169.The earliest coins (Gotland) are those of Augustus (29B.C.–A.D.14). Then follow those of Nero, and coins of all the different emperors to Alexander Severus (222–235); the greatest numbers are those of Trajan (98–117); Hadrian (117–138); Antoninus Pius (138–161); Faustina, wife of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius (161–180); Faustina junior, wife of Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus (180–192). At Hagestaborg the most numerous were those of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Faustina the younger, and Commodus. The earliest are of the time of Nero (54–68), the latest of that of Septimius Severus (193–211). In Öland the earliest are those of Trajan, the latest those of Alexander Severus. In Zeeland the earliest are of Vespasian, the latest of Macrinus (217, 218). In Fyen the earliest are of Tiberius (14–37), the latest of Geta (211, 212). In Bornholm the earliest are of Nero, the latest of Septimius Severus. In Jutland the earliest are also of Nero, the latest of Macrinus (217, 218). In southern Sweden the earliest are of Claudius (41–54), the latest of Alexander Severus, but only one or two of the latter have been found; after the time of Commodus the silver denarii became rarer and rarer. On the island of Fyen a complete series of gold coins from Decius (249–251) to Licinius the elder (307–323) have been found. The Byzantine coins are of gold, and chiefly used as ornaments, date from Constantinus Magnus (306–337) to Anastasius (491–518); one also of Justinius I. (518–527) has been found. In Norway the gold coins of the above period are exceedingly rare, only one of Valens (364–378) and one of Gratuanus (367–375) having been discovered; also one of Tiberius Constantius (578–582), one of Mauricius Tiberius (582–602), one of Constantius V. Copronymus (741–775), one of Michæl III. (842–867) all of gold. Some of the earlier Arabic coins had already made their appearance in Scandinavia. The Roman coins from the Bangstrup find date from betweenA.D.249 and 361. See also Appendix.
169.The earliest coins (Gotland) are those of Augustus (29B.C.–A.D.14). Then follow those of Nero, and coins of all the different emperors to Alexander Severus (222–235); the greatest numbers are those of Trajan (98–117); Hadrian (117–138); Antoninus Pius (138–161); Faustina, wife of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius (161–180); Faustina junior, wife of Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus (180–192). At Hagestaborg the most numerous were those of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Faustina the younger, and Commodus. The earliest are of the time of Nero (54–68), the latest of that of Septimius Severus (193–211). In Öland the earliest are those of Trajan, the latest those of Alexander Severus. In Zeeland the earliest are of Vespasian, the latest of Macrinus (217, 218). In Fyen the earliest are of Tiberius (14–37), the latest of Geta (211, 212). In Bornholm the earliest are of Nero, the latest of Septimius Severus. In Jutland the earliest are also of Nero, the latest of Macrinus (217, 218). In southern Sweden the earliest are of Claudius (41–54), the latest of Alexander Severus, but only one or two of the latter have been found; after the time of Commodus the silver denarii became rarer and rarer. On the island of Fyen a complete series of gold coins from Decius (249–251) to Licinius the elder (307–323) have been found. The Byzantine coins are of gold, and chiefly used as ornaments, date from Constantinus Magnus (306–337) to Anastasius (491–518); one also of Justinius I. (518–527) has been found. In Norway the gold coins of the above period are exceedingly rare, only one of Valens (364–378) and one of Gratuanus (367–375) having been discovered; also one of Tiberius Constantius (578–582), one of Mauricius Tiberius (582–602), one of Constantius V. Copronymus (741–775), one of Michæl III. (842–867) all of gold. Some of the earlier Arabic coins had already made their appearance in Scandinavia. The Roman coins from the Bangstrup find date from betweenA.D.249 and 361. See also Appendix.
170.I have myself seen an illustration of this on the African coast, where natives could not understand that coins represent the value of goods, though traders had come to their country for a long time, and in some places they were loth to take money as payment, while a few miles inland it was refused.
170.I have myself seen an illustration of this on the African coast, where natives could not understand that coins represent the value of goods, though traders had come to their country for a long time, and in some places they were loth to take money as payment, while a few miles inland it was refused.
171.See “Land of the Midnight Sun.” The islands of Zeeland and Fyen are especially rich in Roman objects and show the existence of great intercourse with the Roman provinces; while Gotland is particularly rich in coins. In the hamlet of Ryk (Tanum parish), Bohuslän, a Roman coin struckA.D.179 for the Emperor Marcus Aurelius was found in the ground. From the inscription on the coin the date can be accurately fixed, for it was said that it was coined in the year when Marcus Aurelius was Tribune for the thirty-third time, Imperator for the tenth time, and Consul for the third time.A gold coin of Tiberius (14–37) was found in a stone-set coffin at Rorbœk; a silver denarius of Nerva (96–98) in the find of Fraugdegard, Fyen; and a silver denarius of Antoninus Pius (138–161), with a skeleton, in a natural hill at Bennebo, near Holbœk; a silver denarius of Lucius Verus (161–169), with a skeleton, in a hill at Gunnerugs, near Prestö; a barbaric imitation in gold of a Roman imperial coin, with a loop soldered to it, found with a skeleton at Aareslen in Odense amt, Fyen. One limit of time obtained by means of the coins is certain enough, for the graves cannot have been closed before the year of their coinage.Pyteas mentions Guttanæ. The Gotlanders in the Sagas are called Gutar; they may have met him on some of their trading journeys. The two names seem to be sufficiently similar to make this a probable supposition. In the island of Gotland a Greek coin of copper was found, but it seems to have been struck at Panormus in Sicily. On the obverse is a female head looking to the right, on the reverse a horse galloping to the left; it has no Punic letters. (In the collection of Capt. C. T. von Braun, of Ystad.) Two Macedonian coins of silver were also found; one of them is a diabole of Philip II., similar to the coins described in Müller, “Der Macedoniske Konge Philipp II.’s Mynter,” p. 3, Nos. 14–16, and engraved Plate 1. (Both were in the collection of Capt. v. Braun, of Ystad; now only one remains there.)Also Roman coins anterior to Augustus, found together about 100 years ago. A silver coin of the family of Lucretia; a silver coin of the family of Nævia; a coin of the family of Sulpicia. They are all unusually well preserved, but shorn on the border. (In the collection of Capt. von Braun Ystad.) A silver coin of the family Funa; a silver coin of the family Poblicia; one subærate coin of the family Postumia; one silver coin of the family Procilia; a silver coin of the family Tituria; a silver coin of the family Veturia. (In the collection of Capt. von Braun.) A silver coin of the family Nævia, given by Capt. Braun to the Museum at Uddevala; and a silver coin of the family Sicinia, both well preserved. (In the Wisby Museum; formerly in the collection of Mr. P. A. Save.)
171.See “Land of the Midnight Sun.” The islands of Zeeland and Fyen are especially rich in Roman objects and show the existence of great intercourse with the Roman provinces; while Gotland is particularly rich in coins. In the hamlet of Ryk (Tanum parish), Bohuslän, a Roman coin struckA.D.179 for the Emperor Marcus Aurelius was found in the ground. From the inscription on the coin the date can be accurately fixed, for it was said that it was coined in the year when Marcus Aurelius was Tribune for the thirty-third time, Imperator for the tenth time, and Consul for the third time.
A gold coin of Tiberius (14–37) was found in a stone-set coffin at Rorbœk; a silver denarius of Nerva (96–98) in the find of Fraugdegard, Fyen; and a silver denarius of Antoninus Pius (138–161), with a skeleton, in a natural hill at Bennebo, near Holbœk; a silver denarius of Lucius Verus (161–169), with a skeleton, in a hill at Gunnerugs, near Prestö; a barbaric imitation in gold of a Roman imperial coin, with a loop soldered to it, found with a skeleton at Aareslen in Odense amt, Fyen. One limit of time obtained by means of the coins is certain enough, for the graves cannot have been closed before the year of their coinage.
Pyteas mentions Guttanæ. The Gotlanders in the Sagas are called Gutar; they may have met him on some of their trading journeys. The two names seem to be sufficiently similar to make this a probable supposition. In the island of Gotland a Greek coin of copper was found, but it seems to have been struck at Panormus in Sicily. On the obverse is a female head looking to the right, on the reverse a horse galloping to the left; it has no Punic letters. (In the collection of Capt. C. T. von Braun, of Ystad.) Two Macedonian coins of silver were also found; one of them is a diabole of Philip II., similar to the coins described in Müller, “Der Macedoniske Konge Philipp II.’s Mynter,” p. 3, Nos. 14–16, and engraved Plate 1. (Both were in the collection of Capt. v. Braun, of Ystad; now only one remains there.)
Also Roman coins anterior to Augustus, found together about 100 years ago. A silver coin of the family of Lucretia; a silver coin of the family of Nævia; a coin of the family of Sulpicia. They are all unusually well preserved, but shorn on the border. (In the collection of Capt. von Braun Ystad.) A silver coin of the family Funa; a silver coin of the family Poblicia; one subærate coin of the family Postumia; one silver coin of the family Procilia; a silver coin of the family Tituria; a silver coin of the family Veturia. (In the collection of Capt. von Braun.) A silver coin of the family Nævia, given by Capt. Braun to the Museum at Uddevala; and a silver coin of the family Sicinia, both well preserved. (In the Wisby Museum; formerly in the collection of Mr. P. A. Save.)
172.Three hundred and forty-four silver denarii, coined by the emperors between Nero and Marcus Aurelius, among them many of Trajan, Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius, have been found at the mouth of the Elbe.Under a large stone on a bank at Sengerich, in Hanover, 1,100 silver denarii were dug up, coined between the years 96 and 211.In Mecklenburg the finds of imperial coins embrace the period from Augustus to Valentinian.Finds of Roman coins from the first two centuries after Christ have also been made at the mouth of the Vistula and in its lower course, near the Oder.An especially interesting discovery was that of a Greek denarius coined in Lycia by Trajan; the only Greek coin discovered in Hanover.
172.Three hundred and forty-four silver denarii, coined by the emperors between Nero and Marcus Aurelius, among them many of Trajan, Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius, have been found at the mouth of the Elbe.
Under a large stone on a bank at Sengerich, in Hanover, 1,100 silver denarii were dug up, coined between the years 96 and 211.
In Mecklenburg the finds of imperial coins embrace the period from Augustus to Valentinian.
Finds of Roman coins from the first two centuries after Christ have also been made at the mouth of the Vistula and in its lower course, near the Oder.
An especially interesting discovery was that of a Greek denarius coined in Lycia by Trajan; the only Greek coin discovered in Hanover.
173.Apollo Grannus, to whose temple the vase once belonged, was worshipped by the tribes of Gaul and Belgium. The Roman historian Dio Cassius relates that he was one of the gods worshipped by the Emperor Caracalla, who was murdered inA.D.217. The name has also been discovered in Transylvania on a stone which Quintus Axius Ælianus, Governor of Dacia at the beginning of the second century, had cut. It, however, happens that this Ælianus had before this resided in Belgium, whither he had probably brought with him the worship of the god.
173.Apollo Grannus, to whose temple the vase once belonged, was worshipped by the tribes of Gaul and Belgium. The Roman historian Dio Cassius relates that he was one of the gods worshipped by the Emperor Caracalla, who was murdered inA.D.217. The name has also been discovered in Transylvania on a stone which Quintus Axius Ælianus, Governor of Dacia at the beginning of the second century, had cut. It, however, happens that this Ælianus had before this resided in Belgium, whither he had probably brought with him the worship of the god.
174.More than forty different statuettes have been found.
174.More than forty different statuettes have been found.
175.Among the bones outside the urn were found various fragments of bronze, six clinch-nails of iron, remains of glass, a burnt oblong loaf of bread, two pieces of a head ornament of bronze with rivets of iron, a ring of bronze, twelve beads of glass of different size and appearance, a damaged hanging ornament of bronze, a square plate of bronze with iron rivets, a denarius of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius coined inA.D.162.
175.Among the bones outside the urn were found various fragments of bronze, six clinch-nails of iron, remains of glass, a burnt oblong loaf of bread, two pieces of a head ornament of bronze with rivets of iron, a ring of bronze, twelve beads of glass of different size and appearance, a damaged hanging ornament of bronze, a square plate of bronze with iron rivets, a denarius of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius coined inA.D.162.
176.The word amber occurs in three earlier poems. Magical runes were written on gler.—Sigrdrifumal. Pliny in his ‘Natural History,’ Book xxxv. 3, 42, speaks of amber as being “formed in the islands of the Northern Ocean.”
176.The word amber occurs in three earlier poems. Magical runes were written on gler.—Sigrdrifumal. Pliny in his ‘Natural History,’ Book xxxv. 3, 42, speaks of amber as being “formed in the islands of the Northern Ocean.”
177.For other objects in Bavenhöi find, see p.252–254.
177.For other objects in Bavenhöi find, see p.252–254.
178.For other objects found at Varpelev, see p.256–258.
178.For other objects found at Varpelev, see p.256–258.
179.Cf. also Flateyjarbók, i. 401; Hrólf Kraki, c. 44; Heidarviga Saga, c. 20; Eyrbyggja Saga, c. 13.
179.Cf. also Flateyjarbók, i. 401; Hrólf Kraki, c. 44; Heidarviga Saga, c. 20; Eyrbyggja Saga, c. 13.
180.Cf. also Finnboga Saga, c. 23; Gunnlaug Ormstunga’s Saga, c. 5.
180.Cf. also Finnboga Saga, c. 23; Gunnlaug Ormstunga’s Saga, c. 5.
181.Grimhild had asked her sons Gunnar and Högni to payweregildto Gudrún because they had slain her husband, Sigurd Fafnisbani.
181.Grimhild had asked her sons Gunnar and Högni to payweregildto Gudrún because they had slain her husband, Sigurd Fafnisbani.
182.This shows that bows of yew as well as of elm were used.
182.This shows that bows of yew as well as of elm were used.
183.Another stone in relief has been found by Prof. Save, nearly 12 feet high, at Larbrö, in the northern part of the island of Gotland; of the same horse-shoe shape as shown here and on p.58, with representations of ships, horses, and the eight-footed horse Sleipnir.
183.Another stone in relief has been found by Prof. Save, nearly 12 feet high, at Larbrö, in the northern part of the island of Gotland; of the same horse-shoe shape as shown here and on p.58, with representations of ships, horses, and the eight-footed horse Sleipnir.
184.In Tanum parish, Bohuslän, alone there are more than 2,000 mounds, the largest being about 300 feet in circumference; near Upsala nearly 600; at Ultuna, 700.The greatest number of mounds found in any one spot is east of the ancient Birka Bjorko, where there are over 1,000 of them; while seven graves, as will be seen in the course of the narrative, are found close together.
184.In Tanum parish, Bohuslän, alone there are more than 2,000 mounds, the largest being about 300 feet in circumference; near Upsala nearly 600; at Ultuna, 700.
The greatest number of mounds found in any one spot is east of the ancient Birka Bjorko, where there are over 1,000 of them; while seven graves, as will be seen in the course of the narrative, are found close together.
185.Poets, see vol. ii. p.389.
185.Poets, see vol. ii. p.389.
186.I was sorry to see the place being gradually destroyed, the gravel taken away, and the embankments, made by the digging, falling down with the grave.
186.I was sorry to see the place being gradually destroyed, the gravel taken away, and the embankments, made by the digging, falling down with the grave.
187.Gudlaug, Hakon’s ancestor.
187.Gudlaug, Hakon’s ancestor.
188.At Eds, Upland, there is a very fine ship-form grave of twenty-eight stones, 182 feet long and 50 feet wide. The largest stone at one end is 9 feet in height, and is evidently a bautastone; the rest, although large, each measuring several feet in circumference, are common boulders. At the centre of the ship there lies a similar stone, where, as well as at the ends, there is a small mound-like elevation.In the woods at Braidfloar, between Levide and Sproge in Götland, there is a ship-form grave 144 feet long, but only 16 feet at its widest part; the stones, however, are small, none being higher than 3 feet.At Lungersas, Götland, Nerike, there is a ship-form grave in which stands a stone with an inscription in later runes.There is also a bautastone with runes, in one end of a ship-form at Lilla Lundley in Lids, Södermanland, upon which are the words “Spjute and Halfdanraised this stone afterSkardetheir brother. He went eastward with Roar. In Serkland lies the son.” (See p. 356 Yellow Book,Den yngre jernalder.)A ship-form grave between the post-stations of Ljungby and Hamneda province of Kronobergs is 92 feet long and 32 feet broad; the neighbourhood is full of grave-mounds and bautastones.Another near the shore of the Baltic, in Eista parish, Götland, is 50 feet by 16 feet. A third, on the island of Faró, near Götland, is 50 feet by 8 feet.We see by this that their breadth does not always bear the same proportion to their length.In two ship forms at Hjortehammar, in Blekinge, there were found burned bones, ashes, two of the bowl-shaped fibulæ of bronze so common during the later iron age, a round fibula of silver, some glass beads, &c.In one at Raftötangen, in Tanum parish, was an urn filled with ashes, on the top of which lay a finely ornamented damascened sword of the later iron age.
188.At Eds, Upland, there is a very fine ship-form grave of twenty-eight stones, 182 feet long and 50 feet wide. The largest stone at one end is 9 feet in height, and is evidently a bautastone; the rest, although large, each measuring several feet in circumference, are common boulders. At the centre of the ship there lies a similar stone, where, as well as at the ends, there is a small mound-like elevation.
In the woods at Braidfloar, between Levide and Sproge in Götland, there is a ship-form grave 144 feet long, but only 16 feet at its widest part; the stones, however, are small, none being higher than 3 feet.
At Lungersas, Götland, Nerike, there is a ship-form grave in which stands a stone with an inscription in later runes.
There is also a bautastone with runes, in one end of a ship-form at Lilla Lundley in Lids, Södermanland, upon which are the words “Spjute and Halfdanraised this stone afterSkardetheir brother. He went eastward with Roar. In Serkland lies the son.” (See p. 356 Yellow Book,Den yngre jernalder.)
A ship-form grave between the post-stations of Ljungby and Hamneda province of Kronobergs is 92 feet long and 32 feet broad; the neighbourhood is full of grave-mounds and bautastones.
Another near the shore of the Baltic, in Eista parish, Götland, is 50 feet by 16 feet. A third, on the island of Faró, near Götland, is 50 feet by 8 feet.
We see by this that their breadth does not always bear the same proportion to their length.
In two ship forms at Hjortehammar, in Blekinge, there were found burned bones, ashes, two of the bowl-shaped fibulæ of bronze so common during the later iron age, a round fibula of silver, some glass beads, &c.
In one at Raftötangen, in Tanum parish, was an urn filled with ashes, on the top of which lay a finely ornamented damascened sword of the later iron age.
189.Such expressions occur as “i haug lagdr,” mound laid; “heygdr,” mounded.
189.Such expressions occur as “i haug lagdr,” mound laid; “heygdr,” mounded.
190.There seem to have been special places built for the burning of the dead. On the island of Fyen, not far from Broholm, and about 1,200 yards from the numerous graves, are two sites of pyres, round in shape, about 120 yards distant from each other. The pavement, about 7 inches in thickness, is made of cobble stones of the size of a man’s fist set very close together, and broken into sharp angles. The stones, especially those in the middle, have been exposed to the action of fire, but have been preserved by being covered with earth that had gathered over them brought by wind and rain in the course of centuries.
190.There seem to have been special places built for the burning of the dead. On the island of Fyen, not far from Broholm, and about 1,200 yards from the numerous graves, are two sites of pyres, round in shape, about 120 yards distant from each other. The pavement, about 7 inches in thickness, is made of cobble stones of the size of a man’s fist set very close together, and broken into sharp angles. The stones, especially those in the middle, have been exposed to the action of fire, but have been preserved by being covered with earth that had gathered over them brought by wind and rain in the course of centuries.
191.Nabjargir.
191.Nabjargir.
192.In Sigrdrifumál the texts have in stanza 34laug= bath, andhaug= mound. The lettershandlbeing very like in the manuscripts, we can choose whichever we like best of the two.
192.In Sigrdrifumál the texts have in stanza 34laug= bath, andhaug= mound. The lettershandlbeing very like in the manuscripts, we can choose whichever we like best of the two.
193.Cf. also Egil’s Saga, c. 61.
193.Cf. also Egil’s Saga, c. 61.
194.In Brynhild’s ride to Hel we have a different account:—“After the death of Brynhild two pyres were made, one for Sigurd, which was first set on fire, but Brynhild was burned on the other and was in a carriage tented withgod-web(a kind of fine cloth). It is told that Brynhild drove in the carriage on the road of Hel, and went through the tun where the jötun-woman dwelt” (Hel-reid Brynhildar).
194.In Brynhild’s ride to Hel we have a different account:—
“After the death of Brynhild two pyres were made, one for Sigurd, which was first set on fire, but Brynhild was burned on the other and was in a carriage tented withgod-web(a kind of fine cloth). It is told that Brynhild drove in the carriage on the road of Hel, and went through the tun where the jötun-woman dwelt” (Hel-reid Brynhildar).
195.Sigurd.
195.Sigurd.
196.See Volsunga, ch. 20 and 31.
196.See Volsunga, ch. 20 and 31.
197.Probably on account of the ring on the door, as fine doors were ornamented with them.
197.Probably on account of the ring on the door, as fine doors were ornamented with them.
198.We will follow on his heels, so that the door will not be shut after he enters, but be open while we enter.
198.We will follow on his heels, so that the door will not be shut after he enters, but be open while we enter.
199.The inheritance—wealth, treasure, dowry, &c., &c.
199.The inheritance—wealth, treasure, dowry, &c., &c.
200.In the preceding stanzas she has foretold the fate of Gudrun, Gunnar and Högni, as is told in Volsunga.
200.In the preceding stanzas she has foretold the fate of Gudrun, Gunnar and Högni, as is told in Volsunga.
201.For battle, see Vol. ii., p.436.
201.For battle, see Vol. ii., p.436.
202.A division of land.
202.A division of land.
203.Cf. also Göngu Hrolf’s Saga, c. 3.
203.Cf. also Göngu Hrolf’s Saga, c. 3.
204.Breast.
204.Breast.
205.Tyrfing.
205.Tyrfing.
206.Tyrfing.
206.Tyrfing.
207.I would wish thee to believe it.
207.I would wish thee to believe it.
208.Ships.
208.Ships.
209.That Tyrfing was dangerous.
209.That Tyrfing was dangerous.
210.I visited the island of Samsö in order to see if I could discover any indication of the mound of Angantyr. This island stands in the middle of the great belt; it is only in clear weather that part of the coast of the peninsula of Jutland can be seen; its shores are in many parts lined with huge boulders. In some parts mounds, passage graves, dolmens, &c., are to be seen; everything tends to show that in olden times it was a great burial place. Many of the mounds are either hidden by woods, or stand solitary amidst cultivated fields. The scene described in Hervara came forcibly upon my mind, and I wondered not that Hervör knew not where the mound of her father was. This island was well chosen for the resting-place of these men of the sea.
210.I visited the island of Samsö in order to see if I could discover any indication of the mound of Angantyr. This island stands in the middle of the great belt; it is only in clear weather that part of the coast of the peninsula of Jutland can be seen; its shores are in many parts lined with huge boulders. In some parts mounds, passage graves, dolmens, &c., are to be seen; everything tends to show that in olden times it was a great burial place. Many of the mounds are either hidden by woods, or stand solitary amidst cultivated fields. The scene described in Hervara came forcibly upon my mind, and I wondered not that Hervör knew not where the mound of her father was. This island was well chosen for the resting-place of these men of the sea.
211.The gyg (ogress, witch) seem to have been women of Jötun race, possessing supernatural strength.
211.The gyg (ogress, witch) seem to have been women of Jötun race, possessing supernatural strength.
212.Volsunga Saga. ch. 38; instead of a ship he is buried in a stone coffin, but the poetry must be more trusted.
212.Volsunga Saga. ch. 38; instead of a ship he is buried in a stone coffin, but the poetry must be more trusted.
213.Smear well with wax the sheets.
213.Smear well with wax the sheets.
214.Cf. Landnama, ii. An Bogsveigi’s Saga, c. 6. Atlamál. Gisli Súrsson. Laxdæla Saga, ch. 7.
214.Cf. Landnama, ii. An Bogsveigi’s Saga, c. 6. Atlamál. Gisli Súrsson. Laxdæla Saga, ch. 7.
215.Other ship-graves, such as that of Tune, Borre, &c., have been found with skeletons of horses.Among other ships found is the Gunnarshaug ship, discovered in Bergen Stift in 1887. The large mound in which it was found had a diameter of over 125 feet, and stood about 500 feet from the shore.The ship was only partly preserved owing to the action of the soil. Its planks were of oak, thicker and less broad than those of the Gökstad ship, fastened by clinch-nails. In the uppermost planks, considerably thinner than the rest, there are holes at distances of a little over 3 feet. Its keel is about the same length as that of the Gökstad ship.It stoodnorth to south, and has been supported by six stones, each about 6 feet high. Its inside has been clothed with a layer of moss, evidently to hinder decay by the soil, and on one side of it was a heap of shavings, chips and bark, left by the carpenters. There are reasons for thinking that a wooden roof had been erected over the ship, and afterwards broken down.Of the Viking’s body no trace is left, but the remains found indicate his place in the middle of the ship; these are two swords, forging-tools, five long whetting-stones, a tinder-box and pieces of a wooden box. Farther north: several large beads of mosaic glass and fine chesspieces of amber and coloured glass, part of a waxen tablet, a bracelet of gold, &c.Near the weapons lay an iron kettle and both the stones of a hand-mill, which shows that the Vikings ground their grain at sea. The stem was filled with rust.Oars and carved tools were also found, and planks of an exceedingly well-built boat of oak, over which there lay a fir plank, several feet long, with steps cut in it, evidently a landing-board (cf. Gökstad ship).This is the first burial-place found in Bergen Stift where the body was unburnt, but they are common further south.
215.Other ship-graves, such as that of Tune, Borre, &c., have been found with skeletons of horses.
Among other ships found is the Gunnarshaug ship, discovered in Bergen Stift in 1887. The large mound in which it was found had a diameter of over 125 feet, and stood about 500 feet from the shore.
The ship was only partly preserved owing to the action of the soil. Its planks were of oak, thicker and less broad than those of the Gökstad ship, fastened by clinch-nails. In the uppermost planks, considerably thinner than the rest, there are holes at distances of a little over 3 feet. Its keel is about the same length as that of the Gökstad ship.
It stoodnorth to south, and has been supported by six stones, each about 6 feet high. Its inside has been clothed with a layer of moss, evidently to hinder decay by the soil, and on one side of it was a heap of shavings, chips and bark, left by the carpenters. There are reasons for thinking that a wooden roof had been erected over the ship, and afterwards broken down.
Of the Viking’s body no trace is left, but the remains found indicate his place in the middle of the ship; these are two swords, forging-tools, five long whetting-stones, a tinder-box and pieces of a wooden box. Farther north: several large beads of mosaic glass and fine chesspieces of amber and coloured glass, part of a waxen tablet, a bracelet of gold, &c.
Near the weapons lay an iron kettle and both the stones of a hand-mill, which shows that the Vikings ground their grain at sea. The stem was filled with rust.
Oars and carved tools were also found, and planks of an exceedingly well-built boat of oak, over which there lay a fir plank, several feet long, with steps cut in it, evidently a landing-board (cf. Gökstad ship).
This is the first burial-place found in Bergen Stift where the body was unburnt, but they are common further south.
216.In a large mound at Vold, Borre parish, Norway, was a small vessel about 54 feet long, but in such an imperfect state of preservation that only the clinch-nails with pieces of the planks were left. On the right side lay a horse’s skeleton, near which were found remains of a fine bridle and saddle of leather and wood, the mountings of bronze and silver; also fragments of a glass bowl similar to the one found in a mound at Taplow (see p.319). On the left side lay the skeletons of another horse and of a dog. Above the ship, over the entire mound, was spread a layer of charcoal. Among the objects found were a wrought-iron chain, an iron axe, fragments, and an iron kettle containing ashes, &c. This grave was made in a group of large mounds.In Tune, Norway, about five miles from the river Glommen, were found in 1867, in a mound, the remains of a viking ship, now in Christiana. This mound lay on a hill not far from the Visterflö, one of the branches of the river Glommen. It was about 24 feet in height, and 500 feet in circumference. Behind the mast lay the unburned corpse of a man, with part of the skeleton of a horse at his side. At the stern were the remains of ring armour.At Lackalänga, near Lund, there are several earth-mounds. In one of these were found—fragments of a ship, the wood being incrusted with iron rust; an urn of clay, with burned bones and coal; fragments of weapons, &c.; at least 100 clinch-nails of iron, and some other pieces of the same metal, probably originally belonging to a vessel buried in the mound; two larger buckles of iron, like those used on saddles; two stirrups, bits for a bridle, &c.
216.In a large mound at Vold, Borre parish, Norway, was a small vessel about 54 feet long, but in such an imperfect state of preservation that only the clinch-nails with pieces of the planks were left. On the right side lay a horse’s skeleton, near which were found remains of a fine bridle and saddle of leather and wood, the mountings of bronze and silver; also fragments of a glass bowl similar to the one found in a mound at Taplow (see p.319). On the left side lay the skeletons of another horse and of a dog. Above the ship, over the entire mound, was spread a layer of charcoal. Among the objects found were a wrought-iron chain, an iron axe, fragments, and an iron kettle containing ashes, &c. This grave was made in a group of large mounds.
In Tune, Norway, about five miles from the river Glommen, were found in 1867, in a mound, the remains of a viking ship, now in Christiana. This mound lay on a hill not far from the Visterflö, one of the branches of the river Glommen. It was about 24 feet in height, and 500 feet in circumference. Behind the mast lay the unburned corpse of a man, with part of the skeleton of a horse at his side. At the stern were the remains of ring armour.
At Lackalänga, near Lund, there are several earth-mounds. In one of these were found—fragments of a ship, the wood being incrusted with iron rust; an urn of clay, with burned bones and coal; fragments of weapons, &c.; at least 100 clinch-nails of iron, and some other pieces of the same metal, probably originally belonging to a vessel buried in the mound; two larger buckles of iron, like those used on saddles; two stirrups, bits for a bridle, &c.
217.According to Herodotus, i. 212, Tomyres, queen of the Massagetæ, whose son had been taken prisoner by Cyrus, sends to him the following message:—“Restore my son; depart out of the country, unpunished.... But if you do not do this,I swear by the sun, the Lord of the Massagetæ, that insatiable as you are, I will glut you with blood.”
217.According to Herodotus, i. 212, Tomyres, queen of the Massagetæ, whose son had been taken prisoner by Cyrus, sends to him the following message:—“Restore my son; depart out of the country, unpunished.... But if you do not do this,I swear by the sun, the Lord of the Massagetæ, that insatiable as you are, I will glut you with blood.”
218.“East of Tanakvisl (Tanais, Don) in Asia was Asaland, or Asaheim, and the head-burgh (chief town) in the land was called Asgard. In the burgh was a chief called Odin; it was a great sacrificing-place (blótstad). It was customary there that twelve temple-priests (hofgodar) were the foremost, and had charge of the sacrifices and judged between men. They were calleddiarordrottnar; all the people were bound to give them service and reverence” (Ynglinga Saga, c. 2).
218.“East of Tanakvisl (Tanais, Don) in Asia was Asaland, or Asaheim, and the head-burgh (chief town) in the land was called Asgard. In the burgh was a chief called Odin; it was a great sacrificing-place (blótstad). It was customary there that twelve temple-priests (hofgodar) were the foremost, and had charge of the sacrifices and judged between men. They were calleddiarordrottnar; all the people were bound to give them service and reverence” (Ynglinga Saga, c. 2).
219.Vetrarblót= winter-sacrifice; fromvetr= winter, andblót= sacrifice. The milky way is calledvetrarbraut= winter way, because people thought that the appearance of the milky way predicted the course of the winter.
219.Vetrarblót= winter-sacrifice; fromvetr= winter, andblót= sacrifice. The milky way is calledvetrarbraut= winter way, because people thought that the appearance of the milky way predicted the course of the winter.
220.The people counted by nights instead of days.
220.The people counted by nights instead of days.
221.This was also sometimes called Thor’s sacrifice.
221.This was also sometimes called Thor’s sacrifice.
222.It seems that at this season other sacrifices than those to Frey were sometimes offered. Cf. Hálfdán the Old. Skaldskaparmal, c. 13.
222.It seems that at this season other sacrifices than those to Frey were sometimes offered. Cf. Hálfdán the Old. Skaldskaparmal, c. 13.
223.Cf. Ynglinga Saga, 8; St. Olaf, 115.
223.Cf. Ynglinga Saga, 8; St. Olaf, 115.
224.Cf. also Hörd’s Saga and Hervarar Saga, c. 14. The boar was consecrated to Frey.
224.Cf. also Hörd’s Saga and Hervarar Saga, c. 14. The boar was consecrated to Frey.
225.Cf. also Hakon Adalsteinsfostri’s Saga, c. 15; Olaf Tryggvason (Hkr.), c. 28.
225.Cf. also Hakon Adalsteinsfostri’s Saga, c. 15; Olaf Tryggvason (Hkr.), c. 28.
226.Cf. Hakon Adalsteinsfostri’s Saga, c. 15. Snorri’s Olaf Tryggvason, c. 28.
226.Cf. Hakon Adalsteinsfostri’s Saga, c. 15. Snorri’s Olaf Tryggvason, c. 28.
227.See chapter on Godis, p.525.
227.See chapter on Godis, p.525.
228.Olaf Tryggvason in Fms. ii. 173.
228.Olaf Tryggvason in Fms. ii. 173.
229.See p.496, a landowner.
229.See p.496, a landowner.
230.St. Olaf 115, Heimskringla.
230.St. Olaf 115, Heimskringla.
231.Ynglinga, 47. Snorri’s Olaf Tryggvason, 16.
231.Ynglinga, 47. Snorri’s Olaf Tryggvason, 16.
232.Sometimes the expenses devolved on the king, at others the feasts were provided for by the food and ale brought by those in attendance (Hakon Adalsteinsfostri, 16, 18). How far people went for sacrifices is seen in Landnáma v., 8.
232.Sometimes the expenses devolved on the king, at others the feasts were provided for by the food and ale brought by those in attendance (Hakon Adalsteinsfostri, 16, 18). How far people went for sacrifices is seen in Landnáma v., 8.
233.Eyrbyggja, 4, 10.
233.Eyrbyggja, 4, 10.
234.In Herraud’s Saga, ch. 12, the toasts are given in different order. The first toast is dedicated to Thor; then one to all the Asar; then one to Odin; and lastly, one to Frey.
234.In Herraud’s Saga, ch. 12, the toasts are given in different order. The first toast is dedicated to Thor; then one to all the Asar; then one to Odin; and lastly, one to Frey.
235.Hallfredar Saga.
235.Hallfredar Saga.
236.In the earliest times Thor was the great enemy of the Jötnar. He was called upon by wrestlers also (Gunnlaug Ormstunga, 10), and showed his anger by causing loss of property (Flóamanna Saga, c. 20)
236.In the earliest times Thor was the great enemy of the Jötnar. He was called upon by wrestlers also (Gunnlaug Ormstunga, 10), and showed his anger by causing loss of property (Flóamanna Saga, c. 20)
237.Thrymskvida. The bridegroom and bride were to be marked with the holy sign. (Vol. II., p 12.)
237.Thrymskvida. The bridegroom and bride were to be marked with the holy sign. (Vol. II., p 12.)
238.St. Olaf’s Saga, 44. “He was marked after Thor and hammer in the hand.”
238.St. Olaf’s Saga, 44. “He was marked after Thor and hammer in the hand.”
239.In the account of Fornmanna Sögur about the battle of Svold, Eirik jarl is said to have had Thor in the prow of his ship. “He took it away and put the cross instead, which he did on the advice of Olaf Tryggvason,” otherwise he would not get the victory.
239.In the account of Fornmanna Sögur about the battle of Svold, Eirik jarl is said to have had Thor in the prow of his ship. “He took it away and put the cross instead, which he did on the advice of Olaf Tryggvason,” otherwise he would not get the victory.
240.In Vafthrudnismál, Njörd is said to have ruled over many temples by the old Asgard.
240.In Vafthrudnismál, Njörd is said to have ruled over many temples by the old Asgard.
241.Cf. Egil’s Saga, c. 58.
241.Cf. Egil’s Saga, c. 58.
242.From Vafthrúdnir’s answer to Odin about Njörd’s origin we find that he ruled over temples and hörg. (Vafthrúdnismál, 38.)
242.From Vafthrúdnir’s answer to Odin about Njörd’s origin we find that he ruled over temples and hörg. (Vafthrúdnismál, 38.)
243.Shining like glass. Amber is called gler; and in Sigrdrifumál, st. 17, we find that runes were written on gler or amber.The hörg is also mentioned in Völuspa, 7; Helgakvida Hjorvardssonar, 4; Landnáma ii. 16; Elder Gulathing’s Law, ch. 29; Orvar Odd, p. 29; Hervarar Saga, 1.
243.Shining like glass. Amber is called gler; and in Sigrdrifumál, st. 17, we find that runes were written on gler or amber.
The hörg is also mentioned in Völuspa, 7; Helgakvida Hjorvardssonar, 4; Landnáma ii. 16; Elder Gulathing’s Law, ch. 29; Orvar Odd, p. 29; Hervarar Saga, 1.
244.See Landnama v., 2; Hrafnkel Freysgodis Saga, pp. 4–6.
244.See Landnama v., 2; Hrafnkel Freysgodis Saga, pp. 4–6.
245.Olaf Tryggvason Heimskringla, ch. 65, 66.
245.Olaf Tryggvason Heimskringla, ch. 65, 66.
246.Kjalnesinga, 2; Droplaugarsona, Saga about Bessi temple, Landnáma v. 12.
246.Kjalnesinga, 2; Droplaugarsona, Saga about Bessi temple, Landnáma v. 12.
247.Landowner (see p.496).
247.Landowner (see p.496).
248.Adam of Bremen about 1070 writes that not far fromSictona(Sigtuna) is the templeUbsola, where were the three gods,Thor,WodanandFricco(Frey). What he says about this temple makes it evident that not only its roof but also the whole inside of the structure was covered with gold plates. Further he says that close to it there was a large tree, which no one knew, and which stretched its branches far out, and was always green, as well as a spring, near which the heathen made their sacrifices, and wherein a live man was thrown; the people believed that his wishes would be fulfilled, in case he sank; also a golden chain went around the temple, and hung from the roof.
248.Adam of Bremen about 1070 writes that not far fromSictona(Sigtuna) is the templeUbsola, where were the three gods,Thor,WodanandFricco(Frey). What he says about this temple makes it evident that not only its roof but also the whole inside of the structure was covered with gold plates. Further he says that close to it there was a large tree, which no one knew, and which stretched its branches far out, and was always green, as well as a spring, near which the heathen made their sacrifices, and wherein a live man was thrown; the people believed that his wishes would be fulfilled, in case he sank; also a golden chain went around the temple, and hung from the roof.
249.Saxo writes that the Danish king Halfdan journeyed to Upsala in order to find out the cause of his daughter’s sterility, and was answered that he must first satisfy the spirit of his brother, whom he had unwittingly slain; this he did, and then she, in accordance with the promise of the oracle, bore Harald Hilditönn.At the present old Upsala church there were discovered the foundations of an old building, a mass of coals, molten copper and silver pieces, with small traces of pure gold, as well as a rusty nail with a little gold on it, and finally skulls of pigs and hawks, and cheekbones and teeth of horses, all of which tend to show that the old heathen temple of Upsala, so famous during pagan times, stood there. (Verelius Notæ in epist. def. Shefferi, p. 16.)
249.Saxo writes that the Danish king Halfdan journeyed to Upsala in order to find out the cause of his daughter’s sterility, and was answered that he must first satisfy the spirit of his brother, whom he had unwittingly slain; this he did, and then she, in accordance with the promise of the oracle, bore Harald Hilditönn.
At the present old Upsala church there were discovered the foundations of an old building, a mass of coals, molten copper and silver pieces, with small traces of pure gold, as well as a rusty nail with a little gold on it, and finally skulls of pigs and hawks, and cheekbones and teeth of horses, all of which tend to show that the old heathen temple of Upsala, so famous during pagan times, stood there. (Verelius Notæ in epist. def. Shefferi, p. 16.)
250.This implies that in the sacred precincts there were several buildings.
250.This implies that in the sacred precincts there were several buildings.
251.Gridastad means place of truce.
251.Gridastad means place of truce.
252.The writer or copyist seems to have been a Christian.
252.The writer or copyist seems to have been a Christian.
253.Fridthjóf means the thief of peace, the one who steals or destroys peace.
253.Fridthjóf means the thief of peace, the one who steals or destroys peace.
254.Cf. also Landnama, iv. 5; Kormak’s Saga, 11.
254.Cf. also Landnama, iv. 5; Kormak’s Saga, 11.
255.Cf. Landnama, iii., c. 2, 7.
255.Cf. Landnama, iii., c. 2, 7.
256.Cf. also Vatnsdæla, 12. Landnama, i., c. 10. Ondvegissula = high-seat pillar.
256.Cf. also Vatnsdæla, 12. Landnama, i., c. 10. Ondvegissula = high-seat pillar.
257.Disar = genii.
257.Disar = genii.
258.Olaf, son of Ingjald Illrádi ... fled to a forest district of Vermaland, where he cleared the land of its woods; therefore he was called Tretelgja (tree-cutter).
258.Olaf, son of Ingjald Illrádi ... fled to a forest district of Vermaland, where he cleared the land of its woods; therefore he was called Tretelgja (tree-cutter).
259.“The scene of most interest, and at the same time of most horrors, taken from the mythical or poetical history of Greece is one which represents the sacrifice of Trojan captives to themanesof Patroclus. Achilles himself is the priest or butcher, for he occupies the centre of the scene, clad in brazen cuirass and greaves, his long yellow locks uncovered by a helmet, and seizing by the hair the wretched Trojan captive who is seated naked at his feet imploring mercy, he thrusts his sword into his neck, just as the ‘swift-footed son of Peleus’ is represented to have treated Lycaon, the first victim he sacrificed to his friend Patroclus. Above the Trojan stands Charon, in red jacket and blue chiton, wearing a cap or helmet, and bearing his mallet on his shoulder ready to strike. The right half of the scene is occupied by the two Ajaces, each bringing forward a victim, naked and wounded, whose hands are bound behind their backs. Ajax Telamonius, the more prominent of the two, is fully armed; and Ajax Oïleus is similarly armed, but without a helmet. The funeral pyre on which the corpse of Patroclus was already laid before the sacrifices of captives, horses, and dogs were made to his manes is not shown. This episode forms the subject of the first wall paintings found in Etruria which were illustrative of Hellenic myths, but since their discovery that of the Grotta del Orco at Corneto has afforded us additional proof that the Etruscans did not always confine the pictorial adornments of their sepulchres to the illustration of the peculiar customs, funeral observances, or religious creed of their native land” (Dennis’s ‘Etruria’).
259.“The scene of most interest, and at the same time of most horrors, taken from the mythical or poetical history of Greece is one which represents the sacrifice of Trojan captives to themanesof Patroclus. Achilles himself is the priest or butcher, for he occupies the centre of the scene, clad in brazen cuirass and greaves, his long yellow locks uncovered by a helmet, and seizing by the hair the wretched Trojan captive who is seated naked at his feet imploring mercy, he thrusts his sword into his neck, just as the ‘swift-footed son of Peleus’ is represented to have treated Lycaon, the first victim he sacrificed to his friend Patroclus. Above the Trojan stands Charon, in red jacket and blue chiton, wearing a cap or helmet, and bearing his mallet on his shoulder ready to strike. The right half of the scene is occupied by the two Ajaces, each bringing forward a victim, naked and wounded, whose hands are bound behind their backs. Ajax Telamonius, the more prominent of the two, is fully armed; and Ajax Oïleus is similarly armed, but without a helmet. The funeral pyre on which the corpse of Patroclus was already laid before the sacrifices of captives, horses, and dogs were made to his manes is not shown. This episode forms the subject of the first wall paintings found in Etruria which were illustrative of Hellenic myths, but since their discovery that of the Grotta del Orco at Corneto has afforded us additional proof that the Etruscans did not always confine the pictorial adornments of their sepulchres to the illustration of the peculiar customs, funeral observances, or religious creed of their native land” (Dennis’s ‘Etruria’).
260.From this passage we see that it was the custom of Hakon Jarl to make sacrifices, but unfortunately the manner in which he made them is not told.
260.From this passage we see that it was the custom of Hakon Jarl to make sacrifices, but unfortunately the manner in which he made them is not told.
261.See p.478.
261.See p.478.
262.Tíundaland = land of the tenth.
262.Tíundaland = land of the tenth.
263.Hervarar Saga, 9, 10, 11, 12.
263.Hervarar Saga, 9, 10, 11, 12.
264.Kristnisaga, Fornmanna Sögur ii., 228.
264.Kristnisaga, Fornmanna Sögur ii., 228.
265.I.e. Tun or open space.
265.I.e. Tun or open space.
266.Meaning, broke the backs of.
266.Meaning, broke the backs of.
267.Not far from nearly every one of the (twenty) dom-rings of Nerike there is a spring tending to confirm the Icelandic tradition of their use.
267.Not far from nearly every one of the (twenty) dom-rings of Nerike there is a spring tending to confirm the Icelandic tradition of their use.
268.King Olaf was on an expedition into France.
268.King Olaf was on an expedition into France.
269.Odd evidently, like some other of his countrymen, as seen in this narrative, was not orthodox in the religion of his fathers, for he robbed the graves.
269.Odd evidently, like some other of his countrymen, as seen in this narrative, was not orthodox in the religion of his fathers, for he robbed the graves.
270.Cf. also Ragnar Lodbrók, 18; Norna Gest, 6; Olaf Tryggvason, 179; Sigurdar Kvida Fafnisbana ii., 26; Orkneyinga Saga, ch. 8.
270.Cf. also Ragnar Lodbrók, 18; Norna Gest, 6; Olaf Tryggvason, 179; Sigurdar Kvida Fafnisbana ii., 26; Orkneyinga Saga, ch. 8.