FOOTNOTES:

These ordinances were practically a signal for the death of popery. They not only transferred to the king the rich emoluments on which for centuries the bishops had grown fat; they transferred also to him a right to superintend the actions of ecclesiastical authorities in matters appertaining to the Church. It is hardly credible that so vast an object should have been attained without more friction, and that it was attained is a lasting testimony to the shrewdness of the king. We may sneer at the childish indignation with which Gustavus strode forth from the diet, but the fact remains that this pretended indignation gained its end. Above all else, Gustavus knew the character of his people. They were particularly prone to sentiment. A few sham tears or an exuberant display of wrath had more effect upon them than the most sagacious argument that the monarch could employ. His policy, therefore, was to stir their feelings, and then withdraw to watch their feelings effervesce. It is not too much to say that no monarch has ever in so short a time effected greater change in sentiment than Gustavus effected among the members of this diet.

Before the delegates departed, a letter was issued by all the bishops present, and by representatives of theabsent bishops, declaring to the people that Gustavus had portrayed in graphic terms the evil inflicted on the crown in former times by bishops; and that the lay members had voted, to prevent such danger in the future, that the bishops' retinues should be limited thereafter by the king, and that all their superfluous rents and castles, as well as the superfluous rents of the cathedrals and chapters, should be surrendered to the crown. "To this," the humbled prelates added, "we could not, even if we would, object, for we wish to dispel the notion that our power and castles are a menace to the realm. We shall be satisfied whether we are rich or poor." To one who reads between these lines, it is easy to discern the language of the king. He also wrote, above his own name, to the people, informing them that the diet had been held; and for details of the proceedings he referred them to a letter which the Cabinet had penned.[167]

There was one man on whom the diet of Vesterås had fallen like a clap of thunder from on high. His cherished dream of finally restoring Romanism to her old position in the eyes of men was now no more. The knell of popery had been sounded, and nothing remained for the aged bishop but despair. True to the spirit of the ancient Church, he had looked askance on every effort to discuss her faith. The doctrines handed down through centuries appeared to him so sacred that in his eyes it was sacrilege to open them again. In answer to the monarch's oft-repeated counsel that theChurch reform her doctrines, he had steadily asserted his unwillingness to take that step, "for these new doctrines," he declared, "have been investigated frequently in other countries and have been condemned. No man of wisdom, I believe, will champion a doctrine that is contrary to the mandates of the Christian Church." This constant opposition on the part of Brask had brought him more and more beneath the monarch's frown. Gustavus let no opportunity escape to add humiliation to the venerable bishop. On one occasion Brask unwittingly had consecrated as a nun a woman who formerly had been betrothed; and when the woman later left the convent to become her lover's wife, the bishop placed them both beneath the ban. This act called forth a condemnation from the king. "The bearer tells us," were his words to Brask, "that he has married a woman to whom he was engaged, and who against her will was made a nun. We see no wrong in such a practice, and wonder much that you did not inform yourself before the girl received her consecration. The husband informs us, further, that you have placed them both beneath the ban. This course appears to us unjust, and we command you to remit the punishment.... We think it better to allow this marriage than to drive the woman to an impure life." A little later, when revolt arose in Dalarne, Gustavus fancied that he saw the bishop's hand. "The priests," he said to one of his officers, "are at the bottom of all rebellion, and the diocese of Linköping is the heart of this conspiracy." Gustavus had no ground for this suspicion, and the charge was utterly untrue. Braskthought the tax imposed upon the Dalesmen altogether too severe, and did not hesitate to say so; but he was very far from sympathizing with the rebels, and when it was ordered that the diet should be held in Vesterås to please the Dalesmen, he was the first person to suggest a danger in holding it so near the seat of the revolt.[168]

Brask's influential position in the diet only added to the monarch's wrath, and it was against him chiefly that the diet's acts were framed. He was the wealthiest of the Swedish bishops. Hence the reduction in their incomes, as commanded by the diet, fell heaviest on him. But even here the monarch's greed was not assuaged. After the "Ordinantia" had been passed, Gustavus rose and called upon the several bishops to resign their castles. This step, though advocated by the burghers and mountaineers as well as common people, had not been ordered by the diet. Gustavus seems, therefore, to have made the demand upon his own authority alone, and the issue proved that his authority was great. The bishops of Strengnäs and Skara, on whom the demand was made first, acquiesced as gracefully as was possible to so provoking a demand. But when the monarch came to Brask, that prelate did not readily comply. One of the nobility addressed the king, and begged him to allow the aged bishop to retain his castle during the few short years that yet remained to him of life. Thisreasonable request, however, the monarch would not grant; and Brask persisting in his right to hold the castle, Gustavus deprived him of his retinue and held him prisoner till he furnished bail conditioned for his good behavior as well as for the surrender of his castle. The diet then adjourned, Gustavus sending forth a body of men who entered the bishop's castle by main force, and placed it under the supremacy of the king.[169]

The ground of this barbaric treatment appears in a negotiation between the king and Brask some five weeks later. By the Vesterås Recess Gustavus was given a claim to all the income not needed by the bishops, cathedrals, and chapters for their support. But since the sum required for the prelates was not named, the field thus left for argument was wide. The prelates took a much higher view of their necessities than was taken by the king. Brask especially found it hard to do without his ancient pomp and circumstance. Gustavus therefore put the screws upon him to bring the lordly bishop to the ground. How well this plan succeeded is shown in a document of the 2d of August—about five weeks after the seizure of Brask's castle—in which the bishop is declared to have come to an understanding, and to have promised the king fifteen hundred marks a year beside some other tribute. In reward for this concession, Gustavus declared himself contented, and received the bishop once more into royal favor.[170]

There is now but little more to chronicle about the aged bishop. Beaten at every point, and practically a prisoner at the monarch's mercy, he had at last capitulated and granted to Gustavus all that he had asked. The surrender, furthermore, was but the prelude to the bishop's flight. Conscious that every hope was crushed forever, he craved permission to visit Gotland and perform the sacred duties of his office. This request was granted, and the venerable prelate set forth never to return. On pretext of consulting eminent physicians, he sailed across the Baltic, and watched the monarch's movements from afar. Gustavus, when he learned of this escape, confiscated all the property of Brask that he could find, and, worse than all, he issued a letter, filled with venom, denouncing the perfidy of the aged bishop and telling the people of his diocese that Brask had fled because of suits that certain persons were about to bring against him for his wrongs.[171]

It is difficult to take our leave of Brask without a word in admiration of his character. He was, in point of intellect, the most commanding figure of his time. Though born and bred among a people strangely void of understanding, he displayed some talents by which he would have stood conspicuous in any court of Europe. His learning possibly was not so great as that of Magni, nor did his eloquence by any means compare with that of Petri. But in matters of diplomacy, in the art of comprehendinghuman nature, he was unsurpassed by any prelate of the day. He was singularly acute in forming his conclusions. Rarely if ever did he express opinions that were not ultimately verified by facts. His versatility, moreover, was something marvellous. While weighted down with every sort of trouble and anxiety, he spent his leisure moments in writing perfectly delightful letters to his friends. These letters bear the marks of suffering, but are calm in spirit, charitable, and replete with thought. They treat of botany, of geographical experiments, and of various schemes to benefit the Swedish nation. As specimens of literature they are superior to any other documents of the time; and the writer evidently took keen pleasure in their composition. "By means of letters," he declared, "we keep our friends; and I would rather keep the friends I have than make new ones." Brask's greatest fault was his hypocrisy; but even this was due more to his education than to any innate trait. He was a Romanist of the deepest dye, and along with Romanism he inherited a tendency to sacrifice the means in order to effect the end. His very earnestness impelled him to deceive. But his deception, if only we may judge him leniently, was of a very pardonable kind. Take him for all in all, he was an extremely interesting man; and when he left the country, Sweden lost a valuable son.

FOOTNOTES:[135]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 101-102;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. ii. p. 138; andHandl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xviii. pp. 295-303 and 315-316.[136]Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xiv. pp. 48-53 and vol. xviii. pp. 300-303;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. ii. pp. 83-86; Linköping,Bibliotheks handl., vol. i. pp. 179-183; andSkrift. och handl., vol. i. pp. 347-351.[137]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 62-63;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xxiii. pp. 59-60;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 5-8; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. ii. pp. 126-129.[138]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 86-88;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xv. pp. 14-17 and vol. xv. pp. 15-16;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 22, 25-29, 42-43 and 109-110;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iii. pp. 24-25, 101-104, 263-264, 385-386 and 416-417, and vol. iv. pp. 292-293, 321-322 and 357-358; andSmål. archiv., pp. 175-176.[139]Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xiv. pp. 66-70, vol. xv. pp. 5-7, 13-15, 25-29 and 49-50, vol. xvi. pp. 11-14 and 59-62, and vol. xviii. pp. 267-269, 276-282, 316-317, 320 and 341-342;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. ii. pp. 29-31, 191-192, 214 and 277-278, and vol. iii. pp. 166, 333-334, 406-408 and 425-428; and Linköping,Bibliotheks handl., vol. i. pp. 199-201.[140]Skrift. och handl., vol. i. p. 100.[141]Ibid., pp. 19 and 118.[142]Christ. II.'s arkiv, vol. iii. pp. 1075-1083;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xvi. pp. 43-52, 59-62 and 76-78;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 20-21 and 46-48;Kon. Gust, den Förstes registrat., vol. iii. pp. 100-101, 313-314, 331-333 and 421-426 and vol. iv. pp. 3-4; Linköping,Bibliotheks handl., vol. i. pp. 192-201; andSkrift. och handl., vol. i. pp. 1-145.[143]Skrift. och handl., vol. i. p. 71.[144]Ibid., p. 28.[145]Ibid., p. 33.[146]Ibid., p. 76.[147]Ibid., pp. 77-78.[148]Skrift. och handl., vol. i. p. 87.[149]Ibid., p. 96. Petri's book, entitledSwar påå tolff spörsmål, published in 1527, is printed inSkrift. och handl., vol. i. pp. 1-145.[150]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 95-96;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 33-36 and 53-56; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iii. pp. 162-164 and vol. iv. pp. 18-20.[151]Johannes Magni,Hist. pont., pp. 76-80; Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 100-104 and 120-121;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xviii. pp. 341-342;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 31-32;Handl. till upplysn. af Finl. häfd., vol. ii. pp. 193-195;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. ii. pp. 185-186 and vol. iii. pp. 111-112, 193-194, 267-268, 287-289 and 378-379; andSaml. til det Norske Folks Sprog og Hist., vol. i. pp. 487-488.[152]Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 32-33, 40-42 and 53-54;Handl. till upplysn. af Finl. häfd., vol. ii. pp. 190-191; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iii. pp. 124 and 260-261, and vol. iv. pp. 70-71, 80, 91 and 130-131.[153]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 102-104;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xvi. pp. 115-119;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 54-56 and 62-63;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 74-76, 135-136, 138-140, 147-150, 159-163 and 166-167; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 56-59.[154]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 105-109 and 112-113;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 64-67; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 169-174, 177-180, 183-184 and 198-199.[155]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 121-123;Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 75-89; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 226-240 and 249-250.[156]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 123-126;Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 56-67;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv, pp. 200-215; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 65-75.[157]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., p. 126.[158]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 126-128.[159]Ibid., p. 128.[160]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 128-131.[161]Ibid., pp. 131-133.[162]Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 67-70;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 216-220; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 75-78.[163]Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp.70-72;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 220-222; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 78-80.[164]Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 72-74;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 223-226; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 80-82.[165]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., p. 133;Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 75-79;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 226-231; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 82-87.[166]There is a Latin version of the "Ordinantia" containing certain regulations not given in the Swedish. They are these: The contribution known as "Peter's penning" shall not be given hereafter to the pope, but shall go to swell the royal revenue. A like disposition shall be made of the money which the monasteries are wont to send to the superiors of their orders. Bishops and other prelates shall not hereafter pay anything to the pope for confirmation. It will be sufficient if they take their office by consent of the king. All property, real and personal, donated to the cathedrals, monasteries, and parochial or prebendal churches, shall belong to the descendants of the noblemen who gave it, and if there is any residue, it shall be conferred by the king on whomsoever he will. All real property sold or pledged to churches may be redeemed on payment of the sum received for the property. To augment the crown's resources the bishops, cathedrals, and canons ought to hand over to the king as large a sum as they can spare. All these regulations in the Latin version bear on their face the stamp of forgery. They are drawn in a careless manner, and convey the impression of being part of a rough draught that never was perfected. Certainly they never were enforced. SeeAlla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 90-93;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 241—247; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 89-96.[167]Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 79-82 and 89;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 249-256; andSvenska riksdagsakt., pp. 87-88 and 96-100.[168]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 110-112 and 115-116;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xvi. pp. 70-75, 78-80, 98-100, 105-106, 119-122 and 124-127;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 58-59 and 60-62;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 3-4, 12-13, 42-43, 54-55, 111-112, 175-176, 400-404, 406-407, 417 and 419-420;Monumenta polit. Eccles., pp. 10-11 and 17-18; andSkrift. och handl., vol. i. pp. 352-353.[169]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 133-134; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. p. 259.[170]Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 105-107; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrant., vol. iv. pp. 287-289.[171]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 134-135;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 120-123, 129 and 135-138;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 315-318, 325-326, 327-328, 340-343 and 391-394; andSmål. archiv., pp. 175 and 177.

[135]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 101-102;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. ii. p. 138; andHandl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xviii. pp. 295-303 and 315-316.

[136]Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xiv. pp. 48-53 and vol. xviii. pp. 300-303;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. ii. pp. 83-86; Linköping,Bibliotheks handl., vol. i. pp. 179-183; andSkrift. och handl., vol. i. pp. 347-351.

[137]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 62-63;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xxiii. pp. 59-60;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 5-8; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. ii. pp. 126-129.

[138]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 86-88;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xv. pp. 14-17 and vol. xv. pp. 15-16;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 22, 25-29, 42-43 and 109-110;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iii. pp. 24-25, 101-104, 263-264, 385-386 and 416-417, and vol. iv. pp. 292-293, 321-322 and 357-358; andSmål. archiv., pp. 175-176.

[139]Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xiv. pp. 66-70, vol. xv. pp. 5-7, 13-15, 25-29 and 49-50, vol. xvi. pp. 11-14 and 59-62, and vol. xviii. pp. 267-269, 276-282, 316-317, 320 and 341-342;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. ii. pp. 29-31, 191-192, 214 and 277-278, and vol. iii. pp. 166, 333-334, 406-408 and 425-428; and Linköping,Bibliotheks handl., vol. i. pp. 199-201.

[140]Skrift. och handl., vol. i. p. 100.

[141]Ibid., pp. 19 and 118.

[142]Christ. II.'s arkiv, vol. iii. pp. 1075-1083;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xvi. pp. 43-52, 59-62 and 76-78;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 20-21 and 46-48;Kon. Gust, den Förstes registrat., vol. iii. pp. 100-101, 313-314, 331-333 and 421-426 and vol. iv. pp. 3-4; Linköping,Bibliotheks handl., vol. i. pp. 192-201; andSkrift. och handl., vol. i. pp. 1-145.

[143]Skrift. och handl., vol. i. p. 71.

[144]Ibid., p. 28.

[145]Ibid., p. 33.

[146]Ibid., p. 76.

[147]Ibid., pp. 77-78.

[148]Skrift. och handl., vol. i. p. 87.

[149]Ibid., p. 96. Petri's book, entitledSwar påå tolff spörsmål, published in 1527, is printed inSkrift. och handl., vol. i. pp. 1-145.

[150]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 95-96;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 33-36 and 53-56; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iii. pp. 162-164 and vol. iv. pp. 18-20.

[151]Johannes Magni,Hist. pont., pp. 76-80; Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 100-104 and 120-121;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xviii. pp. 341-342;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 31-32;Handl. till upplysn. af Finl. häfd., vol. ii. pp. 193-195;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. ii. pp. 185-186 and vol. iii. pp. 111-112, 193-194, 267-268, 287-289 and 378-379; andSaml. til det Norske Folks Sprog og Hist., vol. i. pp. 487-488.

[152]Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 32-33, 40-42 and 53-54;Handl. till upplysn. af Finl. häfd., vol. ii. pp. 190-191; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iii. pp. 124 and 260-261, and vol. iv. pp. 70-71, 80, 91 and 130-131.

[153]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 102-104;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xvi. pp. 115-119;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 54-56 and 62-63;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 74-76, 135-136, 138-140, 147-150, 159-163 and 166-167; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 56-59.

[154]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 105-109 and 112-113;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 64-67; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 169-174, 177-180, 183-184 and 198-199.

[155]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 121-123;Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 75-89; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 226-240 and 249-250.

[156]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 123-126;Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 56-67;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv, pp. 200-215; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 65-75.

[157]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., p. 126.

[158]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 126-128.

[159]Ibid., p. 128.

[160]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 128-131.

[161]Ibid., pp. 131-133.

[162]Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 67-70;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 216-220; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 75-78.

[163]Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp.70-72;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 220-222; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 78-80.

[164]Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 72-74;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 223-226; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 80-82.

[165]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., p. 133;Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 75-79;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 226-231; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 82-87.

[166]There is a Latin version of the "Ordinantia" containing certain regulations not given in the Swedish. They are these: The contribution known as "Peter's penning" shall not be given hereafter to the pope, but shall go to swell the royal revenue. A like disposition shall be made of the money which the monasteries are wont to send to the superiors of their orders. Bishops and other prelates shall not hereafter pay anything to the pope for confirmation. It will be sufficient if they take their office by consent of the king. All property, real and personal, donated to the cathedrals, monasteries, and parochial or prebendal churches, shall belong to the descendants of the noblemen who gave it, and if there is any residue, it shall be conferred by the king on whomsoever he will. All real property sold or pledged to churches may be redeemed on payment of the sum received for the property. To augment the crown's resources the bishops, cathedrals, and canons ought to hand over to the king as large a sum as they can spare. All these regulations in the Latin version bear on their face the stamp of forgery. They are drawn in a careless manner, and convey the impression of being part of a rough draught that never was perfected. Certainly they never were enforced. SeeAlla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 90-93;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 241—247; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 89-96.

[167]Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 79-82 and 89;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 249-256; andSvenska riksdagsakt., pp. 87-88 and 96-100.

[168]Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 110-112 and 115-116;Handl. rör. Skand. hist., vol. xvi. pp. 70-75, 78-80, 98-100, 105-106, 119-122 and 124-127;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 58-59 and 60-62;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 3-4, 12-13, 42-43, 54-55, 111-112, 175-176, 400-404, 406-407, 417 and 419-420;Monumenta polit. Eccles., pp. 10-11 and 17-18; andSkrift. och handl., vol. i. pp. 352-353.

[169]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 133-134; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. p. 259.

[170]Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 105-107; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrant., vol. iv. pp. 287-289.

[171]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 134-135;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 120-123, 129 and 135-138;Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 315-318, 325-326, 327-328, 340-343 and 391-394; andSmål. archiv., pp. 175 and 177.

Reasons for Delay of the Coronation.—Preparations for the Ceremony.—Consecration of the Bishops.—Coronation Festival.—Retrospect of the Revolution.—Character of Gustavus.

THERE is but one scene needed now to bring the drama of the Swedish Revolution to its close. During a period of over four eventful years Gustavus Vasa had been seated on the throne, but the final act deemed necessary in the election of a king had not yet taken place. Again and again the people had urged Gustavus to be crowned, but on one pretext or another he had put them off, and the ancient rite of coronation was not yet performed. The mystery of this strange delay can easily be explained by looking for a moment into the condition of the Swedish Church.

It was a time-honored theory all over Christendom that no person could be legally installed in any royal post without first having the sanction of the Church of Rome; and such sanction, it was held, could only be conferred through the consecrated archbishop of the land. When Gustavus was elected king, the Swedish archbishop was in voluntary exile, and nobody expected that he ever would return. Indeed, he was so far an object of suspicion at the papal court that, shortly after the election of Gustavus, the pope appointed anotherprelate to perform the duties of archbishop till the charges brought against Gustaf Trolle should be set at rest. It is matter of common knowledge that Trolle never succeeded in vindicating his position; and Magni, though not confirmed, continued to perform the duties of archbishop.

In January, 1526, the Cabinet urged Gustavus to be crowned, and he declared that he would do so in the coming summer, trusting presumably that Magni would receive his confirmation ere that time. A tax was even levied to defray the expenses of the ceremony. But some opposition was encountered when the royal officers endeavored to collect the tax, and, the kingdom being then in need of revenue, the project had to be postponed. There is evidence, moreover, that Gustavus was not eager for the confirmation of the prelates. On one occasion he expressed a fear that they were seeking to obtain their consecration with a view to transfer their allegiance from himself to Rome. Apparently his object was, by continual postponement of the coronation, to have a standing argument whenever he desired to obtain new funds.[172]

Matters therefore dragged on in the same way till Archbishop Magni had been banished and the diet of Vesterås had voted an addition to the income of the king. As the Cabinet had been beyond all others urgent in their solicitations, the announcement of the monarch'sresolution was addressed to them. He would have still preferred, he said, to delay his coronation till the summer of 1528; but fearing that at that time he should be too busy, he had resolved to have the rite performed soon after Christmas, and the day he fixed at January 6. Invitations were then sent out to all the noblemen of the realm, who were instructed also to appear with all their retinues, and to bring their wives and daughters with them. Each town was asked to send two delegates to the coronation, and a certain number of persons were to represent the different parishes throughout the land. Sheep, geese, and hens were ordered in enormous quantities to be collected by the royal stewards for the festival. These the thrifty monarch arranged should be provided by the parishes themselves. Lest the Dalesmen, already somewhat irritated, should have new cause for discontent, Gustavus wrote them that they need not take part in the contribution, nor even send their representatives if they did not feel inclined.[173]

Although the Swedish Church was practically severed from the Church of Rome, a doubt still lingered in the monarch's mind as to the propriety of a coronation by prelates whose authority had not been sanctioned by the pope. Therefore, to remove all chance of contest, he directed that those bishops who had not received their confirmation should be sanctified through laying on of hands by those who had. As a matter of fact the only bishops whose authority had been derived from Rome were the bishops of Vexiö and Vesterås. The formerwas too old to undertake the active duties of his office. The bishop of Vesterås was selected, therefore, to consecrate the bishops of Skara, Strengnäs, and Åbo. This was effected on the 5th of January,—just before the coronation festival began.[174]

The gorgeous ceremony was performed, according to ancient practice, in the Cathedral of Upsala. Representatives from every portion of the realm were present, and the huge edifice was filled from choir to nave with all the wealth and beauty that the land could boast. It was the final tribute of gratitude to one whose ceaseless energy had saved the nation from long years of tyranny. Never had the Swedish people been more deeply bounden to revere their ruler. If in the annals of all history a king deserved to wear a crown, Gustavus Vasa was that king. The honor, however, was not all his own. The ceremony of coronation over, Gustavus selected from among his courtiers twelve to whom he granted the degree of knighthood. Here again, as on the day of his election, he displayed the sentiments that inspired his whole reign. No longer do we find among the monarch's chosen counsellors the names of men illustrious in the Church and Chapter. It was from the ranks of the lower classes that the persons whom he was to knight were chosen, and from this time forward the knights to all intents and purposes composed his Cabinet. No stronger argument can be offered to show the utter humiliation of the Church.[175]

The act of coronation was followed by a period of mirth. A rich repast was offered by the king, at which the representatives of all the classes were invited to be present. A new coin, also, bearing the full-length figure of Gustavus, with his sword and sceptre, and wearing on his head a crown, was issued and distributed gratuitously among the people. On the following days the ceremony was prolonged by tilt and tourney. With all the gallantry of a warmer climate two gladiators entered the lists to combat for the hand of one of Sweden's high-born ladies. The chronicler has immortalized the combatants, but the fair lady's name, by reason of a blemish in the manuscript, is gone forever. From beginning to end the scene was one which no eyewitness ever could forget. Years later, it stirred the spirit of the author whose zeal has given us the leading features of our narrative. It is a fitting picture with which to close this tale.[176]

The Swedish Revolution now was at an end, and the great achievements of Gustavus Vasa had been done.Though not yet thirty-two, the youthful monarch had already secured a place among the foremost leaders of the world. We have watched the Swedish nation rise from insignificance, through a series of remarkable developments, till its grandeur cast a lengthened shadow across the face of northern Europe. In some regards this revolution stands pre-eminent above all others known in history. Few political upheavals have been more sudden, and few, if any, have been more complete. Seven years was all Gustavus needed to annihilate the ancient constitution, and fashion another structure of an absolutely new design. The Cabinet, at one time the autocrat of Sweden, was now a mere puppet in the monarch's hand. Under the guise of leader of the people, Gustavus had crushed the magnates, with all their old magnificence and power, beneath his feet. In place of bishops and archbishops, whose insolence had been to former kings a constant menace, his court was filled with common soldiers selected from the body of the nation, and raised to posts of highest honor, for no other reason than their obedience to the monarch's will. Of the old ecclesiastical authority not a trace was left. Rome, in ages past the ultimate tribunal for the nation, had now no more to say in Sweden than in the kingdom of Japan. The Reformation was so thorough that from the reign of Gustavus Vasa to the present day, it is asserted, no citizen of Sweden has become a Romish priest.

The Revolution whose main incidents have here been followed recalls another Revolution enacted near threecenturies later amid the forests of the great continent of North America. Both originated in a long series of acts of tyranny, and each gave birth to a hero whose name has become a lasting synonym of strength and greatness. The lessons of history, however, are more often found in contrasts than in similarities, and the points of difference between these two upheavals are no less striking than their points of likeness. The chief difference lies in the individual characteristics of the leaders. George Washington was pre-eminently a hero of the people. He embraced the popular cause from no other motive than a love of what he deemed the people's rights; and when the war of independence closed, he retired from public life and allowed the nation whose battle he had fought to take the government of the country upon itself. The result was the most perfect system of republican government that the world has ever known. Gustavus Vasa, on the other hand, though actuated in a measure by enthusiasm for the public weal, was driven into the contest mainly by a necessity to save himself. The calm disinterestedness which marks the career of Washington was wholly wanting in the Swedish king. His readiness to debase the currency, his efforts to humiliate the bishops, his confiscation of Church property, his intimacy with foreign courtiers,—all show a desire for personal aggrandizement inconsistent with an earnest longing to benefit his race. One must regret that the rare talents which he possessed, and the brilliant opportunities that lay before him, were not employed in more unselfish ends. It is true he gave his country a better constitution than it had before; he freed it fromthe atrocities of a horrid tyrant; he laid the axe at the root of many religious absurdities; and he relieved the people from a heavy load of religious burdens. But he did not lay that foundation of public liberty which the blood poured out by the Swedish people merited. Of all nations on the face of the globe none are more fitted by temperament for a republican form of government than the Swedes. They are calm, they are thoughtful, they are economical, and above all else, they are imbued with an ardent love of liberty. It is hard, therefore, to repress the wish that Gustavus Vasa had been allowed, at the diet of Vesterås, to lay aside the crown, and that in his place a leader had been chosen to carry on the good work on the lines already drawn. The Revolution had begun with a feeling that the Swedish nation was entitled to be ruled according to its ancient laws,—that it was entitled to a representative form of government; and it was only because of the nation's admiration for its leader that this object was relinquished. The people, having expelled one tyrant, chose another; and ere Gustavus closed his memorable reign, the principle of hereditary monarchy was once more engrafted on the nation. Nothing could demonstrate with greater clearness the extreme danger that is always imminent in blind enthusiasm for a popular and gifted leader.

FOOTNOTES:[172]Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 37-39 and 45-47;Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 77, 80-81 and 93;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 19-20; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iii. pp. 12, 22-23, 95-96, 236-237 and 414-415.[173]Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 334-335, 360-366 and 416-417; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 102-107.[174]Svart,Gust. I.'s. krön., p. 136;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 133-134; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 368-369.[175]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., p. 136; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. v. pp. 9-11.[176]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 136-137.

[172]Alla riksdag. och möt. besluth, vol. i. pp. 37-39 and 45-47;Dipl. Dal., vol. ii. pp. 77, 80-81 and 93;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 19-20; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iii. pp. 12, 22-23, 95-96, 236-237 and 414-415.

[173]Kon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 334-335, 360-366 and 416-417; andSvenska riksdagsakt., vol. i. pp. 102-107.

[174]Svart,Gust. I.'s. krön., p. 136;Handl. rör. Sver. inre förhåll., vol. i. pp. 133-134; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. iv. pp. 368-369.

[175]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., p. 136; andKon. Gust. den Förstes registrat., vol. v. pp. 9-11.

[176]Svart,Gust. I.'s krön., pp. 136-137.

[In this list are included all works written for publication, whether published or not, before the year 1600. The arrangement is strictly chronological.]

Beyer, Christopher.Chronicon Gedanensis.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum medii aeui, ed. E. M. Fant. Upsal., 1818-1828. 2 vols. fo. vol. iii., ed. C. Annerstedt. Upsal., 1871-1876. fo. sect. 1, pp. 339-340.]

The author was born in 1502, and died in 1518. His chronicle contains a few allusions to events in Sweden from 1507 to 1515.

Ferber, Eberhard.Chronicon Gedanensis.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. iii. sect. 1, pp. 340-341.]

Author died in 1529. A few statements in his chronicle refer to the expedition of Christiern II. against Sweden in 1518.

Svenska medeltidens rim-krönikor, ed. G. E. Klemming. Stockh., 1865-1868. 3 vols. 8o.

This ancient collection of rhythmic chronicles, composed by various unknown hands, is devoted chiefly to events occurring before the sixteenth century; and most of the chronicles contained in it were written before that time. Two of them, however, were written in the monastery at Vadstena in 1520, one running through the reign of Karl Knutsson, and the other running from 1452 to 1520. Beside these there is a satire on Christiern II., written shortly after 1520. Although these chronicles are little to be relied on, they are extremely valuable as specimens of early Swedish literature.

Kock, Reimarus.Chronicon Lubecensis.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. iii. sect. 1, pp. 239-274.]

Author born at end of fifteenth century, lived in Lubeck, and died in 1569. His chronicle runs to 1521.

Von der graüsamen tyrannischen myssehandelung, so Künig Christiern, des namēs der Ander vō Den̄marck jm reich zu Sweden begāgen hatt.

This little work, containing only twelve pages, bears no date or place of publication on the titlepage, but at the end is dated at Surcöping, Dec. 29, 1522. One copy of it is in the Royal Library at Stockholm. It is merely a denunciation of the cruelties of Christiern II., and was doubtless issued with a view to win friends for Gustavus Vasa in different parts of Europe. It is written in High German, and has since been translated and published several times in Dutch and also in Swedish.

Proelia inter Suecos et Danos annis 1452-1524.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. iii. sect. 1, pp. 33-34.]

A short list of battles believed to have been composed by Spegelberg, the secretary of Bishop Brask, about the year 1524.

Diarium Minoritarum Visbyensium ab anno 686 ad annum 1525.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. i. sect. 1, pp. 32-39.]

A meagre chronicle of events in Visby, composed by various unknown hands in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries.

Stegmann, Bernt.Hanseatische Chronik.[InScriptores rerum Prussicarum, ed. T. Hirsch, M. Töppen, and E. Strehlke. Leipz., 1861-1874. 5 vols. 8o. vol. v. pp. 492-528.]

This chronicle runs to the year 1525. It was probably collected by Stegmann, a Dantzic burgher of the time of Gustavus, but it seems not to have been written by him. It is in Low German. Pages 517-528 give the story of Christiern's cruelties in Sweden, which the writer denounces in unmeasured terms.

Ziegler, Jacob.Crudelitas Christierni Secundi.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. iii. sect. 1, pp. 71-77.]

This description of the carnage of 1520 was written at some period between that year and 1531.

Chronicon episcoporum Arosiensium.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. iii. sect. 2, pp. 120-128.]

This consists of some extracts made by Peder Svart from a rhythmic Latin chronicle of an unknown author. It runs to 1534.

Eliesen, Povel.Chronicon Skibyensis.[InScriptorum rerumDanicarum medii aeui, ed. J. Langebek. Hafniae, 1772-1878. 9 vols. fo. vol. ii. pp. 554-602.]

This chronicle was written by Eliesen in the years 1519-1534, closing abruptly with the year 1534, though it has been continued by a later hand to the year 1555. The MS. was found in 1650, in the church at Skiby in Seeland. Eliesen was a Danish priest, a Catholic, and a vehement opponent of Christiern II.

Petri, Olaus.Svenska krönika, ed. G. E. Klemming. Stockh., 1860. 8o.

Born in 1497; died in 1552. Called the Luther of Sweden. Was a man of determined character, great eloquence, and common sense. He wrote in a strong, pure style, and with a critical judgment. HisSvenska krönikais the first history of Sweden written in modern Swedish. It was completed in 1534, but runs only to the year 1521. It awoke the hostility of Gustavus because of its leniency to the old bishops and clergy.

Rensel, Clement.Berättelse hörande till Konung Gustafs I.'s historia.[InHandlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia. Stockh., 1816-1865. 41 vols. 8o. vol. ii. pp. 13-54.]

A native of Livonia, came to Sweden in 1521 to enlist under the banner of Gustavus. He writes like a blunt soldier who revels in the story of a battle. HisBerättelseseems to have been written for the king. It is chiefly a chronicle of Swedish wars, running from 1518 to 1536. The original MS. is in the University Library at Upsala, and seems to have run later than the year 1536, a portion at the end of the MS. being lost.

Diarium Vazstenense ab anno 1344 ad annum 1545.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. i. sect. 1, pp. 99-229.]

A long chronology of Church affairs, chiefly relating to the monastery at Vadstena. Written by unknown hands, and completed in the sixteenth century.

Märkvärdige händelser i Sverige ifrån 1220 till 1552.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. i. sect. 1, pp. 90-91.]

A very short chronology of general events in Sweden, by an unknown author, written in the sixteenth century.

Magni, Johannes.De omnibus Gothorum Sueonumque regibus qui unquam ab initio nationis extitere, eorumque memorabilibus bellis late uarieque per orbem gestis, opera Olai Magni Gothi fratris eiusdem autoris ac etiam archiepiscopi Upsalensis in lucem edita.Romae, 1554. 4o.

The author, the last Roman Catholic archbishop of Sweden, wasborn in 1488 and died in 1544. The work is edited by his brother, Olaus Magni. It runs to the year 1520. The writer lacks critical judgment, and his work abounds in errors. He writes as one who, though wronged, is unwilling to complain; yet he hints that later generations may not think so highly of Gustavus as those living at the time.

Magni, Olaus.Historia de gentibus Septentrionalibus, earumque diuersis statibus, conditionibus, moribus, ritibus, superstitionibus, disciplinis, exercitiis, regimine, uictu, bellis, fructuris, instrumentis, ac mineris metallicis, et rebus mirabilibus, necnon uniuersis pene animalibus in Septentrione degentibus, eorumque natura.Romae, 1555. 6o.

Author was a brother of Archbishop Johannes Magni. Born in 1490, travelled through the northern portions of Scandinavia in 1518 and 1519 on a papal mission. As a canon of Upsala and Linköping was employed by Gustavus Vasa in several missions, being sent to Rome in 1523 to obtain papal confirmation of his brother's election to the archbishopric. After his brother's disgrace he followed him, as his secretary, to Rome, and at his brother's death was appointed archbishop of Upsala by the pope, but never attempted to assert his right. Died in Rome in 1558. He was a man of remarkable memory, and possessed strong powers of observation; but he lacked his brother's even temper. HisHist. de gent. Sept.is one of the most singular books ever written. It is an encyclopædia of Sweden in the sixteenth century; and though filled with errors and barefaced exaggerations, is invaluable to any student of Swedish history.

Magni, Johannes.Historia pontificum metropolitanae ecclesiae Upsaliensis in regnis Suetiae et Gothiae.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. iii. sect. 2, pp. 5-97.]

This work was first printed at Rome in 1557, with a preface by Olaus Magni. Reprinted at Rome in 1560.

Petri, Laurentius.Then Svenska chrönikan.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. ii. sect. 2, pp. 3-151.]

Born 1499, died 1573. First Protestant archbishop of Sweden, and brother of Olaus Petri. Lacked his brother's eloquence, but surpassed him and indeed all men of his time as a writer of Swedish prose. This work is nothing but his brother'sSvenska krönika, wholly revised, with the omission of certain manifest errors. Like his brother's work, it runs only to the year 1521, and is believed to have been completed about 1559.

Svaning, Hans.Refutatio calumniarum cuiusdam Ioannis Magni Gothi Upsalensis, quibus in historia sua ac famosa oratione Danicam gentem incensit.1560. 4o.

A Danish priest and royal historiographer; born 1503, died 1584. Was a warm adherent of Fredrik II. of Denmark, and an opponent of Christiern II. Wrote this book to refute the workDe omn. Goth.of Johannes Magni. It is so full of bitterness toward the Swedes that, while it was going through the press, the Danish chancellor suppressed the pages bearing Svaning's name, and the book was published under that of a German professor named Rosefontanus, who had died in 1559. The name of the printer and place of publication was also left out, and it was made to appear as if compiled many years before from some documents which Rosefontanus had seen when Christiern II. took refuge at his house. The copy in the Royal Library at Stockholm contains the suppressed pages, all soiled and torn. A second edition, bearing the author's real name, was printed in Copenhagen in 1561.

Svaning, Hans.Christiernus II. Daniae rex.Francof., 1658. 12o.

Published from an old MS. written by Svaning. Is written with much vigor, though somewhat unfair both to Christiern II. and to Gustavus Vasa.

Svart, Peder.Ährapredikning öffwer then fordom stormechtigaste, oöffwerwinnelige, och högloffligaste furstes och herres, H. Gostafs, Sweriges, Göthes, Wändes etc. konungz och faders, christelige lijk.Holmiae, 1620. 4o.

This is the funeral oration delivered over the body of Gustavus in Upsala Cathedral, Dec. 21, 1560, by Peder Svart, who had formerly been preacher to the court and had been made bishop of Vesterås by Gustavus in 1556. It is ornate and pretentious, and of little value.

Svart, Peder.Gustaf I.'s krönika, ed. G. E. Klemming. Stockh., 1870. 8o.

This chronicle was begun in 1561, the year following the king's death; and the author himself died in 1562, having brought his work down only to the year 1533. The original MS. is in the Royal Library at Stockholm. Svart writes in a forcible and at the same time easy style. Nor does he lack good sense; though the work is marred throughout by a bitterness toward popery and a total blindness to the errors of Gustavus.

Svart, Peder.Historia om de forna Westerås stifts biscopar, ed. A. A. von Stiernman. Stockh., 1744. 4o.

A history of the bishops of Vesterås, running to 1534.

Toxites, Michael.Epicedion sereniss. ac potentiss. principis, ac D. D. Gostaui, Suecorum, Gothorum, atq: Vandalorum regis.

A copy of this rare little book is preserved in the British Museum. It contains eight quarto pages without pagination, and is without date or place of publication, though it is believed to have been printed in Stockholm in 1561. It is a mere eulogy of Gustavus in Latin verse, and is addressed to King Erik XIV.

Grip, Birger Nilsson.Calendarium Hammarstadense.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. i. sect. 1, pp. 237-239.]

This is a short calendar of the births and deaths of some eminent persons arranged in the order of the days of the year. The compiler was born about 1490, and died in 1565. He was a Cabinet member, and a warm supporter of Gustavus Vasa, whose niece he married.

Ludvigsson, Rasmus.Collectiones historicae.[InScriptores rerum Suecicarum, vol. iii. sect. 1, pp. 79-87.]

Born probably at beginning of sixteenth century. When Gustavus, according to Act passed at Vesterås, 1527, established the Royal Archives, he employed Ludvigsson to collect all the old documents belonging to the various churches. These were then deposited in the Royal Archives. Ludvigsson also, by order of Gustavus, compiled a genealogical table of the old nobility of Sweden, that Gustavus might know what estates to claim. Under Erik XIV., as well as under his brother Johan, Ludvigsson held the post of secretary to the king. He died in 1594. As a writer he shows great industry and poor judgment. TheCollectionescomprises a continuation of Svart's chronicle to 1560, a chronicle of Erik XIV., and a compilation of the early Swedish chronicles from 1362 to 1522. Of these the chief is the continuation of Svart, which includes also Svart's chronicle slightly altered, and the whole of it was long supposed to be Ludvigsson's own work, though the name was erroneously spelt Rasmus Carlsson. The original MS. of this continuation of Svart is in the University Library at Upsala. The MSS. of Ludvigsson's other works are in the Royal Library at Stockholm.

Karl IX.Rim-chrönika, ed. B. Bergius. Stockh., 1759. 4o.

This is a metrical chronicle, written by one of the sons of Gustavus Vasa, and containing one or two references to Gustavus.

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