Special Ceremonies

This great and final event is so much like the procedure which makes up theTangpapceremony that it seems necessary to give it only in skeleton form, adding explanations whenever they appear to be necessary. In thebalauais spread a mat covered with gifts for the spirits who are expected. Here also is the spirit shield from the dwelling, and a great heap of refuse made up of the leaves, vines and other articles used in the preceding days.Page 352

When all is ready, a medium seats herself by the mat, dips oil from a shallow dish with a small head-axe, and lets it drip onto the ground; then she does the same withbasi, and finally strokes a rooster which lies beside the jar, all the while reciting the properdīam.

Taking the spirit shield, which belongs in the dwelling, she puts oil at each corner, and then touches the heads of all the family with it. Beads and betel-leaf are added, and the shield is carried to the house, where it is again fastened to the wall, as a testimony to all passing spirits that the ceremony has been made, and food provided for them.

The time has now arrived for the spirits to appear. Seating herself beside the mat, the medium strikes on a plate with her shells or a piece of lead, and then starts her song. She rubs her hands together with a revolving motion, swings her arms, and begins to tremble from head to foot. Suddenly she is possessed by a spirit, and under his direction holds oil to the nostrils of the host, and beats him with a small whip of braided betel-leaf. This done, she drinks for the spirit, and it departs. Again she sings, and again she is possessed. One spirit takes the rooster, and with its wings cleans up the rubbish in thebalauaand in the yard, empties it in a tray, and orders it taken from the village. In the same way all sickness and misfortune will be removed from the settlement.

Several spirits follow, and as the morning wears on, the medium becomes more and more intense. The muscles of her neck and the veins of her forehead stand out like cords, while perspiration streams from her bod. Taking a shield and head-axe in her hand, she does a sort of muscle dance, then goes to each member of the family, and strikes the weapons together over their heads; from them she goes to the doors and windows, and strikes at them with the axe. Finally she returns to the mat, balances a cup ofbasion the weapon, and causes the host to drink. Another attack on the doors follows, and then in exhaustion she sinks beside the mat. After a short rest, she dips beads in oil, and with them touches the heads of the family. The musicians strike up a lively tattoo at this point, and again seizing her weapons, the medium dances in front of the spirit shield. Going to the rooster on the mat, she cuts off a part of its comb, and presses the bloody fowl against the back or leg of each person in the room. The spirit drinks and disappears.

The next visitor dances with the host, and then wrestles with him, but upon getting the worst of the match takes leave. As in theTangpap, large number of minor beings call for a moment or two andPage 353pass on. One spirit places the family beneath a blanket, cuts a coconut in two above their heads, and first allows the water to run over them; then finally the halves are allowed to drop. She waves burning rice-straw above them, and removes the blanket. It is explained that the water washes all evil away, and that as the shells fall from the family, so will sickness leave them. Evil spirits are afraid of the fire, and leave when the burning rice-straw is waved about the blanket.

As a final act the members of the family are instructed to hold, in their hands the head-axe, chicken feathers, agate beads, and other articles, and then to mount the rice-mortar in the yard. Soon one or more of the mediums is possessed by spirits, who rush toward the mortar, and strive to seize the prized objects. Before they can accomplish their design, they are met by old men and women, who fight them off. At last they abandon the attempt and, together with the host and his wife, go to the edge of the town, where they pick sweet smelling leaves and vines. These they carry back to the village to give to the guests, and to place in the house and spirit dwellings.

As a final actbasiis served to all, andtadekis danced until the guests are ready to return to their homes.

In San Juan they make the spirit raft—taltalabong—as inTangpap, and set it afloat at sunset.

The mediums are paid off in rice, a portion of the slaughtered animals, beads, one or two blankets, and perhaps a weapon or piece of money.

During the succeeding month the family is prevented from doing any work, from approaching a dead body, or entering the house of death. Wild carabao, pig, beef, eels, and wild peppers may not be eaten during this period, and wild chickens are taboo for one year.

The two ceremonies which follow do not have a wide distribution, neither are they hereditary. They are given at this time because of their similarity to the great ceremonies just described.

Pīnasal.—This rather elaborate rite seems to be confined to San Juan and nearby settlements. The right to it is not hereditary, and any one who can afford the expense involved may celebrate it. However, it usually follows theSayang, if some member of the family is ill, and is not benefited by that ceremony, for “all the spirits are not present at each ceremony, and so it may be necessary to give others, until the one who caused the sickness is found.”

On the first day the house is decorated as inTangpapandSayang;a bound pig is placed beside the door, and over it the mediums recitePage 354adīamand later summon several spirits. Liquor is served to the guests, who dancetadekor sing songs in praise of the family.

Early the next day, the pig is killed and, after its intestines have been removed, it is covered with a colored blanket, and is carried into the dwelling. Here it is met by the mediums who wave rain coats above the animal, and then wail over the carcass. “The pig and its covering are in part payment for the life of the sick person. They cry for the pig, so they will not need to cry for the patient.” Later the pig is cut up and prepared as food, only the head and feet being left for the spirits.

Gīpas, the dividing, follows. A Chinese jar is placed on its side, and on each end a spear is laid, so that they nearly meet above the center of the jar. Next a rolled mat is laid on the spears, and finally four beads and a headband are added. The mat then is cut through the middle, so as to leave equal parts of the headband and two beads on each half. “This shows that the spirit is now paid, and is separated from the house.”

The next act is to stretch a rattan cord across the center of the room and to place on it many blankets and skirts. A man and a woman, who represent the good spirits Iwaginán and Gimbagon, are dressed in fine garments, and hold in their hands pieces of gold, a fine spear, and other prized articles. They are placed on one side of the cord, and in front of them stand a number of men with their hands on each others' shoulders. Now the mediums enter the other end of the room, spread a mat, and begin to summon the spirits. Soon they are possessed by evil beings who notice the couple representing the good spirits, and seizing sticks or other objects, rush toward them endeavoring to seize their wealth. When they reach the line of men, they strive to break through, but to no avail. Finally they give this up, but now attempt to seize the objects hanging on the line. Again they are thwarted. “If the evil spirits get these things, they will come often, their children will marry, and they also will harm the family; but if the good beings keep their wealth, their children will marry, and will aid the owner of the house.”

Later one of the mediums and an old woman count the colors in a fine blanket. Usually there are five colors, so “the spirit is powerless to injure the people for five years.” Next the couple gamble, but the medium always loses. Finally the spirit becomes discouraged and departs. The decorations are now taken from the room, and the sick person is carried down to the river by the members of the family. Arrived at the water's edge, the oldest relative will cut off a dog'sPage 355head as final payment for the life of the invalid. Since the act is carried on beside the river, the spirits will either witness the act, or see the blood as it floats away, and hence will not need to visit the town. The rattan cord and vines used in the dwelling are thrown onto the water for the same reason.

The whole family is covered with a large blanket, and a medium swings a coconut over them, then resting the halves on the head of each one for a moment, she releases them, meanwhile calling to the spirit, “You see this; this is your share; do not come any more.” After assuring them that the sickness will now fall away from them, she waves burningcogongrass over their heads while she cries, “Go away, sickness.” The blanket is removed, and the family bathes. While they are still in the water, the medium takes a spear and shield in her hands, and going to the edge of the stream, she begins to summon spirits, but all the while she keeps sharp watch of the old man who killed the dog, for he is now armed and appears to be her enemy. However, she is not molested until she starts toward the village. When quite near to the settlement, she is suddenly attacked by many people carrying banana stalks which they hurl at her. She succeeds in warding these off, but while she is thus engaged, an old man runs in and touches her with a spear. Immediately she falls as if dead, and it is several moments before she again regains consciousness. This attack is made to show the spirit how unwelcome it is, and in hopes that such bad treatment will induce it to stay away.

After the return of the family to the village, the guests drinkbasi, sing and dance, and usually several spirits are summoned by the mediums.

The next morning twoPinalásang40are constructed in the yard. Each supports a plate containing beads, a string of beads is suspended from one of the poles, and a jar ofbasiis placed beneath. In front of them the mediums call the spirits, then offer the heart, livers, and intestines, while they call out, “Take me and do not injure the people.” The final act of the ceremony is to construct the spirit rafttaltalabong, load it with food, and set it afloat on the river, “so that all the spirits may see and know what has been done.”

In addition to the regular pay for their services, the mediums divide the jaw of a pig and carry the portions home with them, as their protection against lightning, and the spirits whose hostility they may have incurred.Page 356

Binikwau.—This ceremony, like the one just described, seems to be limited to the San Juan region, and is given under similar circumstances.

The room is decorated as usual, and a bound pig is laid in the center. This is known as “the exchange,” since it is given in place of the patient's life. Two mediums place betel-nut on the animal, then stroke it with oil, saying, “You make the liver favorable,” i.e., give a good omen. After a time they begin summoning the spirits, and from then until late evening the guests divide their time between the mediums and the liquor jars. Soon all are in a jovial mood, and before long are singing the praises of their hosts, or are greeting visiting spirits as old time friends.

The pig is killed early next morning, and its liver is eagerly examined to learn whether or no the patient is destined to recover. A part of the flesh is placed on the house rafters, for the use of the spirits, while the balance is cooked and served. Following the meal, the gongs and drums are brought up into the house, and the people dance or sing until the mediums appear, ready to summon the spirits. The first to come is Sabī́an, the guardian of the dogs. He demands that eight plates and a coconut shell be filled with blood and rice; another shell is to be filled with uncooked rice, in which a silver coin is hidden; and finally a bamboo dog-trough must be provided. When his demands are met, he begins to call, “Come, my dogs, come and eat.” Later the blood and rice are placed in the trough, and are carried to the edge of the town, where they are left. This done, the spirit pierces the pig's liver with a spear and, placing it on a shield, dances about the room. Finally, stopping beside the mat, he lays them on the patient's stomach. The next and final act is to scrape up a little of the liver with a small head-axe, and to place this, mixed with oil, on the sick person.

On the third and last day, the medium leads a big dog to the edge of the village, and then kills it with a club. A piece of the animal's ear is cut off, is wrapped in a cloth, and is hung around the patient's neck as a protection against evil, and as a sign to all spirits that this ceremony has been held.

Throughout the rest of the day many spirits visit the mediums, and at such a time Kakalonan is sure to appear to give friendly advice. The final act is to set the spirit raft afloat on the stream.Page 357

1For thedīamrecited at this time, see Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.

2More frequently the medium uses a piece of lead or one of the shells of herpīlingfor this purpose. In many villages the medium, while calling the spirits, wears one head-band for each time the family has made this ceremony.

3Had they not possessed abalaua, they would have made this offering in the dwelling.

4See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. I, pp. 178–179.

5Thesagangis the sharpened pole, which was passed through theforamen magnumof a captured skull.

6Female spirits, who always stay in one place.

7See Tradition of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 178.

8Thisdīamis sometimes repeated for thesaloko(see p. 319).

9Known as Palasód in Bakaok.

10See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 175.

11See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 174.

12Op. cit., p. 175.

13In Patok this offering is placed in asaloko, which is planted close to the stream.

14Known in Ba-ak and Langiden as Dayá, in Patok and vicinity as Komon or Ubaiya.

15This part of the ceremony is often omitted in the valley towns.

16Canarium villosumBl. The resinous properties of this tree are supposed to make bright or clear, to the spirits, that the ceremony has been properly conducted. According to some informants, thepala-anis intended as a stable for the horse of Īdadaya when he attends the ceremony, but this seems to be a recent explanation.

17This feeding of the spirits with blood and rice is known aspīsek, while the whole of the procedure about the mortar is calledsangba.

18This consists of two bundles of rice, a dish of broken rice, a hundred fathoms of thread, one leg of the pig, and a small coin.

19Many spirits which appear here and inSayangare not mentioned in the alphabetical list of spirits, as they play only a local or minor role in the life of the people.

20The spirit who lives in thesagang, the sharpened bamboo sticks on which the skulls of enemies were displayed.

21This is of particular interest, as the Tinguian are hostile to the people of this region, and it is unlikely that either of the mediums had ever seen a native of that region.

22The name by which the Tinguian designate their own people.

23The spirits' name for the Tinguian.

24The term Alzado is applied to the wilder head-hunting groups north and east of Abra.

25When thetangpapis built during theSayangceremony, it is a little house with two raised floors. On the lower are small pottery jars, daubed with white, and filled withbasi(PlateXX).

26Thetalagan(see p. 308).

27This being lives in Binogan. His brothers are Gīlen, Ilongbosan, Idodosan, Iyangayang, and Sagolo.

28The site of the old village of Bukay.

29In addition to the writer and his wife, Lieut. and Mrs. H.B. Rowell were initiated at this time. The Lieutenant had long been a friend and adviser of the tribe, and was held in great esteem by them. The writer's full name was Agonan Dumalawi, Mrs. Cole's—Ginobáyan Gimpayan, Lieut. Rowell's—Andonan Dogyawi, and Mrs. Rowell's—Gayankayan Gidonan.

30This raft is theTaltalabong, and is intended for the sons and servants of Kadaklan.

31It is customary to place a jar ofbasiunder or near the house, so that Kadaklan may drink, before he reaches the function. This offering had been neglected, hence his complaint.

32This is the case if a person is just acquiring the right to the ceremony. If the family is already privileged to give this rite, it will occur in about three years, andSayangwill follow some four years later.

33See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.

34Seeibid., p. 24.

35In Patok,dīwasis sung as a part ofda-engon the night ofLībon.

36This is the same form as the “shield,” which hangs above the newborn infant (p. 312).

37See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.

38On two occasions an old bedstead of Spanish type served instead of the frame.

39See p. 315. In some towns the spirits are summoned at different times during the ceremony, as inTangpap.

40See under Idasan, p. 309.

The village is the social unit within which there are no clans, no political, or other divisions. The Tinguian are familiar with the Igorot town, made up of severalato1but there is no indication that they have ever had such an institution.

The head of the village is known aslakay. He is usually a man past middle age whose wealth and superior knowledge have given him the confidence of his people. He is chosen by the older men of the village, and holds his position for life unless he is removed for cause. It is possible that, at his death, his son may succeed him, but this is by no means certain.

Thelakayis supposed to be well versed in the customs of the ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are brought to him. If the case is one of special importance he will summon the other old men, who will deliberate and decide the question at issue. They have no means of enforcing their decisions other than the force of public opinion, but since an offender is ostracised, until he has met the conditions imposed by the elders, their authority is actually very great. Should alakaydeal unjustly with the people, or attempt to alter long established customs, he would be removed from office and another be selected in his stead. No salary or fees are connected with this office, the holder receiving his reward solely through the esteem in which he is held by his people.

In former times two or three villages would occasionally unite to form a loose union, the better to resist a powerful enemy, but with the coming of more peaceful times such beginnings of confederacies have vanished. During the Spanish regime attempts were made to organize the pagan communities and to give titles to their officers, but these efforts met with little success. Under American rule local self government, accompanied by several elective offices, has been established in many towns. The contest for office and government recognition of the officials is tending to break down the old system and to concentrate the power in thepresidenteor mayor.

It is probable that the early Tinguian settlement consisted of onePage 358or more closely related groups. Even to-day the family ties are so strong that it was found possible, in compiling the genealogical tables, to trace back the family history five or six generations.

These families are not distinguished by any totems, guardian spirits, or stories of supernatural origin, but the right to conduct the more important ceremonies is hereditary. Descent is traced through both the male and female lines, and inheritance is likewise through both sexes. There are no distinguishing terms for relations on the father's or mother's side, nor are there other traces of matriarchal institutions.

Families of means attain a social standing above that of their less fortunate townsmen, but there is no sharp stratification of the community into noble and serf, such as was coming into vogue along many parts of the coast at the time of the Spanish conquest, neither has slavery ever gained a foothold with this people. The wealthy often loan rice to the poor, and exact usury of about fifty per cent. Payment is made in service during the period of planting and harvesting, so that the labor problem is, to a large extent, solved for the land-holders. However, they customarily join the workers in the fields and take their share in all kinds of labor.

The concubines, known aspota(cf. p. 283), are deprived of certain rights, and they are held somewhat in contempt by the other women, but they are in no sense slaves. They may possess property, and their children may become leaders in Tinguian society.

The only group which is sharply separated from the mass is composed of the mediums, and they are distinctive only during the ceremonial periods. At other times they are treated in all respects as other members of the community.

On three occasions the writer has found men dressing like women, doing women's work, and spending their time with members of that sex. Information concerning these individuals has always come by accident, the people seeming to be exceedingly reticent to talk about them. In PlateXXXVIis shown a man in woman's dress, who has become an expert potter. The explanation given for the disavowal of his sex is that he donned women's clothes during the Spanish regime to escape road work, and has since then retained their garb. Equally unsatisfactory and unlikely reasons were advanced for the other cases mentioned.

It should be noted that similar individuals have been described from Zambales, Panay, from the Subanun of Mindanao, and from Borneo.2It has been suggested, with considerable probability, thatPage 359at least a part of these are hermaphrodites, but in Borneo, where they act as priests,Rothstates that they are unsexed before assuming their roles.

Laws.—Law, government, and custom are synonymous. Whatever the ancestors did is right, and hence has religious sanction. Thelakayand his advisors will give their decisions according to the decrees of the past, if that is possible, but when precedent is lacking, they will deliberate and decide on a course. The following may be taken as typical of the laws or customs which regulate the actions of the people, within a group, toward one another.

Rules governing the family.—A man may have only one wife, but he may keep concubines. If the wife's relatives suspect that a mistress is causing the husband's affections to wane, they may hold theNagkakalonanor “trial of affection” (cf. p. 282), and if their charges are sustained, the husband must pay them a considerable amount, and, in addition, stand all the expenses of the gathering. If it is shown that they are not justified in their suspicions, the expense falls on the accusers.

The wife may bring a charge of cruelty or laziness against her husband, and if it is substantiated, he will be compelled to complete the marriage agreement and give the woman her freedom. Unfaithfulness on the part of a wife, or a betrothed girl, justifies the aggrieved in killing one or both of the offenders. He may, however, be satisfied by having the marriage gift returned to him, together with a fine and a decree of divorce.

A man who has a child by an unmarried woman, not apota, must give the girl's people about one hundred pesos, and must support the infant. Later the child comes into his keeping, and is recognized as an heir to his estate.

Marriage is prohibited between cousins, between a man and his adopted sister, his sister-in-law, or mother-in-law. Union with a second cousin is also tabooed. It is said that offenders would be cut off from the village; no one would associate with them, and their children would be disinherited.

A widow may remarry after theLayogceremony (cf. p. 290), but all the property of her first husband goes to his children.

If a wife has neglected her husband during his final illness, she may be compelled to remain under two blankets, while the body is in the house (cf. p. 286), unless she pays a fine of ten or fifteen pesos to his family.Page 360

Children must care for and support infirm parents. Should there be no children, this duty falls upon the nearest relative.

Inheritance.—Although a price is paid for the bride, the Tinguian woman is in no sense a slave. She may inherit property from her parents, hold it through life, and pass it on to her children.

Following the death of a man, enough is taken from his estate to pay up any part of the marriage agreement which may still be due, and the balance is divided among his children. If there are no children, it is probable that his personal possessions will go to his father or mother, if they are still living; otherwise, to his brothers and sisters. However, the old men in council may decide that the wife is entitled to a share. Should she remarry and bear children to her second husband, she cannot give any part of this property to them, but upon her death it goes to the offspring of the first marriage, or reverts to the relatives. Land is divided about equally between boys and girls, but the boys receive the major part of the animals, and the girls their mother's beads. Oftentimes the old men will give the oldest child the largest share, “since he has helped his parents longest.”

Whatever the husband and wife have accumulated in common during their married life is divided, and the man's portion is disposed of, as just indicated. Illegitimate children and those of apotareceive a share of their father's property, but not in the same proportion as the children of the wife. No part of the estate goes to a concubine unless, in the judgment of the old men, it is necessary to provide for her, because of sickness or infirmity.

Transfer and sharing of property.—Land and houses are seldom transferred, except at the death of the owner, but should a sale or trade be desired, the parties to the contract will make the bargain before thelakayand old men, who thus become witnesses. A feast is given at such a time, and is paid for by either the seller or the buyer. The sale or barter of carabao, horses, valuable jars, and beads may be witnessed in this manner, but the transfer of personal property is purely a matter between the parties concerned.

If a man works the property of another, he furnishes the seed and labor, and the crop is divided. If an owner places his animals in the care of another, the first of the increase goes to him, the second to the caretaker. Should an animal die, the caretaker must skin it, and give the hide to the owner, after which he is freed from responsibility, but he is liable for the loss, theft, or injury to his charges.

Murder and Theft.—The relatives of a murdered man may kill his assailant without fear of punishment, but, if they are willing, thePage 361guilty party may settle with them by paying in Chinese jars, carabao, or money. The usual payment varies from fifty to one hundred pesos. A thief is compelled to make restitution, and is also subject to a small fine.

The practice of evil magic, and the breaking of a taboo, are considered serious crimes, but as they have been treated under Religion and Magic, they will not be repeated here.

Lying, Cheating, Breaches of Etiquette.—Falling outside the realm of law are those things which may be considered right and wrong, but the infraction of which carries with it no penalty. Lying, for instance, is not bad, if it is done to protect yourself or a friend, but falsifying without purpose is mean and to be despised. Cheating is not wrong. Your ability to outwit the other person is proof that you are the smarter man.

It is bad manners for a man to sit with his legs far apart or to expose all of his clout, or for a woman to sit on the floor with one leg drawn up. A person should not walk about while others are singing or dancing. Basi should never be drunk, until it has been offered to every one present, especially the elders.

Before eating, a person should invite all in the room to join him, even though he does not expect them to accept. A visitor should never eat with the wife of another during his absence.

Always call before entering a house. Never enter a dwelling, when the owner is away, and has removed the ladder from the door. Never enter a village dirty; stop and bathe at the spring before going up. Only dogs enter the houses without bathing.

The Village(PlateXXXVIII).—A village generally consists of two or three settlements, situated near together, and under the authority of a singlelakayor headman. There is no plan or set arrangement for the dwellings or other structures, but, as a rule, the house, spirit structure, and perhaps corrals are clustered closely together, while at the edge of the settlement are the rice granaries and garden plots. Formerly a double bamboo stockade surrounded each settlement, but in recent years these have disappeared, and at the time of our visit only one town, Abang, was so protected.

The dwellings vary in size and shape. They conform in general to two types. The first and most common is a single room with a door at one end opening off from an uncovered porch (PlateXXXIX). The second consists of three rooms, or rather two rooms, between which is a porch or entry way, all under one roof. There is seldom an outer door to this entry way, but each room has its own door, andPage 362oftentimes windows opening on to it, so that one has the feeling that we have here two houses joined by the covered porch. In such buildings this entry way is a convenient place for hanging nets or for drying tobacco.

In one room is the hearth, the water pots, and dishes, while the other is the family sleeping-room.

The construction of the dwelling is shown in PlatesXL–XLI. A number of heavy hard-wood posts are sunk deeply into the ground and project upward 10 or more feet. At a height of 4 or 5 feet above the ground, crossbeams are lashed or pegged to form the floor supports, while at the tops are other beams on which the roof rests. PlateXLshows the skeleton of this roof so plainly that further description is unnecessary. This framework, generally constructed on the ground, is raised on to the upright timbers, and is lashed in place. A closely woven mat of bamboo strips, or of bamboo beaten flat, covers each side of the roof, and on this the thatch is laid. Bundles ofcogongrass are spread clear across the roof, a strip of bamboo is laid at the upper ends, and is lashed to the mat below. A second row of thatch overlaps the top of the first, and thus a waterproof covering is provided.

Another type of roofing is made by splitting long bamboo poles, removing the sectional divisions and then lashing them to the framework. The first set is placed with the concave sides up, and runs from the ridge pole to a point a few inches below the framework, so as to overhang it somewhat. A second series of halved bamboos is laid convex side up, the edges resting in the concavity of those below, thus making an arrangement similar to a tiled roof.

For the side walls this tiled type of construction is commonly used (PlateLXXVIII). A coarse bamboo mat is likewise employed, while a crude interweaving of bamboo strips is by no means uncommon. Such a wall affords little protection against a driving rain or wind, but the others are quite effective. Well-to-do families often have the side walls and floors of their houses made of hard-wood boards. Since planks are, or have been until recently, cut out with knives, head-axes, or adzes, much time and wealth is consumed in constructing such a dwelling. When completed, it is less well adapted to the needs of the people than the structures just described, but its possession is a source of gratification to the owner, and aids in establishing him as a man of affairs in his town.

The floor is made of poles tied to the side-beams, and on these strips of bamboo are laid so as to leave small cracks between them. This assists in the house-cleaning, as all dirt and refuse is sweptPage 363through the openings on to the ground. When the floor is made of wood, it is customary to leave one corner to be finished off in the bamboo slits, and it is here that the mother gives birth to her children. This is not compulsory, but it is custom, and indicates clearly that the planked floor is a recent introduction.

Entrance to the dwelling is by means of a bamboo ladder which is raised at night, or when the family is away. Windows are merely square holes over which a bamboo mat is fitted at night, but the door is a bamboo-covered framework which turns in wooden sockets.

Such a house offers no barriers to mosquitoes, flies, flying roaches, or white ants, while rats, scorpions, and centipedes find friendly shelter in the thatch roof. Quite commonly large but harmless snakes are encouraged to take up their residence in the cook room, as their presence induces the rats to move elsewhere. Little house lizards are always present, and not infrequently a large lizard makes its home on the ridge pole, and from time to time gives its weird cry.

The ground beneath the house is often enclosed with bamboo slats, and is used for storage purposes, or a portion may be used as a chicken coop. It is also customary to bury the dead beneath the dwelling, and above the grave are the boxes in which are placed supplies for the spirits of the deceased.

With some modification this description of the Tinguian house and village would apply to those of the western Kalinga and the Apayao,3and likewise the Christian natives of the coast, but a very different type of dwelling and grouping is found among the neighboring Igorot.4It is also to be noted that we do not find to-day any trace of tree dwellings, such as were described byLa Gironière5at the time of his visit scarcely a century ago. Elevated watch-houses are placed near to the mountain fields, and it is possible that in times of great danger people might have had similar places of refuge in or near to their villages, but the old men emphatically deny that they were ever tree-dwellers, and there is nothing in the folk-tales to justify such a belief; on the contrary, the tales-indicate that the type of dwelling found to-day, was that of former times.6

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