FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[707]See accounts in Rye,England as seen by Foreigners.[708]J. O. Halliwell,Letters of the Kings of England, London, 1846.[709]Rye,op. cit.p. 153.[710]"Autobiographie,"Bull. de la Soc. de l'Hist. du Protestantisme Français, vii. pp. 343sqq.[711]Another famous Frenchman at the Court of James I. was Theodore Mayerne the Court Doctor (cp.Table Talk of Bishop Hurd, Ox. Hist. Soc. Collectanea, ser. 2, p. 390); also Jean de Schelandre and Montchrétien among men of letters. James refused to give audience to the poet Théophile de Viau, exiled for his daring satires. Boisrobert, St. Amant, Voiture, likewise visited England at this period.[712]Thurot,Prononciation française, i. p. xiv.[713]Gerbier,Interpreter of the Academy, 1648.[714]Aufeild: Translation of Maupas'sGrammar, 1634.[715]Young,L'Enseignement en Écosse, p. 78.[716]Ellis,Original Letters, 1st series, iii. 89.[717]T. Birch,Life of Henry Prince of Wales, London, 1760, p. 20.[718]On Henry's death, St. Antoine became equerry to his brother Charles (Rye,op. cit.p. 253).[719]Ellis,Orig. Letters, ser. 1, iii. 95.[720]"The French fashion of dancing is most in request with us" (Dallington,Method for Travell, 1598).[721]His dancing-master was a M. du Caus. There were other Frenchmen in his service. Cp. "Roll of Expenses of Prince Henry,"Revels at Court, ed. P. Cunningham, New Sk. Soc., 1842.[722]J. Aubrey,Brief Lives, ed. Clark, 1898, i. p. 254; Wood,Athen. Oxon.(Bliss).[723]T. Birch,op. cit.pp. 38, 66, 67.[724]Rye,op. cit.p. 155.[725]Mémoires de Madame de Motteville, in Petitot et Monmerqué,Collection des Mémoires relatifs à l'Histoire de France, tom. 37, 1824, pp. 122-3.[726]Cal. State Papers, 1660-61, p. 162; cp. p. 207,supra.[727]Probably the second Duke, whom Charles, out of friendship for his father, the first Duke, brought up in his own family.[728]Foster,Alumni Oxon., ad nom.[729]Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1663-64, pp. 384, 526, 527;1668-69, p. 129; Shaw,Calendar of Treasury Books, 1667-68, pp. 346, 365, 620.[730]He received the order of knighthood from Charles I. in 1629.[731]Cal. State Papers, 1633, p. 349.[732]Le Grys translated several works from Latin into English. He died early in 1635; cp.Dict. Nat. Biog., ad nom.[733]E. Godfrey,English Children in Olden Time, New York, 1907, p. 133.[734]Davenant,The Wits, Act II.; cp. Upham,French Influence in English Literature, p. 7.[735]Preface to Lyly'sEuphues, 1623.[736]T. Middleton,More Dissemblers among Women, Act I. Sc. 4; cp. Upham,op. cit.p. 6.[737]Watt,Bibliotheca Britannica, 1824, ad nom.[738]Probably before he left school (Masson,Life of Milton, 1875, i. p. 57).[739]E. Godfrey,op. cit.p. 178.[740]De la Mothe devoted a short chapter to enumerating women's clothing.[741]Thurot,Prononciation française, pp. 374, 376.[742]Treatise for Declining French Verbs, 1580, 1599, and 1641.[743]Perhaps this is Bellot'sFrench Methodeof 1588, of which there is no copy in the British Museum, the Bodleian, or Cambridge University Library. There is no trace of his having written a third grammar called theFrench Guide; in his French Grammar of 1578 the verbs are arranged in five conjugations.[744]This section in particular bears a close resemblance to theExercitatioof Vives. See Dialogue 17, in F. Watson'sTudor Schoolboy Life.[745]In Broad Street Ward; see Cooper,List of Aliens, Camden Soc., 1862; Hug. Soc. Pub., x. Pt. iii. p. 187.[746]Lambeth Library, 8vo, B-E in fours. Hazlitt,Bibliog. Collections and Notes, ii. 206.[747]It is included in almost all the Sale Catalogues of private libraries at the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century.[748]Erondell was probably also responsible for numerous other translations from French into English; cp. p. 277, note 2,infra.[749]Strickland,Lives of the Queens of England, 1884, iv. p. 160.[750]J. Payne Collier,History of English Dramatic Poetry, and Annals of the Stage, 1879, i. pp. 451sqq.; F. G. Fleay,A Chronicle History of the English Stage, 1890, p. 334.[751]"Not women but monsters," wrote the Puritan Prynne in hisHistriomastrix, 1633, p. 114.[752]Prynne,op. cit.p. 215.[753]Payne Collier,op. cit.ii. pp. 2sqq.; Fleay,op. cit.p. 339.[754]The former was first acted in France in 1629 and the latter in 1633; cf. Upham,French Influence in English Literature, p. 373.[755]Scudéry's work is in verse; a king and queen of England figure among the characters. It was first performed in France in 1631.[756]Probably a tragi-comedy by Du Ryer, acted in 1634; Upham,op. cit.p. 373.[757]Diary, reprinted: Malone'sHistorical Account of the English Stage, in an edition of Shakespeare's works, completed by Boswell, 1821, iii. pp. 120, 122. Herbert makes many of his entries in French.[758]Meurier,Communications familières, 1563.[759]While the English visited France in great numbers, very few Frenchmen came to England, except those engaged on diplomatic missions, or exiles. Thus, Ronsard, Jacques Grévin, Brantôme, Bodin, in the sixteenth century; Schelandre, d'Assoucy, Boisrobert, Le Pays, Pavillon, Voiture, Malleville, and a few others in the early seventeenth century, spent a short time in England. Among scholars, Peiresc, Henri Estienne, Justel, Bochart, and Casaubon visited our country. St. Amant was twice in England, and on the occasion of his second visit wrote a satirical poem,Albion, in which he gave vent to his dislike of the people and the country (Œuvres, ed. Livet, 1855, vol. ii.). Guide-books to England were few, and far from giving a good impression of the country. See Jusserand,Shakespeare in France, pp. 8, 129.[760]Rathery,Relations sociales et intellectuelles entre la France et l'Angleterre, pp. 22-23, 48 sqq.[761]"Lord ghest tholb be sua virtiuff be intelligence, aff yi body schal biff be naturall rehutht tholb suld of me pety have for natur ..." (Œuvres de Rabelais, ed. C. Marty Laveaux, i. 261).[762]Petitot et Monmerqué,Collection des Mémoires, tom. 68, Paris, 1828.[763]A. Cohn,Shakespeare in Germany in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, London, 1865, pp. xxviii, cxxxiv, cxxxv.[764]Jusserand,Shakespeare in France, 1899, pp. 51sqq.; E. Soulié,Recherches sur Molière, Paris, 1863, p. 153.[765]Journal de Jean Hervard sur l'enfance et la jeunesse de Louis XIII, 1601-28, Paris, 1868. Quoted by Jusserand,op. cit.p. 57 n. One of Louis's tutors was an Englishman, Richard Smith.[766]S. Lee, "The Beginnings of French Translations from the English,"Proceedings of the Bibliog. Soc.viii., 1907, pp. 85-112.[767]Tourval was for long engaged on turning James I.'s compositions into French, and complains of not receiving any reward nor even his expenses.[768]He also translated Godwin'sMan in the Moon, 1648, which had some influence on Cyrano de Bergerac. He was probably the Jean Baudouin who studied at Edinburgh in 1597.[769]Gerbier,Interpreter of the Academy, 1648.[770]T. B. Squire, in Simon Daines'sOrthoepia Anglicana, reprinted by R. Brotanek inNeudrucke frühneuenglischer Grammatiken, Bd. iii., 1908.[771]By the end of the sixteenth century it was quite a usual thing for learned subjects to be treated in English. Ascham apologised for using English in hisToxophilus(1545), but in hisScholemaster(1570) he used it as a matter of course.[772]Jusserand,Histoire littéraire du peuple anglais, 1904, p. 316.[773]Florio makes the same claim in hisFirst Frutesfor teaching Italian and English.[774]Grammaire Angloise et Françoise pour facilement et promptement apprendre la Langue angloise et françoise.A Rouen, chez la veuve Oursel, 1595, 8vo. The Brit. Mus. copy contains MS. notes of a French student.[775]In 1586 he translated three letters of Henry of Navarre, and in following years a continuous series of similar works; in 1587 thePoliticke and Militarie Discourseof La Noue; in 1588 theDiscourse concerning the right which the House of Guise have to the crown of France, etc. His latest translation appears to have been Louis XIII.'sDeclaration upon his Edicts for Combats, 1613. This E. A. may have been identical with Erondell (or, as sometimes written, Arundel), who gives his name as "P. Erondell (E. A.)" in his translation of theDeclaration and Catholic exhortation(1586).[776]It bears a strong resemblance to the first dialogue in Erondell'sFrench Garden.[777]Such as the works of Sir Thomas Smith, John Cheke, John Hart, all of which appeared before 1580.[778]By P. Greenwood (1594), Ed. Coote (1596), A. Gill (1619), J. Herves (1624), Ch. Butler (1633). Some are reprinted by Brotanek,op. cit.; cp. F. Watson,Modern Subjects, chap. i.[779]Reprinted by Brotanek,op. cit.vol. iii., 1908.[780]Works, 1875, vol. ix. pp. 229sqq.[781]Reprinted by R. Brotanek,op. cit.Heft i., 1905, pp. 105.[782]Pp. 60sqq.[783]It had no place in the earlier editions of 1534 and 1537.

[707]See accounts in Rye,England as seen by Foreigners.

[708]J. O. Halliwell,Letters of the Kings of England, London, 1846.

[709]Rye,op. cit.p. 153.

[710]"Autobiographie,"Bull. de la Soc. de l'Hist. du Protestantisme Français, vii. pp. 343sqq.

[711]Another famous Frenchman at the Court of James I. was Theodore Mayerne the Court Doctor (cp.Table Talk of Bishop Hurd, Ox. Hist. Soc. Collectanea, ser. 2, p. 390); also Jean de Schelandre and Montchrétien among men of letters. James refused to give audience to the poet Théophile de Viau, exiled for his daring satires. Boisrobert, St. Amant, Voiture, likewise visited England at this period.

[712]Thurot,Prononciation française, i. p. xiv.

[713]Gerbier,Interpreter of the Academy, 1648.

[714]Aufeild: Translation of Maupas'sGrammar, 1634.

[715]Young,L'Enseignement en Écosse, p. 78.

[716]Ellis,Original Letters, 1st series, iii. 89.

[717]T. Birch,Life of Henry Prince of Wales, London, 1760, p. 20.

[718]On Henry's death, St. Antoine became equerry to his brother Charles (Rye,op. cit.p. 253).

[719]Ellis,Orig. Letters, ser. 1, iii. 95.

[720]"The French fashion of dancing is most in request with us" (Dallington,Method for Travell, 1598).

[721]His dancing-master was a M. du Caus. There were other Frenchmen in his service. Cp. "Roll of Expenses of Prince Henry,"Revels at Court, ed. P. Cunningham, New Sk. Soc., 1842.

[722]J. Aubrey,Brief Lives, ed. Clark, 1898, i. p. 254; Wood,Athen. Oxon.(Bliss).

[723]T. Birch,op. cit.pp. 38, 66, 67.

[724]Rye,op. cit.p. 155.

[725]Mémoires de Madame de Motteville, in Petitot et Monmerqué,Collection des Mémoires relatifs à l'Histoire de France, tom. 37, 1824, pp. 122-3.

[726]Cal. State Papers, 1660-61, p. 162; cp. p. 207,supra.

[727]Probably the second Duke, whom Charles, out of friendship for his father, the first Duke, brought up in his own family.

[728]Foster,Alumni Oxon., ad nom.

[729]Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1663-64, pp. 384, 526, 527;1668-69, p. 129; Shaw,Calendar of Treasury Books, 1667-68, pp. 346, 365, 620.

[730]He received the order of knighthood from Charles I. in 1629.

[731]Cal. State Papers, 1633, p. 349.

[732]Le Grys translated several works from Latin into English. He died early in 1635; cp.Dict. Nat. Biog., ad nom.

[733]E. Godfrey,English Children in Olden Time, New York, 1907, p. 133.

[734]Davenant,The Wits, Act II.; cp. Upham,French Influence in English Literature, p. 7.

[735]Preface to Lyly'sEuphues, 1623.

[736]T. Middleton,More Dissemblers among Women, Act I. Sc. 4; cp. Upham,op. cit.p. 6.

[737]Watt,Bibliotheca Britannica, 1824, ad nom.

[738]Probably before he left school (Masson,Life of Milton, 1875, i. p. 57).

[739]E. Godfrey,op. cit.p. 178.

[740]De la Mothe devoted a short chapter to enumerating women's clothing.

[741]Thurot,Prononciation française, pp. 374, 376.

[742]Treatise for Declining French Verbs, 1580, 1599, and 1641.

[743]Perhaps this is Bellot'sFrench Methodeof 1588, of which there is no copy in the British Museum, the Bodleian, or Cambridge University Library. There is no trace of his having written a third grammar called theFrench Guide; in his French Grammar of 1578 the verbs are arranged in five conjugations.

[744]This section in particular bears a close resemblance to theExercitatioof Vives. See Dialogue 17, in F. Watson'sTudor Schoolboy Life.

[745]In Broad Street Ward; see Cooper,List of Aliens, Camden Soc., 1862; Hug. Soc. Pub., x. Pt. iii. p. 187.

[746]Lambeth Library, 8vo, B-E in fours. Hazlitt,Bibliog. Collections and Notes, ii. 206.

[747]It is included in almost all the Sale Catalogues of private libraries at the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century.

[748]Erondell was probably also responsible for numerous other translations from French into English; cp. p. 277, note 2,infra.

[749]Strickland,Lives of the Queens of England, 1884, iv. p. 160.

[750]J. Payne Collier,History of English Dramatic Poetry, and Annals of the Stage, 1879, i. pp. 451sqq.; F. G. Fleay,A Chronicle History of the English Stage, 1890, p. 334.

[751]"Not women but monsters," wrote the Puritan Prynne in hisHistriomastrix, 1633, p. 114.

[752]Prynne,op. cit.p. 215.

[753]Payne Collier,op. cit.ii. pp. 2sqq.; Fleay,op. cit.p. 339.

[754]The former was first acted in France in 1629 and the latter in 1633; cf. Upham,French Influence in English Literature, p. 373.

[755]Scudéry's work is in verse; a king and queen of England figure among the characters. It was first performed in France in 1631.

[756]Probably a tragi-comedy by Du Ryer, acted in 1634; Upham,op. cit.p. 373.

[757]Diary, reprinted: Malone'sHistorical Account of the English Stage, in an edition of Shakespeare's works, completed by Boswell, 1821, iii. pp. 120, 122. Herbert makes many of his entries in French.

[758]Meurier,Communications familières, 1563.

[759]While the English visited France in great numbers, very few Frenchmen came to England, except those engaged on diplomatic missions, or exiles. Thus, Ronsard, Jacques Grévin, Brantôme, Bodin, in the sixteenth century; Schelandre, d'Assoucy, Boisrobert, Le Pays, Pavillon, Voiture, Malleville, and a few others in the early seventeenth century, spent a short time in England. Among scholars, Peiresc, Henri Estienne, Justel, Bochart, and Casaubon visited our country. St. Amant was twice in England, and on the occasion of his second visit wrote a satirical poem,Albion, in which he gave vent to his dislike of the people and the country (Œuvres, ed. Livet, 1855, vol. ii.). Guide-books to England were few, and far from giving a good impression of the country. See Jusserand,Shakespeare in France, pp. 8, 129.

[760]Rathery,Relations sociales et intellectuelles entre la France et l'Angleterre, pp. 22-23, 48 sqq.

[761]"Lord ghest tholb be sua virtiuff be intelligence, aff yi body schal biff be naturall rehutht tholb suld of me pety have for natur ..." (Œuvres de Rabelais, ed. C. Marty Laveaux, i. 261).

[762]Petitot et Monmerqué,Collection des Mémoires, tom. 68, Paris, 1828.

[763]A. Cohn,Shakespeare in Germany in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, London, 1865, pp. xxviii, cxxxiv, cxxxv.

[764]Jusserand,Shakespeare in France, 1899, pp. 51sqq.; E. Soulié,Recherches sur Molière, Paris, 1863, p. 153.

[765]Journal de Jean Hervard sur l'enfance et la jeunesse de Louis XIII, 1601-28, Paris, 1868. Quoted by Jusserand,op. cit.p. 57 n. One of Louis's tutors was an Englishman, Richard Smith.

[766]S. Lee, "The Beginnings of French Translations from the English,"Proceedings of the Bibliog. Soc.viii., 1907, pp. 85-112.

[767]Tourval was for long engaged on turning James I.'s compositions into French, and complains of not receiving any reward nor even his expenses.

[768]He also translated Godwin'sMan in the Moon, 1648, which had some influence on Cyrano de Bergerac. He was probably the Jean Baudouin who studied at Edinburgh in 1597.

[769]Gerbier,Interpreter of the Academy, 1648.

[770]T. B. Squire, in Simon Daines'sOrthoepia Anglicana, reprinted by R. Brotanek inNeudrucke frühneuenglischer Grammatiken, Bd. iii., 1908.

[771]By the end of the sixteenth century it was quite a usual thing for learned subjects to be treated in English. Ascham apologised for using English in hisToxophilus(1545), but in hisScholemaster(1570) he used it as a matter of course.

[772]Jusserand,Histoire littéraire du peuple anglais, 1904, p. 316.

[773]Florio makes the same claim in hisFirst Frutesfor teaching Italian and English.

[774]Grammaire Angloise et Françoise pour facilement et promptement apprendre la Langue angloise et françoise.A Rouen, chez la veuve Oursel, 1595, 8vo. The Brit. Mus. copy contains MS. notes of a French student.

[775]In 1586 he translated three letters of Henry of Navarre, and in following years a continuous series of similar works; in 1587 thePoliticke and Militarie Discourseof La Noue; in 1588 theDiscourse concerning the right which the House of Guise have to the crown of France, etc. His latest translation appears to have been Louis XIII.'sDeclaration upon his Edicts for Combats, 1613. This E. A. may have been identical with Erondell (or, as sometimes written, Arundel), who gives his name as "P. Erondell (E. A.)" in his translation of theDeclaration and Catholic exhortation(1586).

[776]It bears a strong resemblance to the first dialogue in Erondell'sFrench Garden.

[777]Such as the works of Sir Thomas Smith, John Cheke, John Hart, all of which appeared before 1580.

[778]By P. Greenwood (1594), Ed. Coote (1596), A. Gill (1619), J. Herves (1624), Ch. Butler (1633). Some are reprinted by Brotanek,op. cit.; cp. F. Watson,Modern Subjects, chap. i.

[779]Reprinted by Brotanek,op. cit.vol. iii., 1908.

[780]Works, 1875, vol. ix. pp. 229sqq.

[781]Reprinted by R. Brotanek,op. cit.Heft i., 1905, pp. 105.

[782]Pp. 60sqq.

[783]It had no place in the earlier editions of 1534 and 1537.

Oneof the most noted teachers of English as well as of French was Robert Sherwood, who in 1632 completed his English-French Dictionary which was appended to the new edition of Cotgrave's work issued in that year.[784]Sherwood was born in Norfolk,[785]although he later called himself a Londoner. In July 1622 he entered Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and graduated B.A. in 1626. He then moved to London and opened a language school in St. Sepulchre's Churchyard, where he continued to teach for many years. He also taught English to many French, German, Danish, and Flemish nobles and gentlemen who visited London. To these distinguished visitors he dedicated his dictionary in 1632, as well as the second edition of his French grammar in 1634, expressing the hope that he would soon be able to produce an English grammar "toute entière," for only the practical exercises in French and English could be of use to them in their study of English. His French grammar was intended "for the furtherance and practice of gentlemen, scollers and others desirous of the said language." We gather that Sherwood's school was limited entirely to the higher classes, and was very different from Holyband's noisy and bustling establishment.

The first edition of Sherwood'sFrench Tutour, as he called his grammar, saw the light in 1625,[786]just before he graduated at Cambridge. He had probably worked at it as well as at his dictionary during his residence there, and appears to have taught French to private pupils. How he first acquired his knowledge of French, we do not know. He may havespent some years in France before going to Cambridge, since he would not find much opportunity of studying the language there. His work is little more than a translation of selections from the French grammar of Charles Maupas of Blois (1625). Perhaps he studied the language with Maupas himself, of whom he speaks with great respect. In parts of his grammar, however, Sherwood drew on his own "long experience" in teaching French.

The second edition of theFrench Tutour(1634) is said to be carefully corrected and enlarged. In it Sherwood follows the usual order of treatment. First come rules of pronunciation, then of grammar, which show "the nature and use of the Articles, a thing of no small importance in this language: also the way to find out the gender of all nounes: the conjugation of all the verbs regular and irregular; and after which followeth a list of most of the indeclinable parts (which commonly do much hinder learners) Alphabetically Englished; with a most ample syntax of all the parts of speech." This section closes with an alphabetical index "interpreting such nounes and verbes as are unenglished in the grammar." The practical exercises are in the form of "three dialogues and a touch of French compliments," in French and English, arranged in two parallel columns on a page. The first deals with familiar talk by the wayside, depicting travellers on their road to London, and, on their arrival, taking lodgings at the Black Swan in Holborn, doing their shopping, and taking their evening meal. The other two dialogues treat of less familiar subjects; and, on the whole, Sherwood's book was not of a popular kind, but was intended for the "learned." One describes the exercises and studies of the nobility, dancing, riding, fencing, hunting, geography, cosmography, and so forth; and the other turns on the subject of travel in foreign countries, in which Sherwood emphasizes the necessity for the traveller of "some good and fundamental beginning in the language of the country whither he goeth." TheTutourcloses with a selection of French compliments from the book of M. L. Miche on French courtesy, to which Sherwood added an English version.

Another Englishman also ventured in the early years of the seventeenth century to write on the French language—William Colson, who called himself a Professor of Literal and Liberal Sciences. He had spent many years abroad asWILLIAM COLSONtravelling companion to young English gentlemen, "aswell learning as teaching such laudable arts and qualities as are most fitting for a gentleman's exercise." Seemingly he spent some time in the Low Countries, and he may have found his pupils among the English troops serving there, as in 1603 he published at Liége a book in French on arithmetic which also provides military information. Before 1612 he had returned to London, where he composed a similar work in English, dedicated to the Lords of the Privy Council.[787]He tells us that on his return from his travels he wrote "certaine litteral workes," mostly on the teaching of languages, and like an earlier English writer, John Eliote, evolved a special method which he called "arte locall or the arte of memorie." He expounds his "method," which is very vague and obscure in its application, in one of his French text-books which appeared in London in 1620 and was calledThe First Part of the French grammar, Artificially Deduced, into Tables by Arte Locall, called the Arte of Memorie. Colson desired to reconcile the old orthography with the new, as Holyband had done earlier, by means of a reformed alphabet of twenty-six letters, and of a triple distinction of characters, Roman, Italian, and English. Roman type was to stand for theproperpronunciation, that is, letters which are pronounced as they are written; the Italian for theimproper, that is, letters which are not given their usual pronunciation; and finally the letters written but not sounded were to be printed in black letter. In his reformed alphabet he divides the letters into seven vowels and eighteen consonants, and subdivides the consonants into semivowels and mutes. He gives each letter its usual name, and then its special name according to his own scheme, as follows:

AE'EOIYVHSZXILRNMFΛBP:DTGKCQaéeoiyuéhésézéxéiélérénéméféΛébép:édétégékécéqproper namesspeciall nameshesézéxéiélérénéméféΛébépé:détégékécéqéAspiration↓↓8 semivowels10 mutes↓7 vowels↓18 consonants↓Elements and Letters

And all the said Alphabet is briefly contained in these five artificiall words to be learnt by heart:—Haeiou—sezexeie—lereneme—feΛebepe—detegeke.

After treating of the letters, Colson proceeds to deal with the other three chief parts of grammar—"the sillible, the diction, and the locution" (the last two dealing with accidence and syntax respectively) in a similarly intricate and obscure style. It is difficult to imagine what can have been his reasons for his scheme of complicated divisions and sub-divisions, more like a puzzle than anything else. Yet he appears to have been serious, and assures us that once his reformed alphabet is mastered "the perfect pronunciation, reading, and writing of the French tongue is gotten in the space of one month or thereabouts." It is not surprising that his attempted reform passed quite unheeded.

ThisFirst Part of the French grammar, which is dedicated to "the Worshippfull, worthie and vertuous gentleman, M. Emanuel Giffard, Esquire," seems to be the only one of Colson's works on the French language which has survived. At its close is a large folding sheet, containing the table of his reformed alphabet, dedicated to Sir Michael Stanhope and Sir William Cornwallis by their affectionate servant. The date is 1613. Colson informs us that he had also compiled a French grammar divided into four parts, after a new method. He likewise refers to "all his bookes tending to the instruction of the French tongue," such as his "booke of the declination of nouns, and conjugation of Verbes," and his "three repertories of the English, French, and Latine tongues, compounded by arte locall for aiding the memorie in learning most speedily the words of the foresaide tongues by heart in halfe time": his "Repertoire of all syllables in general and of all French words in particular containing the Art to learn them easily by heart in verie short time and with little labour to the great contentment of him which is desirous of the French tongue, all reduced into Tables by Art Locall as before said": and "other works of ours shortly to be printed tending to the knowledge of the foresaid tongues, in which works is set downe by Art and order local (called the Art of Memory) most easy and brief rules to learne the foresaid bookes by heart." Most of these, no doubt, were short pamphlets, perhaps in the shape of the large folding sheet inserted at the end of the Grammar of 1620, and so stood but little chance of survival.

At this same period the popular French grammar of Charles Maupas, well known to many travellers to France, was translated into English by William Aufeild and published in 1634.WILLIAM AUFEILDMaupas's grammar, first printed at Blois in 1607, had won a considerable reputation in England, and was not without noticeable influence on the French grammars published in London. Sherwood, who had made free use of Maupas, praised him very highly. James Howell, in his edition of Cotgrave's Dictionary, advises students to seek fuller grammatical information in Maupas's Grammar, "the exactest and most scholarlike of all." William Aufeild, the translator of the book—"the best instructions for that language by the consent of all that know the book, that were ever written"—considers that it excels all the French grammars ever produced in England: "all of them put together do not teach half so well the idiom of the French tongue as this one doth." We are assured that the work was in great demand when it first appeared in England, and that a great number of the nobility and gentry were commonly taught by means of it. Finding that the fact that it was written in French was a great drawback, as it could only be used by those who already understood French, Aufeild decided to translate it into English, and dedicated his work to the young Duke of Buckingham,[788]son of the duke to whom Maupas had offered the original. Aufeild tells that he had been studying French for ten years when he undertook his task. He called the translationA French grammar and Syntaxe, contayning most exact and certaine Rules for the pronunciation, Orthography, construction and use of the French language.[789]

To adapt the work to the use of the English, the translator placed a small cross under letters not pronounced in the French word, thus adopting Holyband's plan. These letters were also printed in a different type, "that better notice might be taken of them." He also endeavours to give the sounds of the French alphabet in English spelling, so that if the student "pronounce the one like an Englishman, he must needs pronounce the same sounds, written after the French manner, like a Frenchman." This, he says, is the only invention which he claims as his own in the whole work. "The examples as well as the text, are englished to save the readerso many lookings in his Dictionary"; and the word to which the rule has special reference is printed in different type from the rest of the example. Occasionally the text is expanded by additional explanations, included in parentheses.

Aufeild advises the student of French to read the whole grammar through first, in order to get a general notion of the language. It is vain, he argues, to begin learning rules for the pronunciation of a language of which you are totally ignorant. Especially is this so in the case of the "unlearned," that is, those unacquainted with Latin grammar. For instance, "you shall find that in all the third persons plural of verbes ending in-ent,nis not pronounced," and so on. Now, "unless a man can distinguish an adverbe from a verbe," he says, "or till he know how the plurall number is made of the singular how shall he know ... when to leave outnbeforet?" "In my opinion," he adds, "it is but a dull and wearisome thing for a man to take a great deale of paines, in learning to pronounce what he understandeth not." Clearly his ideal was a preliminary grounding in the general principles of grammar. When you have a general knowledge of the whole language you may begin at the pronunciation and "so goe through it againe in order as it lieth." In the second reading the student should take into account the less important rules which are omitted in the first perusal.

Aufeild's final piece of advice is at variance with the general practice among teachers of the time. He would have the pupil postpone all attempts at speaking the language until the last stages: "be not too greedy," he warns the reader, "to be thought a speaker of French before you are sure you understand what you read." The best known teacher of Italian in the seventeenth century, Torriano, was of the same opinion: "for the avoiding of a vulgar error or fault very predominant in many, namely of being over hasty to be speaking of a language, before it be well understood, I thought not amiss to produce the quotation of one Mr. Wm. Aufeild.... I jump with him that they who are last at speaking speak the best and surest and so much I find by my experience among my scholars."[790]Many years before, Roger Ascham had expressed the same view with regard to the teaching of Latin. He admitted that the "dailie use of speaking was the best method," but only provided the learner could alwaysAUFEILD'S ADVICE TO STUDENTShear the language spoken correctly and avoid "the habit of the evil choice of words, and crooked forming of sentences"; but as it is,loquendo male loqui discunt, and he advises the postponement of speaking until some progress had been made.[791]

Considering Aufeild's ideas as to the speaking of French, we quite expect to find him condemning attempts to pick up the language without the help of rules; "for if with Rules, you shall be often at a loss, certainly you shall stick at every word without them." It may be that "they which take another way, may speake more words in halfe a yeare then you shall in twelve month; but in a year's space you may, with diligence and industry, speake better (and after a while more) than another shall doe all his life time, unless there be a vast disparity between your abilities of mind."

His attitude as to the respective importance of grammatical study and its practical application was not in keeping with that of Maupas, of whom he said, "I know not whom you can equal to him." Maupas had written his grammar in French instead of the international language, Latin, because he advocated the study of the grammar in the French language itself; he taught reading and pronunciation by means of reading the grammar in French. Aufeild, on the contrary, considered it a drawback that when English students travelled into France they had to learn enough French to converse with their teachers before they could learn of their teachers how to converse with others. This was the reason which induced him to translate the grammar, although in doing so he, no doubt unconsciously, set at nought Maupas's principal reason for writing it in French.

We know of no other French grammar produced in France which was specially favoured by English learners of French. But no doubt many Englishmen, besides those who travelled, studied from French grammars. English travellers returning from France would, no doubt, bring back grammars which might also arrive through other channels. Even in the time of Elizabeth foreign books had been freely imported into England, and the foreign trade of the stationers of London was very extensive. That the early French grammars were known in England is shown by their influence on those produced in England, although in many cases this is more readily explained by the circumstance that they were the work ofFrenchmen newly arrived from France. However, it is not likely that these French grammars were ever widely used in England for learning the language, when books in English were ready to hand and easier to use. In Scotland, on the other hand, where such books were not in existence, they were probably more widely employed. Both countries, Scotland in particular, made free use of foreign text-books for the teaching of Latin; but the case is hardly the same for the international language.

In the meantime the production of French grammars in England continued uninterruptedly.The Flower de Luce planted in Englandwas the title of a grammar which appeared in 1619. This work was due to one Laur Du Terme, of whom nothing is known beyond the fact that he was a Frenchman and a protégé of Bacon, then Lord Chancellor. Du Terme had evidently been in England long enough to acquire some knowledge of English, in which he wrote his grammar. After imploring his patron to water his 'flower' with a few drops of favourable approbation, he proceeds to address the gentle reader in these words: "Looke not in this Treatise, for any eloquent words, nor polished sentences, for I doe not go about to begge any favour nor insinuate into any man's love by coloured and misticall phrases.[792]Neither do I intend to teach my masters, but in requitall of your kind curtesie in teaching mee this little English I have, do in the same set downe suche precepts as I find best for the pronouncing, understanding, and speaking of the French tongue." These precepts he selected from other grammars "used by many both teachers and learners, yet I presume this will be as agreeable as any were yet, and in brief containing more than ever I saw yet in English." The pronunciation is explained by comparison with English sounds, and then each part of speech is treated in turn; constant analogies with Latin occur, and he also gives a list of French suffixes with their Latin roots, and endeavours to introduce the Latin gerund and supine into French grammar, not being of those who sought to delatinize French grammar. For the verbs he refers the student to the rules given by Cotgrave at the end of his dictionary, "very profitable for every learner to reade," where they are arranged in four conjugations, "while some authors make three, some five, some six, and little enough for the understanding of all theverbs."LAUR DU TERMEHe makes no claim to completeness—"and if by chance I have applied a rule instead of an exception or an exception instead of a rule, the teacher may easily mend it, and your courteous censure in reciprocall of the good-will I beare unto you I hope will excuse it. Reade it over, but not slightly, consider every rule and way every word in it."

Du Terme's aim in his rules is to be brief and plain. He desired them to be regarded in the light of a reference book. The student was to begin to read from the very first. TheFlower de Lucedoes not provide the usual stock of reading-exercises, and Du Terme advises the student to use "any good French author he likes best; and what word soever he goes about to reade, let him looke upon his Rules concerning the pronunciation of the letters, how they are pronounced in several places, first the vowell, then what consonants are before and after, and, having compared and brought all the Rules concerning those letters together, he shall easily finde the true pronunciation of any word." The sounds of the language should be thoroughly mastered at the outset: "Bestow rather five days in learning five vowels, then to learne and passe them over in a day, as being the chief and only ground of all the rest, without the which you shall loose your labour, not being able to pronounce one diphthongue unless you pronounce the vowels well, perfectly, neatly and distinctly, without confounding one with another. The which case you must observe in the consonants." For the proper understanding of the matter read, he recommends the use of "some bookes that are both English and French, as the Bible, the Testament, and many others that are very common in England." He admits that this method is slow and difficult at first, "yet notwithstanding, after a little labour, will prove exceeding easie, as by experience hath been tryed: in so much as some have learned perfectly to reade and understande the most part in less than the quarter of a year, onely applying themselves unto it one hour and a half in a day."

Paul Cougneau or Cogneau, another French teacher of London, also wrote a French grammar at this period. He called itA sure Guide to the French tongue, and published it in 1635. Cogneau had no mean opinion of his book. "It hath in some things a peculiar way, not commonly traced by others," he tells us. "In the beginning are rules of pronunciation, then for the declension of articles, nouns and pronouns, and in the end the conjugation of diverse verbs,both personal and impersonal ... and throughout the whole book there is so great a multiplicity of various phrases congested as no one book for the bulk contains more. All which besides are set forth with plainness as fit it for the capacity even of the meanest. Much pains hath been employed about it, and I hope not without great benefit and profit in the right use of it, and consequently not unworthy of the kind acceptance which I heartily wish." But the work has little value or originality, in spite of its interest to the modern reader. The rules occupy thirty pages only. They are taken mainly from Holyband and De la Mothe. The nouns, articles, and pronouns receive very meagre treatment, but the auxiliaries and verbs, the regular and a few irregular verbs, are fully conjugated at the end of the book, being arranged in sentence form, as in many modern text-books:

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