The Cycle of Life

1Discussions concerning the Chinese origin of the Tinguian will be found inMallat, Les Philippines, Vol. I, pp. 212–213; Vol. II, pp. 104–7, 345 (Paris, 1846);Plauchet, L'Archipel des Philippines (Revue des deux Mondes, 1887, p. 442);Buzeto y Bravo, Diccionario geografico estadistico historico;Semper, Die Philippinen und ihre Bewohner (Würzburg, 1869);Blumentritt, Versuch einer Ethnographie der Philippinen (Peterman's Mittheilungen, 1882, No. 67);Reyes, Die Tinguianen (Mittheilungen K. K. Geogr. Gesellschaft in Wien, 1887, p. 5,et seq.);Reyes, Filipinas articulos varios (Manila, 1887);Sanchez y Ruiz, Razas de Filipinas, usos y custombres, Memoria Exposicion General, pp. 51, 60, 138 (Manila, 1887);Montblanc, Les Isles Philippines, p. 22 (Paris, 1887);Montero y Vidal, El Archipelago Filipino, p. 289 (Manila, 1886);Bowring, A Visit to the Philippines, p. 171 (London, 1859);Sawyer, The Inhabitants of the Philippines, p. 276 (London, 1900);Zuniga, Historia, pp. 19–38 (Sampaloc, 1803);Colin, Labor evangelica, Vol. I, chaps. 4, 12–14 (Madrid, 1663);BlairandRobertson(The Philippine Islands, Vol. XL, pp. 316,et seq.) give a translation ofSan AntonioChronicas, written in Manila between 1738–44, also ofColin, Labor evangelica, of 1663;Brinton, The Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Anthropologist, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302).

2Paul De La Gironière, Vingt années aux Philippines (Paris, 1853);Stuntz, The Philippines and the Far East, p. 36 (New York, 1904).

3Quoted byPaterno, La antigua civilizacion Tagalog, pp. 122–123 (Madrid, 1887).

4Brinton, The Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Anthropologist, Vol. XI, 1892, p. 297). See alsoDe Quatrefages, Histoire générale des races humaines, pp. 515–517, 527–528.

5Census of the Philippine Islands of 1903, pp. 453–477.

6The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. I, pp. 798, 851, Manila, 1906).

7Blumentritt(Ethnographie der Philippinen, Introduction; alsoAmerican Anthropologist, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 296) has advanced the theory of three Malay invasions into the Philippines. To the first, which is put at about 200 B.C., belong the Igorot, Apayao, and Tinguian, but the last are considered as of a later period. The second invasion occurred about A.D. 100–500, and includes the Tagalog, Visaya, Ilocano, and other alphabet-using peoples. The third is represented by the Mohammedan groups which began to enter the Islands in the fourteenth century.

8Brinton(Am. Anthropologist, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302) states that the Ilocano of northwestern Luzon are markedly Chinese in appearance and speech, but he fails to give either authorities or examples to substantiate this claim. For Indian influence on Philippine dialects, seePardo De Tavera, El sanscrito e la lingua tagalog (Paris, 1887); alsoWilliams, Manual and Dictionary of Ilocano (Manila, 1907).

9A detailed study of the language is not presented in this volume. The author has a large collection of texts which will be published at a later date, together with a study of the principal Tinguian dialects. A short description of the Ilocano language, by the writer, will be found in the New International Encyclopædia.

10A more detailed study of these tribes will be given in a forthcoming volume on Philippine Physical Types.

11Observations on 13 Ilocano skulls are tabulated byKoeze(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 56–57, Haarlem, 1901–4).

12A short series of Igorot skull measurements is given byKoeze(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 42–43, Haarlem, 1901–4).

13Am. Anthropologist, 1906, pp. 194–195.

14Notes sur les Chinois du Quang-si (L'Anthropologie, Vol. IX, 1898, pp. 144–170).

15The Races of Man, pp. 384, 577,et seq.(London, 1900).

16Martin, Inlandstämme der Malayischen Halbinsel, pp. 237, 351, 358, 386 (Jena, 1905).

17For measurements on the Northern Chinese and the Formosa Chinese seeKoganei, Messungen an chinesischen Soldaten (Mitt. med. Fak. k. japan. Univ. Tokio, 1903, Vol. VI, No. 2), und Messungen an männlichen Chinesen-Schädeln (Internat. Centralblatt für Anthropologie, 1902, pp. 129,et seq.).

18For other observations on Malaysia, in general, seeAnnandaleandRobinson(Jour. Anth. Inst.,Vol. XXXII, 1902);Keane, Ethnology (Cambridge, 1907);Duckworth(Jour. Anth. Inst., Vol. XXXII);HoseandMcDougall(The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, pp. 311,et seq.) give results byHaddon;Hamy(L'Anthropologie, Vol. VII, Paris, 1896);Hagen, Anthropologische Studien aus Insulinde (Amsterdam, 1890);Sullivan, Racial Types in the Philippine Islands (Anth. Papers, American Museum of Nat. Hist., Vol. XIII, pt. 1, New York, 1918).

19Sullivan(Anthropological Papers, American Museum Nat. History, Vol. XXIII, pt. 1, p. 42) gives a graphic correlation of Stature, Cephalic and Nasal Indices, which shows a striking similarity between the Tagalog and Pangasinan of the Philippines, and the Southern Chinese. Had he made use of Jenks's measurements of the Bontoc Igorot, that group would also have approached quite closely to those already mentioned. The same method applied to the Ilocano and Tinguian shows them to conform to this type.

20See Traditions of the Tinguian (this volume, No. 1).

Birth.—The natural cause of pregnancy is understood by the Tinguian, but coupled with this knowledge is a belief in its close relationship to the spirit world. Supernatural conception and unnatural births are frequently mentioned in the traditions, and are accepted as true by the mass of people; while the possibility of increasing the fertility of the husband and wife by magical acts, performed in connection with the marriage ceremony, is unquestioned. Likewise, the wife may be affected if she eats peculiar articles of food,1and unappeased desires for fruits and the like may result disastrously both for the expectant mother and the child.2The close relationship which exists between the father and the unborn babe is clearly brought out by various facts; for instance, the husband of a pregnant woman is never whipped at a funeral, as are the other guests, lest it result in injury to the child.

The fact that these mythical happenings and magical practices do not agree with his actual knowledge in no way disturbs the Tinguian. It is doubtful if he is conscious of a conflict; and should it be brought to his attention, he would explain it by reference to the tales of former times, or to the activities of superior beings. Like man in civilized society, he seldom rationalizes about the well-known facts—religious or otherwise—generally held by his group to be true.

It is thought that, when a mortal woman conceives, ananitowoman likewise becomes pregnant, and the two give birth at the same time. Otherwise, the lives of the two children do not seem to be closely related, though, as we shall see later, the mothers follow the same procedure for a time after delivery (cf. p. 268).

According to common belief, supernatural beings have become possessed at times, with menstrual blood or the afterbirth which under their care developed into human offspring, some of whom occupy aPage 260prominent place in the tribal mythology.3In the tales we are told that a frog became pregnant, and gave birth to a child after having lapped up the spittle of Aponitolau,4a maid conceived when the head-band of her lover rested on her skirt,5while the customary delivery of children during the mythical period seems to have been from between the fingers of the expectant mother.6Anitosand, in a few cases, the shades of the dead have had intercourse with Tinguian women,7but children of such unions are always born prematurely. As a rule, a miscarriage is thought to be the result of union with the inhabitants of the spirit realm, though an expectant woman is often warned not to become angry or sorrowful lest her “blood become strong and the child be born.” Abortion is said to be practised occasionally by unmarried women; but such instances are exceedingly rare, as offspring is much desired, and the chance of making a satisfactory match would be in no way injured by the possession of an illegitimate child.8

Except for the district about Manabo, it is not customary to make any offerings or to cause any changes in the daily life of the pregnant woman until the time of her delivery is near at hand. In Manabo a family gathering is held about a month before the anticipated event, at which time the woman eats a small chicken, while her relatives look on. After completing this meal, she places two bundles of grass, some bark and beads in a small basket and ties it beside the window. The significance of the act is not clear to the people, but it is “an old custom, and is pleasing to the spirits.”

Shortly before the child is expected, two or three mediums are summoned to the dwelling. Spreading a mat in the center of the room, they place on it their outfits (cf. p. 302) and gifts9for all the spirits who are apt to attend the ceremony. Nine small jars covered withalinleaves are distributed about the house and yard; one sits onPage 261a head-axe placed upon an inverted rice-mortar near the dwelling, another stands near by in a winnower, and is covered with a bundle of rice; four go to a corner of the room; while the balance is placed on either side of the doorway. These jars are later used to hold the cooked rice which is offered to theInginlaod, spirits of the west. At the foot of the house ladder a spear is planted, and to it is attached a long narrow cloth of many colors. Last of all, a bound pig is laid just outside the door with its head toward the east.

When all is ready, the mediums bid the men to play on thetong-a-tong(cf. p. 314); then, squatting beside the pig, they stroke its side with oiled fingers, meanwhile chanting appropriatedīams(cf. p. 296). This done, they begin to summon spirits into their bodies, and from them learn what must be done to insure the health and happiness of the child. Later, water is poured into the pig's ear, that “as it shakes out the water, so may the evil spirits be thrown out of the place.”10Then an old man cuts open the body of the animal and, thrusting in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart, which he gives to the medium. With this she strokes the body of the expectant woman, “so that the birth may be easy, and as a protection against harm,” and also touches the other members of the family.11She next directs her attention to the liver, for by its condition it is possible to foretell the child's future (cf. p. 307).

While the medium has been busy with the immediate family, friends and relatives have been preparing the flesh for food, which is now served. No part is reserved, except the boiled entrails which are placed in a wooden dish and set among other gifts intended for the superior beings.

Following the meal, the mediums continue summoning spirits until late afternoon when the ceremony known asGīpas—the dividing—is held.12The chief medium, who is now possessed by a powerful spirit, covers her shoulder with a sacred blanket,13and in company with the oldest male relative of the expectant woman goes to the middle of the room, where a bound pig lies with a narrow cloth extending along its body from head to tail. After much debating they decide on the exact center of the animal, and then with her left hand each seizes aPage 262leg. They lift the victim from the floor, and with the head-axes, which they hold in their free hands, they cut it in two. In this way the mortals pay the spirits for their share in the child, and henceforth they have no claims to it. The spirit and the old man drinkbasi, to cement their friendship; and the ceremony is at an end.

The small pots and other objects used as offerings are placed on the sacred blanket in one corner of the room, where they remain until the child is born, “so that all the spirits may know thatGīpashas been held.” A portion of the slaughtered animals and some small present are given to the mediums, who then depart.

In San Juan a cloth is placed on the floor, and on it are laid betel-nuts, four beads, and a lead sinker. These are divided with the head-axe in the same manner as the pig, but the medium retains for her own use the share given to the spirits.

In the better class of dwellings, constructed of boards, there is generally a small section in one corner, where the flooring is of bamboo; and it is here that the delivery takes place, but in the ordinary dwellings there is no specified location.

The patient is in a kneeling or squatting position with her hands on a rope or bamboo rod, which is suspended from a rafter about the height of her shoulders.14She draws on this, while one or more old women, skilled in matters pertaining to childbirth, knead and press down on the abdomen, and finally remove the child. The naval cord is cut with a bamboo knife,15and is tied with bark cloth. Should the delivery be hard, a pig will be killed beneath the house, and its blood and flesh offered to the spirits, in order to gain their aid.

If the child is apparently still-born, the midwife places a Chinese dish close to its ear, and strikes against it several times with a lead sinker. If this fails to gain a response, the body is wrapped in a cloth, and is soon buried beneath the house. There is no belief here, as is common in many other parts of the Philippines, that the spirits of unborn or still-born children form the chief recruits for the army of evil spirits.

The after-birth is placed in a small jar together with bamboo leaves, “so that the child will grow like that lusty plant,” and is thenPage 263intrusted to an old man, usually a relative. He must exercise the greatest care in his mission, for should he squint, while the jar is in his possession, the child will be likewise afflicted. If it is desired that the infant shall become a great hunter, the jar is hung in the jungle; if he is to be an expert swimmer and a successful fisherman, it is placed in the river; but ill fortune is in store for the baby if the pot is buried, for he will always be afraid to climb a tree or to ascend a mountain.

These close ties between the infant and the after-birth are easily comprehended by a people who also believe in the close relationship between a person and any object recently handled by him (cf. p. 305). In general it is thought that the after-birth soon disappears and no longer influences the child; yet certain of the folk-tales reflect a firm conviction that a group of spirits, known asalan, sometimes take the placenta, and transform it into a real child, who is then more powerful than ordinary mortals.16

Immediately following the birth the father constructs a shallow bamboo framework (baitkᴇn),17which he fills with ashes, and places in the room close to the mother. On this a fire is kept burning constantly for twenty-nine days18For this fire he must carefully prepare each stick of wood, for should it have rough places on it, the baby would have lumps on its head. A double explanation is offered for this fire; firstly, “to keep the mother warm;” secondly, as a protection against evil spirits. The idea of protection is evidently the original and dominant one; for, as we shall see, evil spirits are wont to frequent a house, where a birth or death has occurred, and a fire is always kept burning below the house or beside the ladder at such a time.19

When the child has been washed, it is placed on an inverted rice-winnower,Page 264and an old man or woman gives it the name it is to bear. The winnower is raised a few inches above the ground, and the woman asks the child its name, then drops it. Again she raises it, pronounces the name, and lets it fall. A third time it is raised and dropped, with the injunction, “When your mother sends you, you go,” or “You must not be lazy.” If it is a boy, it may be instructed, “When your father sends you to plow, you go.”

Among the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte it is customary for the person who is giving the name to wave a burning torch beneath the winnower, meanwhile saying, if to a boy, “Here is your light when you go to fight. Here is your light when you go to other towns.” If the child is a girl, she says, “Here is your light when you go to sell things.”

In the San Juan district, the fire is made of pine sticks; for “the burning pine gives a bright light, and thus makes it clear to the spirits that the child is born. The heat and smoke make the child hard and sturdy.” Just before the naming, the rice winnower is circled above the fire and the person officiating calls to the spirits, saying, “Come and take this child, or I shall take it.” Then, as the infant still remains alive, she proceeds to give it its name.20

A Tinguian child is nearly always named after a dead ancestor; often it receives two names—one for a relative in the father's family, and one in the mother's. A third name commemorating the day or some event, or perhaps the name of a spirit, is frequently added.21Certain names, such as Abacas (“worthless”), Inaknam (“taken up”), and Dolso (“rice-chaff”) are common. If the infant is ailing, or if the family has been unfortunate in raising children, the newborn is named in the regular way, then is placed on an old rice winnower, and is carried to a refuse heap and left. Evil spirits witnessing this will think that the child is dead, and will pay no more heed to it. After a time, a woman from another house will pick the child up and carry it back to the dwelling, where it is renamed. In such a case it is probable that the new name will recall the event.22Page 265

If a former child has died, it is possible that the infant will receive its name, but if so, it will be renamed within a few days. In this manner, respect is shown both for the deceased child and the ancestor for which it was named; yet the newborn is not forced to bear a title which is apparently displeasing to the spirits. Continued sickness may also result in the giving of a new name.23In such a case a small plot of rice is planted as an offering to the spirits, which have caused the illness.

According to Reyes, the child to be named is carried to a tree, and the medium says, “Your name is ——;” at the same time she strikes the tree with a knife. If the tree “sweats,” the name is satisfactory; otherwise, other names are mentioned until a favorable sign is obtained.24The writer found no trace of such procedure in any part of the Tinguian belt.

For a month succeeding the birth, the mother must follow a very strict set of rules. Each day she is bathed with water in which certain herbs and leaves, distasteful to evil spirits, are boiled.25Beginning with the second day and until the tenth she must add one bath each day, at least one of which is in cold water. From the tenth to the twenty-fourth day she takes one hot and one cold bath, and from then to the end of the month she continues the one hot bath. Until these are completed, the family must keep a strip ofayabongbark burning beneath the house, in order to protect the baby from evil spirits. As an additional defence, a miniature bow and arrow, and a bamboo shield, with a leaf attached, as hung above the infant's head (Fig. 4, No. 1).

On the fifth day the mother makes a ring out of old cloth, rice stalks, and a vine, and puts it on her head; over her shoulders is an old blanket, while in one hand she holds a reed staff, which “helps her in her weakness, and protects her from evil beings.” She carries a coconut shell filled with ashes, a basket and a jar, and thus equipped she goes to the village spring. Arriving there, she cleans the dishes “as a sign that her weakness has passed, and that she can now care for herself;” then she sets fire to a piece of bark, and leaves it burning beside the water, as a further sign of her recovery. When she returns to the dwelling, the cleansed dishes and the staff are placed above the spot, where she and the baby sleep.Page 266

On the 29th day the fire is extinguished, and the bamboo frame is fastened under the floor of the house, below the mother's mat, “so that all can see that the family has followed the custom.” As the frame is carried out, the mother calls to theanitomother (cf. p. 261) to throw out her fire.

In the mountain districts about Lakub, a ceremony in which the spirits are besought to look to the child's welfare is held about the third day after the birth. The mediums summon several spirits; a chicken or a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered up. At the conclusion a smallsaloko26containing an egg is attached to one end of the roof. In Ba-ak this is generally a three to six day event attended by all the friends and relatives of the family. Here, in place of the egg, a jar containing pine-sticks is attached to the roof, for the pine which burns brightly makes it plain to the spirits what the people are doing.

In the light of the extended and rather complex procedure just related, it is interesting to note that the Tinguian woman is one of those mythical beings whom careless or uninformed writers have been wont to describe as giving birth to her children without bodily discomfort.Reyes27tells us that she cuts the umbilical cord, after which she proceeds to the nearest brook, and washes the clothing soiled during the birth.Lerenalikewise credits her with delivering herself without aid, at whatever spot she may then chance to be; then, without further ado or inconvenience, she continues her duties as before. If she happens to be near to a river, she bathes the child; or, if water is not handy, she cleans it with grass or leaves, and then gives it such a name as stone, rooster, or carabao.28

Throughout the greater part of the Tinguian territory, nothing further of importance takes place for about two years, providing the child progresses normally, but should it be ailing, a medium will be summoned to conduct theĪbalceremony.29For this a pig or rooster is prepared for sacrifice, but before it is killed, the medium squats before it and, stroking its side with oiled fingers, she chants the followingdīam.Page 267

“Those who live in the same town go to raid, to take heads. After they arrive, those who live in the same town, ‘We go and dance with the heads,’ said the people, who live in the same town, ‘because they make a celebration, those who went to kill.’ ‘When the sun goes down, you come to join us,’ said the mother and baby (to her husband who goes to the celebration). After that the sun truly went down; she went truly to join her husband; after that they were not (there), the mother and the baby (i.e., when the father arrived where they had agreed to meet, the mother and child were not there).

“He saw their hats lying on the ground. He looked down; the mother and the baby were in (the ground), which ground swallowed them. ‘Why (are) the mother and the baby in the ground? How can I get them?’ When he raises the mother and the baby, they go (back) into the ground. After that Kabonīyan above, looking down (said), ‘What can you do? The spirits of Ībal in Daem are the cause of their trouble. It is better that you go to the home of your parents-in-law, and you go and prepare the things needed in Ībal,’ said Kabonīyan.

“They went truly and prepared; after that they brought (the things) to the gate. After that the mother and child came out of the ground. ‘After this when there is a happening like this, of which you Īpogau are in danger, you do like this (i. e., make the Ībal ceremony); and I alone, Kabonīyan am the one you summon,’ said Kabonīyan.

“After that they got well because they came up, the mother and the baby.”

When the chant is finished, the animal is slaughtered, and food is prepared both for guests and spirits. Following the instructions of Kabonīyan, the latter is placed at the entrance to the village; after which it is possible that this powerful spirit will visit the gathering in the person of the medium, and give further instructions for the care of the infant.

In the village of Lakub the writer witnessed a variation of this ceremony which, it is said, is also followed in case the pregnancy is not progressing favorably. A piece of banana stalk, wrought into the form of a child, and wearing a bark head-band, was placed on the mat beside the medium. She, acting for a spirit, seized the miniature shield and bow and arrow which hung above the baby, and attempted to shoot the figure. Immediately two old women came to the rescue of the image, and after a sharp tussel compelled the spirit to desist. They then secured the weapons, and in their turn tried to shoot the figure, which was now defended in vain by the medium. It was later explained that, in the first place, the figure represented the child, andPage 268had the spirit succeeded in shooting it, the babe would have died; later, it impersonated the child of the spirit, and when that being saw its own offspring in danger, it immediately departed from the village. Several other spirits then entered the body of the medium, and after receiving food and drink, gave friendly advice.

When the child is about two years old, a ceremony known asOlog30is held. The mediums who are summoned prepare a spirit mat,31and at once begin to recitedīamsover the body of a bound pig. As soon as the animal is killed, its heart is removed, and is rubbed against the breast of each member of the family. The medium then resumes her place at the mat, and soon is possessed by a spirit who takes charge of the proceedings. At his suggestion, the child is rubbed from head to foot with the thread from the medium's outfit, “so that it will not cry any more;” next, he orders that the intestines of the pig be cleaned, placed on a wooden dish, and be carried to the gate of the town. When they arrive at the designated spot, the mediums make a “stove” by driving three sticks into the ground, so as to outline a triangle, and within these they burn a bundle of rice-straw. Beside the “stove” is placed a branch, each leaf of which is pierced with a chicken feather. This completed, the child is brought up to the fire, and is crowned with the intestines; while one of the mediums strikes the ground vigorously with a split stick,32to attract the attention of the spirits. Next, she secures a rooster, and with this in one hand and a spear in the other, she marches five times around the fire meanwhile reciting adīam. At the conclusion of this performance the fowl is killed; and its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered on the ground. At the same time the medium calls to all the spirits to come and eat, to be satisfied, and not cause the child to become ill. The flesh and rice cakes are likewise offered, but after a few moments have elapsed, they are eaten by all the people.

At the conclusion of the meal, a wreath of vines is substituted for the intestines, which are hung beside the fire. This concludes the ceremony; but, as the mother and child reach the ladder of their home, the people above sprinkle them with water, meanwhile calling out eight times, “You are in a heavy storm.” The significance of this sprinkling is not known, but the custom is widespread, and is evidently very ancient.Page 269

In the mountain village of Likuan, a man who wears a very large hat takes the child to a nearbysaloko. As he returns, he is sprinkled by a medium, who says, “You are wet from the rain; in what place did you get wet?” He replies, “Yes, we are wet from the rain; we were wet in Inakban (a town of the spirits);” then placing two small baskets in thesaloko, he carries the child into the dwelling. Soon the father appears and goes about inquiring for his wife and child; suddenly spying the baskets, he seizes them and takes them into the house, saying, “Here are the mother and the child.”

The following morning, the women place rice cakes and betel-nuts, ready to chew, in leaves, and tie them to a bamboo stalk with many branches. This is then planted beside the spring, “so that the child will grow and be strong like the bamboo.” The sight of all these good things is also pleasing to the spirits, and they will thus be inclined to grant to the child many favors.

When the women return to the house, they carry with them a coconut shell filled with water, and with this they wash the infant's face “to keep it from crying, and to keep it well.” This done, they tie a knot of banana leaves to the house ladder as a sign that no person may enter the dwelling until after its removal the next day.33

A ceremony, not witnessed by the writer, is said to take place when evil spirits have persistently annoyed the mother and the child, when the delivery is long overdue, or when ananitochild34has been born to a human mother. The husband and his friends arm themselves with long knives or head-axes, and enter the dwelling, where they kill a rooster. The blood is mixed with rice; and this, together with nine coconut shells filled withbasi, is placed beneath the house for theanitosto eat. While the spirits are busy with this repast, the mother, wrapped in a blanket, is secretly passed out a window and taken to another house. Then the men begin shouting, and at the same time slash right and left against the house-posts with their weapons. In this way the evil spirits are not only kept from noticing the absence of the mother, but are also driven to a distance. This procedure is repeated under nine houses, after which they return to the dwelling with the woman. As soon as they reach the top of the ladder, an old woman throws down ashes “to blind the eyes of thePage 270anitos, so that they cannot see to come up.”35She likewise breaks a number of small jars, “which look like heads,” as a threat of the treatment which awaits them if they attempt to return to the house.

Within the dwelling food and presents are offered to the good spirits, and all who have participated in theanitodriving are feasted.

Next morning, a wash, said to be particularly distasteful to the evilanito, is prepared. It consists of water in which are placed lemon, bamboo, andatisleaves, a cigar stub, and ashes from burned rice straw. The family wash in this mixture, and are then fully protected against any evil spirits, which may still remain after the terrifying events of the previous night.

Childhood.—When outside the house, small babies are always carried by their mothers or older sisters (PlateXV). The little one either sits astride its mother's hip or fits against the small of the back, and is held in place by her arm or by a blanket which passes over one shoulder. From this position the infant is readily shifted, so that it can nurse whenever it is hungry. There are no regular periods for feeding, neither is there a definite time for weaning. Most children continue to nurse until quite large, or until they are displaced by newcomers. However, they are given some solid food, such as rice, while very young, and soon they are allowed to suck sugar-cane and sweet potatoes. It is also a common thing to see a mother take the pipe from her mouth, and place it in that of her nursing infant. They thus acquire the habit of using tobacco at a very early age, and continue it through life, but apparently without evil effects. Weaning is accomplished by rubbing the breasts with powdered chile peppers, or plants with sour flavor.

A crib or sleeping basket is made out of bamboo or rattan, and this is attached to the center of a long bamboo pole, which is suspended across one corner of the room (Fig. 1, No. 2). The pole bends with each movement of the child, and thus it rocks itself to sleep. Another device in which small children are kept is known asgalong-galong. This consists of a board seat attached to a strip of split rattan at each corner. Sliding up and down on these strips are vertical and horizontal pieces of reed or bamboo, which form an open box-like frame (Fig. 1, No. 1). The reeds are raised, the child is put in, and then they are slipped back in place. This device is suspended from a rafter, at such a height that it can serve either as a swing or walker, as desired.

When the mother goes to the village spring or to the river, shePage 271carries her baby with her, and invariably gives it a bath in the cold water. This she applies with her hand or a coconut shell, and frequently she ends the process by dipping the small body into the water. Apparently, the children do not enjoy the ordeal any more than European youngsters; but this early dislike for the water is soon overcome, and they go to the streams to paddle and play, and quickly become excellent swimmers. They learn that certain sluggish fish hide beneath large rocks; and oftentimes a whole troop of naked youngsters may be seen going up stream, carefully feeling under the stones, and occasionally shouting with glee, as a slippery trophy is drawn out with the bare hands. They also gather shell fish and shrimps, and their catch often adds variety to the family meal.

Figure 1.Child's Cradle and Jumper.Child's Cradle and Jumper.

Child's Cradle and Jumper.

Children are seldom punished or scolded. All the family exhibit real affection for the youngsters, and find time to devote to them. A man is never too old or too busy to take up and amuse or caress the babies. Kissing seems to be unknown, but a similar sign of affection is given by placing the lips to the face and drawing the breath in suddenly. A mother is often heard singing to her babes, but the songs are usually improvised, and generally consist of a single sentence repeated over and over.Page 272Aside from the daily bath, the child has little to disturb it during the first five or six years of its life. It has no birthdays, its hair is never cut, unless it be that it is trimmed over the eyes to form bangs, and it wears clothing only on very special occasions. The children are by no means innocent in sexual matters; but absolute familiarity with nudity has removed all curiosity and false modesty, and the relations between the sexes are no freer than in civilized communities.

When garments are put on, they are identical with those worn by the elders. At all ages the people will discard their clothing without any sense of shame, whenever the occasion demands; as, for instance, the fording of a stream, or when a number of both sexes happen to be bathing at the same time in the village pool. This does not lead to immodesty or lewdness, and a person who is careless about the acts, which are not considered proper in Tinguian society, is an object of scorn quite as much as he would be in a more advanced community.

The first toys generally consist of pigs, carabao, or horses made by sticking bamboo legs into a sweet potato or mango. A more elaborate plaything is an imitation snake made of short bamboo strips fastened together with cords at top, center, and bottom. When this is held near the middle by the thumb and forefinger, it winds and curls about as if alive.

Stilts of bamboo, similar to those used in America, are sometimes used by the older children, but the more popular local variety is made by fastening cords through the tops of half coconut shells. The youth holds a cord in each hand, stands on the shells with the lines passing between the first two toes, and then walks.

Flat boards with cords attached become “carabao sleds,” and in these immense loads of imaginary rice are hauled to the granaries. A similar device serves as a harrow, while a stick is converted into a “plough” or “horse,” as is desired. Imitation carabao yokes are much prized, and the children pass many hours serving as draught animals or drivers. The bull-roarer, made by putting a thin piece of bamboo on a cord and whirling it about the head, makes a pleasing noise, and is excellent to use in frightening stray horses. Blow-guns, made out of bamboo or the hollow tubes of plants, vie in popularity with a pop-gun of similar construction. A wad of leaves is driven through with a plunger, and gives a sharp report, as it is expelled.

Tops are among the prized possessions of the boys. They are spun, or are wound with cord, and are thrown overhand at those of other players, with the intention of splitting or marking them.

Quite as popular, with the small girls, are tiny pestles with which they industriously pound rice chaff, in imitation of their mothers.Page 273

While still mere babies, the boys begin to play with toy knives made of wood, but by the time they are seven or eight years of age, they are permitted to carry longbolos, and before puberty they are expert with the weapons used by the tribe (PlateXI). In the mountain regions in particular, it is a common occurrence for groups of youngsters, armed with reed spears and palm-bark shields, to carry on mock battles. They also learn to make traps and nets, and oftentimes they return to the village with a good catch of small birds.

Full grown dogs are seldom friendly or considered as pets; but puppies, small chickens, parrakeets, pigs, and baby carabao make excellent playfellows, and suffer accordingly. From the day of its birth, the young carabao is taken possession of by the children, who will fondle and tease it, ride on its back, or slide off over its head or tail. Soon they gain confidence, and find similar amusements with the full grown animals. These huge beasts are often surly or vicious, especially around white men, but they recognize their masters in the little brown folk, and submit meekly to their antics. In fact, the greater part of the care of these animals is entrusted to young boys.

When not engaged in some of the amusements already mentioned, it is probable that the youngster is one of the group of naked little savages, which races through the village on the way to the swimming hole, or climbs tall trees from the top of which sleeping pigs can be easily bombarded. Should the children be so fortunate as to possess a tin can, secured from some visiting traveller, they quickly convert it into a drum organsa, and forthwith start a celebration. All can dance and sing, play on nose flutes, bamboo guitars, or Jew's harps.

In addition to songs of their own composition, there are other songs, which are heard whenever the children are at play. They make a swing by tying ropes to a carabao yoke, and attach it to a limb; then, as they swing, they sing:

“Pull swing. My swing is a snake.Do not writhe like a snake. My swing is a big snake.Do not turn and twist. My swing is a lizard.Do not tremble or shake.”

When a group gathers under a house to pop corn in the burning rice chaff, they chant:

“Pop, pop, become like the privates of a woman.Make a noise, make a noise, like the clay jar.Pop, pop, like the coconut shell dish.Sagai, sagai,36make a noise like the big jar.”

When the smoke blows toward a part of the children, the others sing over and over:

“Deep water here; high land there.”

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