1The mountain rice is known aslangpadan, the lowland rice as pagᴇy (Ilocanopalay).
1The mountain rice is known aslangpadan, the lowland rice as pagᴇy (Ilocanopalay).
2This is similar to the method followed in Sumatra. SeeMarsden, History of Sumatra, 3d ed., pp. 71–72 (London, 1811).
2This is similar to the method followed in Sumatra. SeeMarsden, History of Sumatra, 3d ed., pp. 71–72 (London, 1811).
3A similar device is employed in Java. SeeFreemanandChandler, The World's Commercial Products, p. 36 (Boston, 1911).
3A similar device is employed in Java. SeeFreemanandChandler, The World's Commercial Products, p. 36 (Boston, 1911).
4The latter is the customary method among the Bontoc Igorot. SeeJenks, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 94.
4The latter is the customary method among the Bontoc Igorot. SeeJenks, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 94.
5Raffles, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I, p. 125, also plate VIII (London, 1820);Marsden,op. cit., p. 74;FreemanandChandler,op. cit., p. 29. Both Raffles and Marsden consider this type of plow of Chinese origin. The Tinguian namealadois doubtless a corruption of the Spanisharado, but this of course would not prove that the plow itself was derived from the Spaniards.
5Raffles, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I, p. 125, also plate VIII (London, 1820);Marsden,op. cit., p. 74;FreemanandChandler,op. cit., p. 29. Both Raffles and Marsden consider this type of plow of Chinese origin. The Tinguian namealadois doubtless a corruption of the Spanisharado, but this of course would not prove that the plow itself was derived from the Spaniards.
6See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 195,et seq.
6See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 195,et seq.
7Munia jagori(martens). Locally known astikgi.
7Munia jagori(martens). Locally known astikgi.
8Probably theophiocephalus. SeeDean,American Museum Journal, Vol. XII, 1912, p. 22.
8Probably theophiocephalus. SeeDean,American Museum Journal, Vol. XII, 1912, p. 22.
9This is the only occasion when men use the bow and arrow.
9This is the only occasion when men use the bow and arrow.
10The neighboring Igorot do not use a cutter, but break the stalks with the fingers; however, the same instrument is used by the Apayao, in parts of Mindanao, in Java and Sumatra. SeeMarsden, History of Sumatra, p. 73;Raffles, History of Java, pp. 125–6, also Plate 8;Mayer, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 452, (Leiden, 1897);Van der Lith, Nederlandsch Oost Indië, Vol. II, p. 353, (Leiden, 1894).
10The neighboring Igorot do not use a cutter, but break the stalks with the fingers; however, the same instrument is used by the Apayao, in parts of Mindanao, in Java and Sumatra. SeeMarsden, History of Sumatra, p. 73;Raffles, History of Java, pp. 125–6, also Plate 8;Mayer, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 452, (Leiden, 1897);Van der Lith, Nederlandsch Oost Indië, Vol. II, p. 353, (Leiden, 1894).
11Rice in the bundle is known aspalayorpagᴇy.
11Rice in the bundle is known aspalayorpagᴇy.
12The Igorot woman pulls the grain from the straw with her hands.
12The Igorot woman pulls the grain from the straw with her hands.
13Ilocanosanga-reppetor the Spanishmonojo.
13Ilocanosanga-reppetor the Spanishmonojo.
14See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.
14See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.
15History of Sumatra, pp. 65,et seq.
15History of Sumatra, pp. 65,et seq.
16HoseandMcDougall(Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, pp. 246–7) consider the terraced rice culture of the Murut, of northern Borneo, a recent acquisition either from the Philippines or from Annam.
16HoseandMcDougall(Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, pp. 246–7) consider the terraced rice culture of the Murut, of northern Borneo, a recent acquisition either from the Philippines or from Annam.
17Lavezaris, writing in 1569–76, states that the natives, of no specified district, “have great quantities of provisions which they gathered from irrigated fields” (BlairandRobertson, Philippine Islands, Vol. III, p. 269). In Vol. VIII, pp. 250–251, of the same publication, is a record of the expedition to Tue, in the mountains at the southern end of Nueva Viscaya. According to this account, the natives of that section were, in 1592, gathering two crops of rice, “one being irrigated, the other allowed to grow by itself.”
17Lavezaris, writing in 1569–76, states that the natives, of no specified district, “have great quantities of provisions which they gathered from irrigated fields” (BlairandRobertson, Philippine Islands, Vol. III, p. 269). In Vol. VIII, pp. 250–251, of the same publication, is a record of the expedition to Tue, in the mountains at the southern end of Nueva Viscaya. According to this account, the natives of that section were, in 1592, gathering two crops of rice, “one being irrigated, the other allowed to grow by itself.”
18For the history and extent of terraced field rice-culture, seeFreemanandChandler, The World's Commercial Products (Boston, 1911);Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 426,et seq. (London, 1896);Ferrars, Burma, pp. 48,et seq. (London, 1901);Bezemer, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indië, p. 232 (Groningen, 1906);HoseandMcDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 246;Perry,Manchester Memoirs, Vol. LX, pt. 2, 1915–16;Wallace, The Malay Archipelago, pp. 117, 126 (London, 1894);Cabaton, Java and the Dutch East Indies, p. 213, note (London, 1911);Meyier, Irrigation in Java,Transactions of the American Soc. of Civil Engineers,Vol. LIV, pt. 6 (New York, 1908);Bernard, Aménagement des eaux à Java, irrigation des rizières (Paris 1903);Crawfurd, History of the Indian Archipelago, Vol. 1, pp. 358,et seq. (Edinburgh, 1820).
18For the history and extent of terraced field rice-culture, seeFreemanandChandler, The World's Commercial Products (Boston, 1911);Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 426,et seq. (London, 1896);Ferrars, Burma, pp. 48,et seq. (London, 1901);Bezemer, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indië, p. 232 (Groningen, 1906);HoseandMcDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 246;Perry,Manchester Memoirs, Vol. LX, pt. 2, 1915–16;Wallace, The Malay Archipelago, pp. 117, 126 (London, 1894);Cabaton, Java and the Dutch East Indies, p. 213, note (London, 1911);Meyier, Irrigation in Java,Transactions of the American Soc. of Civil Engineers,Vol. LIV, pt. 6 (New York, 1908);Bernard, Aménagement des eaux à Java, irrigation des rizières (Paris 1903);Crawfurd, History of the Indian Archipelago, Vol. 1, pp. 358,et seq. (Edinburgh, 1820).
19Campbell, Java Past and Present, Vol. II, p. 977 (London, 1915).
19Campbell, Java Past and Present, Vol. II, p. 977 (London, 1915).
20See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.
20See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.
21Also known as Singá and Baubauwī. In Likuan it is held only in case the crops are not growing as they should; but in Sisikan, Patikian, and other towns of the Saltan River valley it is celebrated both before the planting and after the harvesting.
21Also known as Singá and Baubauwī. In Likuan it is held only in case the crops are not growing as they should; but in Sisikan, Patikian, and other towns of the Saltan River valley it is celebrated both before the planting and after the harvesting.
22A slender cane similar to bamboo, but nearly white in color.
22A slender cane similar to bamboo, but nearly white in color.
23runo, a reed.
23runo, a reed.
24Justicia gendarussaL.
24Justicia gendarussaL.
25Also calledsalokang. See p. 310.
25Also calledsalokang. See p. 310.
26The same ceremony may be held in order to stop the rainfall if it is too abundant.
26The same ceremony may be held in order to stop the rainfall if it is too abundant.
27At this time the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums and through them talk with the people.
27At this time the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums and through them talk with the people.
28Lygodiumnearscandens.
28Lygodiumnearscandens.
29In Manabo leaves and grass dipped in the blood are attached to split sticks, (sīnobung), and are fastened to a side wall of the house.
29In Manabo leaves and grass dipped in the blood are attached to split sticks, (sīnobung), and are fastened to a side wall of the house.
30Lightning is recognized as the messenger of Kadaklan.
30Lightning is recognized as the messenger of Kadaklan.
31The Igorot villages of Lukuban and vicinity have a similar ceremony. It is here followed by a three-day period of taboo. Should the bird known askolingfly over the town during this period, uttering its peculiar cry, the ceremony will be repeated; otherwise, all is well.
31The Igorot villages of Lukuban and vicinity have a similar ceremony. It is here followed by a three-day period of taboo. Should the bird known askolingfly over the town during this period, uttering its peculiar cry, the ceremony will be repeated; otherwise, all is well.
32Literally, “to give a taste.”
32Literally, “to give a taste.”
33Those used aresīkag(Lygodiumnearscandens),talabibatab(Capparis micracanthaD.C.) andpedped(?).
33Those used aresīkag(Lygodiumnearscandens),talabibatab(Capparis micracanthaD.C.) andpedped(?).
34Most of the identifications here given were made by Dr. Elmer D. Merrill, botanist of the Philippine Bureau of Science, from specimens collected by the writer.
34Most of the identifications here given were made by Dr. Elmer D. Merrill, botanist of the Philippine Bureau of Science, from specimens collected by the writer.
35Known generally throughout the Philippines asgabi.
35Known generally throughout the Philippines asgabi.
36The three common varieties of squash arekalabasa(Benincasa certifera),tabongauandtankoy(Curcubita sp.).
36The three common varieties of squash arekalabasa(Benincasa certifera),tabongauandtankoy(Curcubita sp.).
37In the vicinity of Bakaok a small amount ofmaguey(Agave cantulaRoxb.) is raised. It is employed in the making of cords.
37In the vicinity of Bakaok a small amount ofmaguey(Agave cantulaRoxb.) is raised. It is employed in the making of cords.
38A less esteemed species is known aslalawed ta aso(“dog lawed”).
38A less esteemed species is known aslalawed ta aso(“dog lawed”).
39See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 100.
39See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 100.
40A similar drink was used ceremonially in Pangasinan in 1640. SeeAduarte, Historia;BlairandRobertson, Vol. XXX, p. 186. It is still found in many portions of the archipelago.
40A similar drink was used ceremonially in Pangasinan in 1640. SeeAduarte, Historia;BlairandRobertson, Vol. XXX, p. 186. It is still found in many portions of the archipelago.
Iron-Working.—Little iron work is now done in the valley of the Abra for the competition of the Ilocano smiths of Santa and Narvacan, in Ilocos Sur, and the cheap products brought to the coast, and as far inland as Bangued, by Chinese traders, have swamped the native industry.
Forges are still found in many villages of eastern Abra, particularly those of the upper Buklok river, but the real center of the industry is in and around Balbalasang, on the eastern side of the mountain range.
We have in northern Luzon a situation similar to that found throughout the archipelago, namely, that the most flourishing smithies are usually those farthest removed from the coast traders. Where communication is easy and trade unrestricted, the native industry has vanished, or is on the wane. To-day the forges of the Bontoc Igorot, of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages, and of Apayao, are turning out superior weapons, but elsewhere in the northwestern districts the pagan people have either lost the art, or make only very inferior articles.
It is certain that iron-working has long been known, not only in the Philippines, but throughout Malaysia, and it is likewise evident that these regions secured the art from the same source as did the people of Assam, Burma, and eastern Madagascar, for the description of the Tinguian forge and iron-working which follows would, with very little modification, apply equally well to those in use in Southern Mindanao, Borneo, Java, Sumatra, Assam, Burma, and Madagascar.1
Long before the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines, the Chinese had built up such a lively trade in iron bars and caldrons that it was no longer necessary for the natives to smelt their own iron ore;Page 412if indeed they ever did so.2This trade metal was widely distributed, and then reworked by the local smiths. Even to-day the people of Balbalasang make the long journey to Bangued, or even to Vigan, to secure Chinese iron, which they carry back to their mountain forges.
There is no positive proof that the Filipinos formerly mined and smelted iron, but there is a strong probability that they did so, prior to the introduction of trade metal. It has already been noted that the Tinguian type of forge and the method of handling and tempering iron is widespread in Malaysia; and, as will be seen later, this process is not that in use among the Chinese, so that it is unlikely that the art was introduced by them. In furnishing iron ready for forging, they were simply supplying in a convenient form an article already in use, and for which there was an urgent demand. In the islands to the south we find that many of the pagan tribes do now, or did until recently, mine and smelt the ore.Beccari3tells us that the Kayan of Borneo extract iron ore found in their own country.HoseandMcDougallsay that thirty years ago nearly all the iron worked by the tribes of the interior of Borneo was from ore found in the river beds. At present most of the pagans obtain the metal from the Chinese and Malay traders, but native ore is still smelted in the far interior.4Foreign iron is now used by the Battak of Sumatra, but deserted iron-works are known to exist in their country, while the Menangkabau still possess smelting furnaces.5It seems probable that the whole industry had a common source, and was spread or carried as a unit, but when trade relations made the arduous work of mining and smelting unnecessary, it was quickly given up. That native iron might have supplied the needs of many Philippine tribes, including the Tinguian, is certain, for important deposits of magnetite and hematite are found in Abra, in Ilocos Norte, Angat, Bulacan, Albay, and other parts of the Islands.6On several occasions, when on the trail, the natives havePage 413called our attention to boulders, apparently of hematite, which they recognized as iron.
The smithies are small structures with grass roofs, but no sides or floors (PlateLXII). At one end is a raised bamboo bench in front of which stands the forge. This consists of two upright wooden cylinders, usually logs hollowed out, known aspo-opan.In each of these is a piston or plunger (doᴇydoyog) at the lower end of which is a wooden ring packed with corn husks and chicken feathers. When this is pushed downward in the cylinder, it compresses the air and forces it out of the small opening in the base, but when it is drawn up, the packing collapses and allows the plunger to be raised without effort. These pistons are worked so that one is rising, while the other is falling. The cylinders stand in a wooden block out of which bamboo tubes (toloñgon) conduct the air into a tube of fire clay (ībong), and this in turn carries it into the charcoal fire. There are no valves, as in the Chinese bellows, but the bamboo tubes fit loosely, and the fire is not drawn back. Near to the hearth is a stone anvil (dalisdīsan), while a heavy stone hammer, a small iron hammer, and iron pinchers complete the outfit.
The fire is lighted, and the operator sitting on the bench alternately raises and lowers the plungers in the cylinders until the fire burns brightly; then the smith puts metal into the coals and allows it to remain until it reaches a white heat. It is then removed and placed on the anvil, where his helper beats it out with the large hammer. This is a stone weighing twenty or more pounds, fitted inside the handles so that it can be used with both hands. As a rule, it is swung between the legs, and is allowed to strike the metal as it descends, but some of the men raise it above the shoulder and strike a much more powerful blow. If two pieces of metal are to be welded together, as is often the case when broken caldrons are used, they are laid, one overlapping the other, and are held together with damp fire-clay. In this condition they are placed in the fire and heated, and are then beaten together. It often takes several firings to bring about a perfect weld.
After the initial shaping, the smith completes the work with the small hammer, and the blade is ready for tempering. A bamboo tube of water is placed near by, and the blade is again inserted in the fire and brought to a white heat. Then the smith withdraws it and watches it intently until the white tone begins to turn to a greenish-yellow, when he plunges it into the water. The tempered blade is now smoothed down with sandstone, and is whetted to a keen edge. Head-axes,Page 414spear-heads, adzes, a few knives, and the metal ends for the spear-shafts are the principal products of the forge.
The blades are by no means of equal temper or perfection, but the smiths of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages seldom turn out poor weapons, and as a result, their spears and head-axes have a wide distribution over northwestern Luzon.
In view of the wide distribution of this type of forge and method of iron-working; of its persistence in isolated communities, while it has vanished from the coast, or has been superseded by the Chinese methods of work; as well as of other details here described, the writer is of the opinion that the art has not been introduced into the Philippines through trade, but is a possession which many or all of the tribes brought with them from their ancient home, probably somewhere in southeastern Asia. The effects of trade, in historic times, are evident throughout the Christianized regions, in Chinese and European forges and in foreign types of utensils. Likewise the influence of the Mohammedanized tribes is very marked in the Sulu archipelago, the western coasts of Mindanao, and even among many of the pagan tribes of that island, but the isolated forges throughout Malaysia and the methods described by early explorers in this field, are practically identical with those just reviewed.
Spinning and Weaving.—That cotton (kapas) was being raised and the fibre spun into cloth at the time of the Spanish occupation of the Islands, is amply proved by many references in the early chronicles. Also there was a considerable trade in cotton, silk, and the like, carried on by the Chinese and the Brunei Moro.7
The weaving industry seems to have reached its height in the Ilocos provinces, where the processes of ginning, carding, spinning, and weaving were, for the most part, identical with those found in Borneo, Java, the Malay Peninsula, Burma, and a large part of India.8The same methods and utensils are used among the Tinguian, but side by side with the more complicated devices, such as the ginning machine and spinning wheel, are found more simple contrivances; so it wouldPage 415appear that we are here dealing with older and more primitive methods of work than are found on the coast.9
Every step in the manufacture of cloth is looked after by the women, who raise a limited amount of cotton in the upland fields, pick and dry the crop, and prepare it for weaving. The bolls are placed on racks, and are sun-dried, after which the husks are removed by hand.
Ginning is accomplished by two methods. The simplest, and doubtless the older, is to place the cotton on a smooth wooden block and to roll over it a wooden cylinder which tapers slightly toward each end (Fig. 16, No. 1). The palm of the hand, at the base of the fingers, is placed on the roller and the weight of the body applied, as the cylinder is moved slowly forward, forcing the seeds from the floss.10The more common instrument (lilīdsan) acts on the principle of a clothes wringer (PlateLXIII). Two horizontal cylinders of wood are geared together at one end, and are mounted in a wooden frame in such a manner that they are quite close together, yet not in contact. A handle is attached to the lower roller at the end opposite the gears, and as it is turned, it rotates the cylinders in opposite directions. A piece of cotton is pressed between the rollers, which seize the fibres and carry them through, while the seeds are forced back and fall to the ground.
The cleaned cotton is never bowed or otherwise separated with a vibrating string, as is the case in Java, India, and China, but the same result is obtained by placing it on a piece of carabao hide and beating it with two rattan sticks until it becomes soft and fluffy (PlateLXIV).
After the carding, the cotton is spun by placing it in a hollow cylinder of palm bark attached to a bamboo stick (tibtibᴇan). A bit of thread is twisted from the cotton at the bottom of the cylinder, and is attached to a spindle, which is rubbed rapidly against the naked thigh, and is then allowed to turn in shallow basket, or on a piece of hide. As it spins it twists out new thread and the arm of the operator rises higher and higher, until at last the spindle stops. The position of the extended arm is then altered, and the spindle again set in motion in order to wind up the new thread on the shaft. While the spinning is progressing, the free hand of the operator is passed rapidly up and down the thread, keeping the tension uniform and rubbing out any inequalities (PlateLXV).Page 416
Figure 16.Devices Used in Spininng and Weaving.Devices Used in Spininng and Weaving.
Devices Used in Spininng and Weaving.
Devices Used in Spininng and Weaving.
Page 417
In many sections the spinning wheel used by the coast natives is beginning to replace the hand outfit (Fig. 16, No. 5). The mass of fiber is held in the left hand, and a thread from it is attached to a horizontal spindle, which is turned by a cord passing over a large wheel. This method is much more rapid than the hand device, but the thread is less uniform, and it is seldom utilized when a fine fabric is to be woven. Bamboo bobbins, consisting of small tubes, are also wound by attaching them to the spindle shaft, so that the thread is transferred by the revolution of the wheel.
As soon as the thread is spun, it is placed on a bamboo frame (lalabayan),Fig. 16, No. 2, on which it is measured and made ready for the combing and sizing. As it is taken from the measuring frame, a bamboo rod is passed through each end of the loop, and these are fastened tightly inside the combing device (agtatagodan) by means of rattan bands. The thread is then carefully combed downward with a coconut husk which is dipped in a size of rice water (PlateLXIII). After drying it is transferred to the shuttles and bobbins by means of the wheel described in the previous paragraph or by a more primitive device, calledololau(Fig. 16, Nos. 4 and 4a). This consists of four horn hooks attached to bamboo sticks, which pass through openings in a bamboo tube in such a manner that they slip on each other, and thus produce a wheel of any size desired.11The tube fits loosely over a wooden peg sustaining the wheel in a horizontal position, yet turning readily. The loop of threads from the sizing frame is laid on the hooks, from which it is drawn by hand onto the bobbins and shuttles. The next step is to prepare the warp for the loom. The thread is drawn from bobbins on the floor, and is first fastened to peg No. 1 of the warp winder (gaganayan), as shown inFig. 16, No. 3. From here it is carried the length of the board, around 5, thence to 6 and back to 1, after again passing around 5. The peg A, which later serves as a lease rod in the loom, is encircled each time by the threads passing between 6 and 5. As the warp is carried from 1 toward 5, it passes outside 2, 3 and 4, but when it is returned to 1, it is inside these pegs. These are the heddle rods of the loom, and loops from them enclose certain of the threads, thus determining the order in which the warp is to be raised in opening the shed.12Page 418
The loom, while primitive, is far from simple in its operation. The warp is attached at both ends to sticks or rollers, the far one of which is fastened to a cross timber of the living room (PlateLXVI).
The web is kept stretched by means of a strap or belt, which attaches to the near roller and then passes around the waist of the operator, who sits on the floor with her feet against a bamboo brace.13The arrangement of the lease rod and heddle sticks has been already described; in addition to these the threads are further controlled by a reed board which acts both as warp spacer and beater-in. All being ready for the weaving, the shed is opened by raising one of the heddle sticks, and a heavy knife-shaped batten of wood is slipped into the opening. This is turned sideways to enlarge the shed, and a shuttle bearing the weft thread is shot through. By raising and lowering the heddle rods the position of the warp is changed as desired, while from time to time the weft threads are forced up against the fabric by means of the reed board, and are beaten in with the batten. Tangling is prevented by means of several flat sticks which cross the warp at some distance from the operator; while threads which show signs of loosening are carefully rubbed with a waxed stick.
On this loom the woman produces head-bands, belt, and narrow strips of cloth which are made up into blankets and the like. These fabrics are often in several colors and exhibit many tasty and intricate designs, some of which will be described in the chapter on Decorative Art.
Manufacture of Rope and String.—At least eighteen trees, shrubs, and vines are used in the making of cordage.14When small trees or limbs are used, and the bark does not adhere too tightly to the wood, sections about an arm's length are cut, and two or four splices are made at the top. These are loosened with a knife until there is enough for the hand to grasp, when the bark can be turned back like a glove. Very large sections are held by two men, while a third peels off thePage 419bark. With some varieties of trees and shrubs it is found best to place the sections in the sun to dry, then a sharp bend in the stalk causes the bark to separate from the wood so that it is easily peeled off.
When large trees are used, the bark is slit lengthwise every six of eight inches, and the log is beaten with hard wood sticks. In a short time the covering loosens from the wood and is pulled off. The outside layer is worthless, but the remainder is cut into strips about a half inch in width, and is then split lengthwise into thin layers.
In rope-making three strips are laid side by side on the thigh or on a board, but with their ends at unequal distances (Fig. 17, No. 1). These are twisted together, toward the right, until a few inches have been turned, then the cord is put over one end of a double forked stick (sikwan), leaving an equal length on either side (Fig. 17, No. 3). The two halves are twisted together until the end of one strip of bark is reached; a new piece is laid on top of the others, and as they are turned, it becomes part of the twist. As other ends are met with, new strips are added in a like manner until all the bast desired has been made. It is then wound up on the forked stick until needed.
Figure 17.Rope-making Appliances.Rope-making Appliances.
Rope-making Appliances.
Rope-making Appliances.
The rope machine (agtatalian) consists of three wooden whirls, which constitute the forming device, and a single whirl for the traveler, while a grooved block serves to keep the strands apart (Fig. 17, No. 2). Three equal lengths of the prepared bast are measured, and an end is attached to each of the whirls of the forming machine (Fig. 17, No. 2a). However, only one cut is made in the bast, for strand 3.Page 420All are attached to the single whirl of the traveler, and the process begins. The operator at each end turns his whirl, or set of whirls, rapidly toward the right, the one with the traveler bracing his foot against the lower end, to keep the twisting bast under tension. A third operator guides the grooved piece of wood from the traveler toward the forming machine, as the three strands twist round each other into rope. The bast is known asgīnīsgīs, the rope astali.
Vines, rattan, and strips of bamboo are likewise twisted together to form crude, but strong cordage.
The making of thread is described under spinning and weaving, but the cords used in snares and the like are prepared in a different manner. The operator squats on the ground, and taking a strip of fiber, places it on his thigh; then with open palm he rolls it toward the knee. The twisted bast is bent at the center; the thumb and forefinger of the left hand hold the loop, and the two strands are placed together. These are now rolled toward the knee as before, the hand giving extra pressure on the ulnar side, and then are rolled back toward the body with pressure on the radial side. When the end of a band is reached, a new one is rolled in, and the process is continued. A tie at the end keeps the cord from untwisting.
When very long strips of fiber are used, two men will work together. One holds the end of the loop, while the other twists each half of the strip in the same direction. Then placing them together on his thigh, he turns them, under pressure, in the opposite direction, thus making a cord.
Figure 18.Bark Beater.Bark Beater.
Bark Beater.
Bark Beater.
Bark Cloth.—Bark cloth is still in common use for men's headbands and for clouts. It is secured from the same trees as the rope material, but wider strips are taken, and it is customary to beat the bark thoroughly before it is removed from the wood. It is then split to the desired thickness, after which it is beaten with wooden or bone mallets (gīkai), which are generally grooved transversely (Fig. 18). The cloth produced is soft and pliable, but is not of the fineness of tapa, and it is always in comparatively narrow pieces. In no instancePage 421was the operator seen to beat two strips together to gain greater breadth or to repair breaks.
Basket Making.—In most districts the men are the basket weavers, but in some towns, especially of Ilocos Norte, the women are skilled in this industry (PlateLXVII). The materials used are rattan, which may be gathered at any time, or bamboo, which is cut only during the dry season and under the waning moon. It is firmly believed that boring insects will not injure bamboo cut at this time, and it is known that the dry period stalks are the strongest.
The tools employed are a short knife or a miniature head-axe and an awl. With the former the operator scrapes the outer surface, and then splits the tube into strips of the desired width and thickness. A certain number of these strips, which are to be used for decoration, are rubbed with oil, and are held in the smoke of burning pine or of rice-straw until a permanent black is obtained.15
Five weaves are recognized by the Tinguian, but they are really variations of two—checkerwork and the diagonal or twilled.
The first and most simple is known aslaga, the technic of which is the passing of each element of the weft under one and over one of the warp elements. Where the warp and weft are of uniform size, as in mats, it is impossible to distinguish the one from the other, but in many cases the weft is the smaller. Fish traps and storage baskets for mangoes and cotton are generally of this type (Fig. 19, Nos. 1 and 2).
A variation of thelagaknown asminmináta—“many eyes”—(Fig. 19, No. 3), is found in certain types of carrying baskets, the woven tops of hats, and the like. Here the warp is crossed, and the weft passes through it in regular order so as to produce hexagonal openings.
Another variant is known askaláwat16(Fig. 19, No. 4). In this the warp stems are in threes. Starting from A they are bent down, pass over and under similar sets of three, curve on themselves or other warp stems so as to leave open spaces between. The rattan wall-hangers for coconut shell dishes are usually in this weave.
Figure 19.Basket Weaves.Basket Weaves.
Basket Weaves.
Basket Weaves.
The greater part of the baskets are in the diagonal or twilled weave, in which each element of the weft passes over two or more warp elements. Variations are numerous, either to produce certainPage 423effects or to accommodate designs. Of these the most common are
The weaver also frequently constructs the bottom with 2 over 4 under 4; then when the sides are made he changes to 1 over 2 under 2, until the center is reached; then 1 of the warp passes over 3 of the weft; for the balance the stitch is 1 over 2 under 2. This variation produces a chevron-like pattern which, in general, is known asbinakol; but when it is desired to designate more closely, this name is applied to the weaving having an oblique effect (Fig. 19, No. 5), while the horizontal is known asdinapálig(Fig. 19, No. 6).
Types of Baskets:—PlatesLXVIIIandLXIXshow the most common types of baskets made and used in this territory. Others of Igorot and Kalinga origin sometimes appear, but are seldom imitated by the local basket-makers.
Baskets 1 and 2 of PlateLXVIIIare known askaba, and are used principally to hold unthreshed rice, corn, and vegetables. Smaller baskets of the same form are for broken rice and cooked vegetables. The larger specimens are often made of rattan, while the smaller are usually of bamboo. Shallow bamboo baskets,pīdasenoralodan(PlateLXIX, No. 2) are used as eating dishes for cooked rice.
Clothing is put away in covered oval or rectangular baskets,opīgan(PlateLXIX, No. 4), while cotton is stored in long cylindrical basketskolang(PlateLXVIII, No. 3).
Thepasikengorlagpi(PlateLXIX, No. 3), commonly called the “head basket,” is the chief basket of the men. It is made of rattan, and is supported on the back by means of bands which pass over the shoulders. In it are carried extra garments and all necessities for the trail. Recently some of the men have joined together two of these baskets by means of a wide, flat band, and this is fitted over the back of a horse or carabao,—an evident imitation of the saddle bags used by Spaniards and Americans. Men also carry small containers for their pipes and trinkets, or else make use of a traveling basket, such as is shown in PlateLXIX, No. 5.
Rice winnowers and sieves (PlateLVII) and the fish-traps shown inFig. 13conclude the list. No coiled baskets are made.
Aside from the decoration produced by variations in the weave, little ornamentation is found in the basketry from Abra, but the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte make and distribute large quantities of baskets with colored patterns. Colored vines are sometimes wovenPage 424in, but the common method is to employ blackened bamboo, both in warp and weft.
The top of the basket is strengthened by two hoops of rattan or bamboo. One is placed outside, the other inside; on them is laid a small strip of the same material, and all three are sewed down by passing a thin strip of rattan through two holes punched in margin. This strip doubles on itself, encircles the rim, and after an interval again passes through two more holes, and so on around the entire basket. A square base, attached in the same manner as the rim, generally completes the basket. In the mountain districts near to Apayao, the bases of the smaller eating dishes are drawn in toward the center at four points, giving the effect of a four-pointed star.
Mats(ikamin).—Mats are used as beds, never as floor coverings. They are rectangular in form, usually about six feet long and three wide, and are undecorated. They are made from strips ofpandanusin thelagaweave (cf. p. 423).
Dyes.—In recent years analine dyes have come into favor in some villages, and a variety of colors appears in the articles made by their weavers, but the vegetable dyes used by the ancestors are still employed by most of the women. The commonest colors are blue, pink—“black red”—, red, and yellow.
Blue is ordinarily produced by placing the leaves and branches of the indigo plant,tayuni (Indigofera tinctoria)in water for a few days; then to boil them, together with a little lime. The thread is dipped in the liquid.
Pink is secured by crushinglynga(Sesamum indicumL.) seeds and boiling them in water. Threads are placed in this for five nights, while during the day they are dried in the sun. The root of theapatot(Morinda citrifoliaorumbellata) is next crushed, and water is added. The threads are now transferred to this liquid, and for ten days and nights are alternately soaked and sunned. A copper color results, but this soon changes to pink. It is said that theapatotalone produces a red dye. It is also claimed that the seeds of theapang(Bixa OrellanaL.) and of a variety of rattan, when boiled, give a permanent red.17
A yellow dye is produced by boiling the leaves of theTamarindus indicaL. in water until a strong liquor is obtained.
Bark head-bands are stained a purplish-red by applying a liquidPage 425secured through boilingkᴇlyan(Diospyros cunalonD.C.?) bark. For ceremonial purposes they are also colored yellow by applying the juice of thekonig(Curcuma longa), but as this has a disagreeable odor, and the color is not permanent, it is not much used in every-day garments. Lemon juice is also applied to bark to give it a yellow hue.
Fish nets are colored brown by dipping them into a dye made by crushing thekatakotvine in water, or by staining with the juice of thetaotawa(Jatropha curcasL,).
The bamboo strips used in decorating basketry are blackened by holding them in the smoke of burning rice-straw. Black designs, such as appear in the ornamentation of lime holders and the like, are secured by rubbing oil and soot into incised lines, and then holding the object in the smoke of burning rice-straw.
Net Making.—Nets are used in fishing, in catching wild chickens and grasshoppers, and in hunting deer and pigs. The first three types are made of twine, but the fourth is of strong rope.
All net work is done by the man who, for this purpose, employs a mesh stick and a needle of bamboo or carabao horn (Fig. 20). The needle (No. 1) also serves as a shuttle, since it carries a considerable amount of thread between the tongue and notch. The size of the loop is determined by the width of the mesh stick or spreader (No. 2). The operator generally sits on a rice winnower or squats on the ground with a net suspended above him (PlateLXX). He forms the mesh by running the needle over and around the spreader, and up and through the loop above, thus forming a loop on the mesh stick. This is drawn tightly, the needle is again passed through, but without encircling the stick, and thus a knot is tied. This is repeated until a row of loops has been completed, when another series is started.