 1889.
[61]A Peripatetic of the third centuryB.C., who wrote a popular account of the literary and philosophical views of his school.
[62]E. Voss,Die Natur in der Dichtung des Horaz(Düsseldorf, 1889).
[63]As pointed out by A. W. Verrall,Studies in Horace, p. 134sqq.
[64]This poem is probably referred to by Hor.Od.iv. 4, 19-22.
[65]M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus, author of memoirs of the Civil War (Tac.Ann.iv. 34), love poems (Pliny,Ep.v. 3, 5), and works on grammar (Quint. i. 7, 35).
[66]Dessau,Inscr. Lat. Sel.2925.Serg.stands forSerg[ia tribu], and is not a cognomenSergio.
[67]See Pliny,Ep.v. 9, 2.
[68]This question was first satisfactorily worked out by T. Dyer,Classical Museumfor 1847, p. 229sqq.
[69]See under ‘Juvenal,’p. 323.
[70]Pollio accused him of Patavinitas,i.e.the use of provincialisms (verba peregrina, as opposed toLatina, Quint. i. 5, 55,curiose loquirather thanLatine, Quint. viii. 1, 2).
[71]By A. Diepenbrock,L. Annaeus Seneca, p. 12 (Amsterdam, 1888).
[72]The praenomen ‘Gaius’ is rendered highly probable by the reading of theeditio princepsand by an inscription found in Africa (C.I.L.viii. 10311).
[73]Les Poètes Latins de la Décadence, vol. i., p. 8.
[74]Antwerp edition, p. 89.
[75]Tacitus does not say openly that Seneca was privy to the murder. On the whole he is favourable to Seneca, either because he followed the authority of Fabius Rusticus, a friend of Seneca, or because Seneca perished afterwards through Nero’s agency, or because he thought Seneca deserved his consideration.
[76]Seneca’s influence on the Imperial policy, especially in the liberal view it took regarding religion, is well brought out by Prof. W. M. Ramsay, in his book,St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, pp. 354sqq.
[77]See the very large list of parallels collected by Heitland,Introductionto Haskins’Lucan, § 51.
[78]See under Varro,p. 96.
[79]Ed. ofCena Trimalchionis, p. 7.
[80]See O. Hirschfeld’s note on this passage inRömische Verwaltungsgeschichte, p. 261.
[81]Messalla was a favourite of Gaius, Narcissus of Claudius.
[82]Pomponius was the author ofAeneasand other tragedies. Pliny calls him ‘consularis poeta,’ ‘vates civisque clarissimus’ (N.H.vii. 80, xiii. 83). Cf. Tac.Ann.xii. 28.
[83]Given with other examples by W. C. Summers,Study of the Argonautica(Camb. 1894), p. 27.
[84]Summers,ibid.p. 56.
[85]Cf. Tac.Hist.iii. 65.
[86]Mart. vii. 63.
[87]Mart. xi. 48; 49.
[88]Mart. viii. 66.
[89]Mart. ix. 68.
[90]The references are to L. Friedländer’s edition (Leipzig, 1886).
[91]Ed. of Book x., Introd. p. 9 (Oxford, 1891).
[92]A passage probably inserted by the pseudo-Frontinus from memoirs of the genuine Frontinus to give an air of authenticity to his work.
[93]J. Dürr,Das Leben Juvenals(Ulm, 1888). L. Friedländer (ed. of Juvenal: Leipzig, 1895) attaches little importance to this and the othervitae, but his arguments do not appear to us to be convincing.
[94]E. G. Hardy (ed. of Juvenal: London, 1891, introd. p. 8) thinks that this is supported by Juvenal’s gentile name Iunius. As a representative of the middle classes he (thinks Hardy) could not have been related by blood to either of the twogentesof that name. Hardy also states that Decimus is a commonpraenomenof the plebeiangens Iunia, and suggests that Juvenal may have got hispraenomenfrom them. There is no reason, however, to think that every Iunius must be related or associated in some way with one of these twogentes.
[95]The statement of thevitae, ‘ad mediam fere aetatem declamavit,’ may imply no more than that he continued his studies in private; but it must be observed that the usual meaning ofdeclamareis ‘to attend college classes’; and the statement, in whatever way it is taken, must be looked upon as improbable.
[96]If the number I. is right, and this appears most likely. II. is the only other possible reading, and it must be noted that the second Dalmatian cohort was in Britain at the beginning of the second century, and probably had been there for a considerable time.Trib.in the inscription is a conjecture suggested by thevitae:praef., which is epigraphically possible, is preferred by some authorities.
[97]E. G. Hardy thinks thatA.D.87 was one of the years whenduumviri quinquennales(appointed every five years) were elected in Aquinum, and hypothetically assigns Juvenal’s holding of the post to that year.
[98]C.I.L.vii. 1195.
[99]Cf. E. G. Hardy, ed. of Juvenal.
[100]Cf. E. G. Hardy,ibid.
[101]The reference in 4, 126, ‘De temone Britanno excidet Arviragus,’ proves nothing. It is the sort of reference that would be made by an Italian ignorant of Britain, and is, in fact, put into the mouth of one.
[102]The view thatSat.i. 33sqq.refers to M. Aquilius Regulus, who died probablyA.D.105 (Pliny,Ep.i. 5, 14-15), is rejected by Friedländerad loc.
[103]H. Nettleship (Journal of Philology, xvi., p. 45) points out that C. Vipstanus Apronianus and C. Fonteius Capito were consulsA.D.59, and suggests that this may be the year meant. This would giveA.D.119 as the date of composition.
[104]The scholiast connects with 4, 37-8.
[105]This story is rejected both by Hardy and by Friedländer.
[106]Juvenal had a leaning to Stoicism: cf.Sat.10ad fin., and his references to fate,e.g.7, 200; 10, 365; 12, 63. He believes in the gods (13, 247-9), but disbelieves the doctrines of the popular religion (2, 149sqq.).
[107]The inscription records the appointment of Cilo’s sons and a woman Lutulla as trustees of a fund, the interest of which was to be disbursed to the people of Comum.
[108]Hermes, iii. 31sqq.
[109]The inscription in Caria, formerly supposed to give P. as praenomen, is now shown to have been misread.
[110]The inhabitants of Terni (Interamna) erected a statue to Tacitus as to a fellow-townsman inA.D.1514.
[111]Bull. de Corr. Hell., 1890, p. 621, quoted by Prof. W. M. Ramsay,The Church in the Roman Empire, p. 228.
[112]One of the speakers in the Dialogue, Curiatius Maternus, was the author of tragediesMedeaandThyestes, and of praetextaeDomitiusandCato(Dial.2-3).
[113]Various attempts have been made, especially in a work published in London, 1878, to prove, of course unsuccessfully, that theAnnalswere forged in the fifteenth century by the Italian scholar Poggio Bracciolini.
[114]Fabius Rusticus, a friend of Seneca, quoted also for the shape of Britain (Agr.10).
[115]Cluvius Rufus, governor of Hispania TarraconensisB.C.69 (H.i. 8). Mommsen considers that he is one of the historians censured inH.ii. 101.
[116]Roth gives 71, Teuffel 75 at latest.
[117]SeeQuaestiones Suetonianaein Reifferscheid’sSuetonius, pp. 363sqq.
[118]See H. Nettleship,Lectures and Essays(1885), p. 248sqq.
[119]See Nettleship,ibid.p. 277sqq.
Transcriber’s note:The following typographical errors were corrected:Page 29: “equs” changed to “equus”Page 34: single quote added following “clueret.”Page 161: period added following “Religion in the Aeneid”Page 218: single quote added following “capit.”Page 259: “B.C.” changed to “A.D.”Page 259: “Claudius” changed to “Caligula”Page 259: “Caligula” changed to “Claudius” (twice)Page 263: single quote added following “ineptis.”Page 381: “Octaviam” changed to “Octavium”Inconsistencies in hyphenation have not been normalized.
Transcriber’s note:
The following typographical errors were corrected:
Inconsistencies in hyphenation have not been normalized.