NEWS DEPARTMENT

Entire number devoted to a study of "Place Names in Georgian Bay and North Channel," by James White.

Rhode Island Historical Society.Proceedings, 1911-1913. (Providence, Society, 1913. Pp. 92.)

Rhode Island Historical Society.The Seal, the Arms and the Flag of Rhode Island, by Howard M. Chapin. (Providence, Society, 1913. Pp. 16.)

Seattle Chamber of Commerce.In Memoriam—John Harte McGraw. (Seattle, Chamber of Commerce, 1911. Pp. 84.)

Theabaud, Augustus J.Three Quarters of a Century (1807 to 1882); a retrospect written from documents and memory. (N. Y. United States Catholic Historical Society, 1913. Pp. 204.)

Virginia State Library.Ninth Annual Report, 1911-1913. (Richmond, State Printer, 1913. Pp. 49+335.)

Appendix contains a list of the Revolutionary soldiers of Virginia.

Washington Bankers Association.Proceedings of the Eighteenth Annual Convention, 1913. (Tacoma, Association, 1913. Pp. 198.)

Washington State Federation of Women's Clubs.Seventeenth Annual Report, 1913-1914. (Printed at Sunnyside, Wash. 1913. Pp. 114.)

Washington State High School Directory, 1913-14.(Olympia, Lamborn, 1913. Pp. 126.)

Wisconsin Historical Society.Collections, Volume 20. Edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites. (Madison, Society, 1911. Pp. 497.)

Devoted to a history of the fur-trade in Wisconsin.

History interests of the Pacific Northwest, as well as those of other parts of the United States, have sustained a severe loss in the sudden death of Reuben Gold Thwaites on October 22. As Secretary of the Wisconsin State Historical Society he worked out an international reputation as editor and author of extensive works in the field of history. His will be a most difficult place to fill.

Professor Frederick J. Turner, formerly of the University of Wisconsin, but now of the Harvard faculty, will be in the Pacific Northwest next summer, dividing his time between the Universities of Oregon and Washington. He will deliver the commencement address at the University of Washington in June.

Professor Frank A. Golder of the Washington State College will leave for St. Petersburg on January 24, where he will catalogue the materials in the Russian archives relating to America. This work is being done for the Carnegie Institution, Department of Historical Research. Professor Golder is one of the few American historians who is perfectly at home with the Russian language. His selection for this work is complimentary to the Pacific Northwest.

Even the older pioneers of Washington were surprised to read on November 6, 1913, that the widow of the first Territorial Governor, Isaac I. Stevens, had just died. Since her husband's heroic death at the Battle of Chantilly, September 1, 1862, she had been living at her home, 8 Bowdoin Avenue, Boston. Her son, General Hazard Stevens, who was with her to the last, writes that, though his mother had passed the ninetieth milestone of an eventful life, she retained her cordial interest in the children of men and just quietly went to sleep.

The Eleventh Annual meeting of the Pacific Coast Branch of the American Historical Association met at Los Angeles, November 28-29, as guests of the University of Southern California. Prof. Frank J. Klingberg, of the University of Southern California, opened the programme with a paper on "The Anti-Slavery Movement in England," in which he traced the history of the movement which led to freedom, but was unaccompanied by any such upheaval as characterized our anti-slavery movement. In the second paper, "The Movement of Population in Feudal and Modern Japan," Prof. Y. Ichihashi, of Stanford University, examined the growth and decline of Japanese population in the light of the well known principles of Malthus. Prof. Ichihashi illustrated his statistical tables by means of charts and concluded that movements of population were far more intimately connected with economic development than with the natural checks discussed by Malthus. The concluding paper of the afternoon session was read by Prof. Robt. G. Cleland of Occident College. In discussing "The Relation of Slavery to the Early Sentiment for the Acquisition of California" he pointed out that the agitation of the slavery question in connection with California came after the acquisition and not before, and he made it clear to all that there is abundant need to study Western history from the sources in order to escape the bias of the more general historians who see the whole field in terms of the slavery struggle.

The annual dinner was held at Christopher's and was presided over by that "Prince of Toastmasters," Prof. H. Morse Stephens. President J. M. Guinn delivered the President's Address, which was a study of the old municipal archives of Los Angeles. The dry humor and keen wit of the Nestor of California historians found an admirable field in commenting on these quaint Mexican archives. Greetings were then heard from various representatives in attendance "from Seattle to San Diego." No one who knows Morse Stephens will need be told the dinner was in every way a complete success.

Saturday morning's session was given over to a wide range of discussion. Dean Bliss, of the San Diego Normal School, set forth the contents and value of "The Hayes Collection in the Bancroft Library." Prof. F. H. White, of Pomona College, summarized the history of "The Development of the National Land Administration," confining himself largely to the technique of administration. Professor Herbert E. Bolton gave the results of his study in sources by tracing some of the Spanish explorers in the West. At the business session which followed the officers for the coming year were elected, as follows: President, Edmond S. Meany, of the University of Washington; Vice-President, E. B. Krehbiel, of Stanford University; Secretary-Treasurer, William A. Morris, of the University of California. To membership on the Executive Council the following were chosen: Edith Jordan, Los Angeles Polytechnic HighSchool; Robert G. Cleland, Occident College; Dean Bliss, San Diego Normal; and Edward McMahon, University of Washington.

A complimentary luncheon given by the University of Southern California initiated the members still further into the boundless hospitality of that institution, and then the final session was held in cooperation with the Southern California Social Science Association. Owing to the absence of Professor Schafer of Oregon, Professor Bolton gave an excellent talk on the value of local history, which compensated in large measure for the absence of Professor Schafer. Miss Jane Harnett, of Long Branch, led the discussion and laid emphasis upon many of the points touched upon by Professor Bolton. The second paper, "An Introduction to the Social Sciences," by Professor Emory S. Bogardus, of the University of Southern California, was a discussion of a course designed for students in the junior colleges and was reinforced by Professor Bogardus' experience in giving the course. Professor Edward McMahon, of the University of Washington, followed with a plea for emphasis on "The Social Sciences in the High Schools." He contended that the instruction now given is inadequate to meet the demands of citizenship placed upon our citizens. Miss Anna Stewart, discussing both papers dealing with the social sciences, told very interestingly of the valuable work now being done in the Los Angeles High School with classes in social problems, and demonstrated the necessity of serious consideration of these questions by students who are passing out of the high school to deal with them as citizens.

The meeting at Los Angeles was in every respect a complete success and the large attendance and hospitality of the people made all the delegates exceedingly anxious for an invitation to come again.

Led by W. H. Gilstrap, under the auspices of the Washington State Historical Society, a number of pioneers assembled at Tacoma recently and repaired to the site on the prairie near that city where a monument was unveiled. It marks the end of the long journey of that famous party of pioneers who in 1853 were the first to reach Puget Sound by crossing the Cascade Range. Only a few of the original party survive, but it is believed that every one of the survivors were assembled for the interesting ceremony.

[The aim of this department is to furnish outlines that will aid those who wish to study the subject systematically. It is expected that its greatest use will be as a guide for members of women's clubs, literary societies, and classes in colleges or high schools. It will be a form of university extension without the theses and examinations necessary for the earning of credits toward a degree.]

VIII. Provisional Government of Oregon1. Early Settlers.a. Fur hunters.b. Seekers for homes and lands.c. The Oregon trail.2. Petitions to Congress.a. Seeking recognition and protection of government.b. In nature of early census.3. Death of Ewing Young, Feb. 15, 1841.a. Possessing property but no heirs.b. Action proposed at the funeral.c. Committee to form some sort of government.d. Property probated.e. Temporary government abandoned.4. Wolf Meetings.a. Seeking united action.b. Multnomah Circulating library.c. Lyceum for debates.d. Bounty for destruction of dangerous animals.e. Proposal to secure protection for families.f. Committee to frame temporary government.g. Plan adopted by meeting in Champoeg field.h. Legislative committee appointed.i. Executive committee of three instead of governor.5. Reorganization.a. Influence of immigration of 1843.b. Primitive State House.c. Earliest laws enacted.d. Legislative committee becomes a legislature.e. Executive committee changed to governorship.f. George Abernethy chosen governor, 1845.g. Oath of office reveals "joint occupancy."6. Results.a. Laws of Iowa Territory adopted.b. Prohibition.c. Failure of postoffice.d. Dwelling.e. Currency, "Beaver Money" in gold.f. Dominion up to 54-40 north latitude.g. Federal organization of Oregon Territory, 1848-1849.

Bibliography.—The above outline covers one of the most interesting portions of Northwestern history. It reveals the natural aptitude of Americans for self-government and shows a natural evolution of a state from settlements of pioneers in a wilderness. The literature on the subject is growing rapidly. The items following are among those most readily accessible to those wishing to pursue the study:

Bancroft, Hubert Howe.Works of. Vol. XXIX, chapters XII, XIV, XVI, XVIII, XIX, XXII, XXVI. Here is found the story of the provisional government told at considerable length.

Clark, Robert Carlton.How British and American Subjects Unite in a Common Government for Oregon Territory in 1844. In the Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, Vol. XIII, Number 2.

Grover, Lafayette.The Oregon Archives. This is a rare book, published in 1853. It contains the early laws of the provisional government and other source materials of prime importance.

Holman, Frederick V.Dr. John McLoughlin, the Father of Oregon. While this is intended as a biography of the grand old Doctor, it is a book of much helpfulness to students of this period. At the end of the volume there are nineteen documents illustrative of the text.

Johnson, Sidona V.A Short History of Oregon, Chapters XVIII to XXIII. The title of the book is well chosen, but many may find there the facts needed.

Meany, Edmond S.History of the State of Washington. Chapter XVI deals in part with the provisional government while Washington was yet a part of Oregon.

Schafer, Joseph.History of the Pacific Northwest. In this interesting and useful book, Chapter XIII is entitled "The First American Government on the Pacific."

Woodward, Walter C.Political Parties in Oregon, 1843-1868. This book was published by the J. K. Gill Company of Portland. Oregon, in 1913. It is the newest, as well as the most extensive, work in this particular field. Those who are collecting books on the Northwest should not overlook this one. Anyone studying in the field of the above syllabus will find the book helpful.

George Wilkes: History of Oregon, Geographical, Geological and Political. (New York, Colyer, 1845.)

[The reprint of this rare work was begun in the first number of the Washington Historical Quarterly and has been continued in portions of varying lengths. The installment in this issue concludes the reprinted book.—Editor.]

But can such charters be considered an acknowledged part of the law of nations? Were they any thing more, in fact, than a cession to the grantee or grantees of whatever rights the grantor might suppose himself to possess, to the exclusion of other subjects of the same sovereign?—charters binding and restraining those only who were within the jurisdiction of the grantor, and of no force or validity against the subjects of other states, until recognized by treaty, and thereby becoming a part of international law.

Had the United States, thought proper to issue, in 1790, by virtue of their national authority, a charter granting to Mr. Gray the whole extent of the country watered, directly or indirectly, by the River Columbia,[84]such a charter, would, no doubt, have been valid in Mr. Gray's favor, as against all other citizens of the United States. But can it be supposed that it would have been acquiesced in by either of the powers, Great Britain and Spain, which, in that same year, were preparing to contest by arms the possession of the very country which would have been the subject of such a grant?

If the right of sovereignty over the territory in question accrues to the United States by Mr. Gray's discovery, how happens it that they never protested against the violence done to that right by the two powers, who, by the convention of 1790, regulated their respective rights in and over a district so belonging, as it is now asserted, to the United States?

This claim of the United States to the territory drained by the Columbia and its tributary streams, on the ground of one of their citizens having been the first to discover the entrance of that river, has been hereso far entered into, not because it is considered to be necessarily entitled to notice, since the whole country watered by the Columbia falls within the provisions of the convention of 1790, but because the doctrine above alluded to has been put forward so broadly, and with such confidence, by the United States, that Great Britain considered it equally due to herself and to other powers to enter her protest against it.

The United States further pretend that their claim to the country in question is strengthened and confirmed by the discovery of the sources of the Columbia, and by the exploration of its course to the sea by Lewis and Clark, in 1805-6.

In reply to this allegation, Great Britain affirms, and can distinctly prove, that, if not before, at least in the same and subsequent years, her North-Western Trading Company had, by means of their agent, Mr. Thomson, already established their posts among the Flathead and Kootanie tribes, on the headwaters of the northern or main branch of the Columbia, and were gradually extending them down the principal stream of that river; thus giving to Great Britain, in this particular, again, as in the discovery of the mouth of the river, atitle to parityat least, if not priority, of discovery, as opposed to the United States. It was from those posts, that, having heard of the American establishment forming in 1811, at the mouth of the river, Mr. Thomson hastened thither, descending the river, to ascertain the nature of that establishment.[85]

Some stress having been laid by the United States on the restitution to them of Fort George by the British, after the termination of the last war, which restitution they represent as conveying a virtual acknowledgment by Great Britain of the title of the United States to the country in which that post was situated—it is desirable to state, somewhat in detail, the circumstances attending that restitution.

In the year 1815, a demand for the restoration of Fort George was first made to Great Britain, by the American government, on the plea that the first article of the treaty of Ghent stipulated the restitution to the United States of all posts and places whatsoever taken from them by the British during the war, in which description, Fort George, (Astoria,) was included.

For some time the British government demurred to comply with the demand of the United States, because they entertained doubts how far it could be sustained by the construction of the treaty.

In the first place, the trading post called Fort Astoria (or Fort George,) was not a national possession; in the second place, it was not a military post; and, thirdly, it was never captured from the Americans by the British.

It was, in fact, conveyed in regular commercial transfer, and accompanied by a bill of sale, for a sum of money, to the British company, who purchased it, by the American company, who sold it oftheir own free will.

It is true that a British sloop of war had, about that time, been sent to take possession of that post, but she arrived subsequently to the transaction above mentioned, between the two companies, and found the British companyalready in legal occupation of their self acquired property.

In consequence, however, of that ship having been sent out with hostile views, although those views were not carried into effect,[86]and in order that not even a shadow of a reflection might be cast upon the good faith of the British government, the latter determined to give the most liberal extension to the terms of the treaty of Ghent, and, in 1818, the purchase which the British company had made in 1813 was restored to the United States.

Particular care, however, was taken, on this occasion, to prevent any misapprehension as to the extent of the concession made by Great Britain.

Viscount Castlereagh, in directing the British minister at Washington to intimate the intention of the British government to Mr. Adams, then secretary of state, uses these expressions, in a despatch dated 4th February, 1818:—

"You will observe, that, whilst this government is not disposed to contest with the American government the point of possession as it stood in the Columbia River at the moment of the rupture,they are not prepared to admit the validity of the title of the government of the United States to this settlement.

"In signifying, therefore, to Mr. Adams the full acquiescence of your government in the reoccupation ofthe limited positionwhich the United States held in that river at the breaking out of the war,you will at the same time assert, in suitable terms, the claimof Great Britain to that territory, upon which the American settlement must be considered as an encroachment."

This instruction was executed verbally by the person to whom it was addressed.

The following is a transcript of the act by which the fort was delivered up, by the British, into the hand of Mr. Prevost, the American agent:—

"In obedience to the command of H. R. H. the prince regent,signified in a despatch from the right honorable the Earl Bathurst, addressed to the partners or agents of the North-West Company, bearing date the 27th of January, 1818, and in obedience to a subsequent order, dated the 26th July, from W. H. Sheriff, Esq., captain of H. M. ship Andromache, We, the undersigned, do, in conformity to the first article of the treaty of Ghent, restore to the government of the United States, through its agent, J. P. Prevost, Esq., the settlement of Fort George, on the Columbia river.

"Given under our hands, in triplicate, at Fort George, (Columbia River,) this 6th day of October, 1818.

"F. Hickey,Captain H. M. ship Blossom."J. Keith,of the N. W. Co."

The following is the despatch from Earl Bathurst to the partners of the North-West Company, referred to in the above act of cession:—

Downing-street,27th January, 1818.

"Intelligence having been received that the United States sloop of war Ontario has been sent by the American government to establish a settlement on the Columbia river, which was held by that state, on the breaking out of the last war. I am to acquaint you, that it is the prince regent's pleasure, (without, however, admitting the right of that government to the possession in question) that, in pursuance of the first article of the treaty of Ghent, due facility should be given to the reoccupation of the said settlement by the officers of the United States; and I am to desire that you would contribute as much as lies in your power to the execution of his royal highness's command.

"I have, &c. &c.Bathurst.

"To the Partners or Agents of the North-West Company, residing on the Columbia river."

The above documents put the case of the restoration of Fort Astoria in too clear a light to require further observation.

The case, then of Great Britain, in respect to the country west of the Rocky Mountains, is shortly this:—

Admitting that the United States have acquired all the rights which Spain possessed, up to the treaty of Florida, either in virtue of discovery, or, as is pretended, in right Louisiana, Great Britain maintains that the nature and extent of those rights, as well as of the rights of Great Britain, are fixed and defined by the convention of Nootka; that these rights are equal for both parties; and that, in succeeding to the rights of Spain,under that convention, the United States must also have succeeded to the obligations which it imposed.

Admitting, further, the discovery of Mr. Gray, to the extent already stated, Great Britain, taking the whole line of the coast in question, with its straits, harbors and bays, has stronger claims, on the ground of prior discovery, attended with acts of occupancy and settlement, than the United States.

Whether, therefore, the United States rest their claims upon the title of Spain, or upon that of prior discovery, or upon both, Great Britain is entitled to place her claims at least upon a parity with those of the United States.

It is a fact, admitted by the United States, that, with the exception of the Columbia river, there is no river which opens far into theinterior, on the whole western coast of the Pacific Ocean.

In theinteriorof the territory in question, the subjects of Great Britain have had, for many years, numerous settlements and trading posts—several of these posts on the tributary streams of the Columbia, several upon the Columbia itself, some to the northward, and others to the southward, of that river; and they navigate the Columbia as the sole channel for the conveyance of their produce to the British stations nearest the sea, and for the shipment of it from thence to Great Britain. It is also by the Columbia and its tributary streams that these posts and settlements receive their annual supplies from Great Britain.[87]

In the whole of the territory in question, the citizens of the United States have not a single settlement or trading post. They do not use that river, either for the purpose of transmitting or receiving any produce of their own, to or from other parts of the world.

In this state of the relative rights of the two countries, and of the relative exercise of those rights, the United States claim the exclusive possession of both banks of the Columbia, and, consequently, that of the river itself; offering, it is true, to concede to British subjects a conditional participation in that navigation, but subject, in any case, to the exclusive jurisdiction and sovereignty of the United States.

Great Britain, on her part, offers to make the river the boundary; each country retaining the bank of the river contiguous to its own territories, and the navigation of it remaining forever free, and upon a footing of perfect equality to both nations.

To carry into effect this proposal, on our part, Great Britain would have to give up posts and settlements south of the Columbia. On the part of the United States, there could be no reciprocal withdrawing from actual occupation, as there is not, and never has been, a single American citizen settled north of the Columbia.

The United States decline to accede to this proposal, even when Great Britain has added to it the further offer of a most excellent harbor, and an extensive tract of country on the Straits of De Fuca—a sacrifice tendered in the spirit of accommodation, and for the sake of a final adjustment of all differences, but which, having been made in this spirit, is not to be considered as in any degree recognizing a claim on the part of the United States, or as at all impairing the existing right of Great Britain over the post and territory in question.

Such being the result of the recent negotiation, it only remains for Great Britain to maintain and uphold the qualified rights which she now possesses over the whole of the territory in question. These rights are recorded and defined in the convention of Nootka. They embrace the right to navigate the waters of those countries, the right to settle in and over any part of them, and the right freely to trade with the inhabitants and occupiers of the same.

These rights have been peaceably exercised ever since the date of that convention; that is, for a period of near forty years. Under that convention, valuable British interests have grown up in those countries. It is fully admitted that the United States possess the same rights, although they have been exercised by them only in a single instance, and have not, since the year 1813, been exercised at all. But beyond these rights they possess none.

To the interests and establishments which British industry and enterprise have created, Great Britain owes protection. That protection will be given, both as regards settlement and freedom of trade and navigation, with every attention not to infringe the coördinate rights of the United States; it being the earnest desire of the British government, so long as the joint occupancy continues, to regulate its own obligations by the same rule which governs the obligations of any other occupying party.

Fully sensible, at the same time, of the desirableness of a more definite settlement, as between Great Britain and the United States, the British government will be ready, at any time, to terminate the present state of joint occupancy by an agreement of delimitation; but such arrangement only can be admitted as shall not derogate from the rights of Great Britain, as acknowledged by treaty, nor prejudice the advantages which British subjects, under the same sanction, now enjoy in that part of the world.

Convention between the United States and Great Britain, signed at London, October 20th, 1818.

Article 2.—It is agreed that a line drawn from the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods, along the 49th parallel of north latitude, or, if the said point shall not be in the 49th parallel of north latitude, then that a line drawn from the said point due north or south, as the case may be, until the said line shall intersect the said parallel of north latitude, and from the point of such intersection due west along and, with the said parallel, shall be the line of demarkation between the territories of the United States and those of his Britannic majesty; and that the said line shall form the northern boundary of the said territories of the United States, and the southern boundary of the territories of his Britannic Majesty, from the Lake of the Woods to the Stony Mountains.

Art. 3.—It is agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects, of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of the said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of the said country; the only object of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves.

The Florida Treaty, signed at Washington, February 22nd, 1819....

Article 3.—The boundary line between the two countries west of the Mississippi shall begin on the Gulf of Mexico, at the mouth of the River Sabine, in the sea, continuing north, along the western bank of that river, to the 32d degree of latitude; thence, by a line due north, to the degree of latitude where it strikes the Rio Roxo of Natchitoches, or Red River; then, following the course of the Rio Roxo westward, to the degree of longitude 100 west from London and 23 from Washington; then crossing the said Red River, and running thence, by a line due north, to the River Arkansas; thence following the course of the southern bank of the Arkansas, to its source in latitude 42 north; and thence, by that parallelof latitude, to the South Sea; the whole being as laid down in Melish's map of the United States, published at Philadelphia, improved to the 1st of January, 1818. But, if the source of the Arkansas River shall be found to fall north or south of latitude 42, then the line shall run from the said source due south or north, as the case may be, till it meets the said parallel of latitude 42, and thence, along the said parallel, to the South Sea; all the islands in the Sabine, and the said Red and Arkansas Rivers, throughout the course thus described, to belong to the United States; but the use of the waters and the navigation of the Sabine to the sea, and of the said Rivers Roxo and Arkansas, throughout the extent of the said boundary, on their respective banks, shall be common to the respective inhabitants of both nations.

The two high contracting parties agree to cede and renounce all their rights, claims, and pretensions, to the territories described by said line; that is to say, the United States hereby cede to his Catholic Majesty, and renounce forever, all their rights, claims, and pretensions, to the territories lying west and south of the above-described line; and, in like manner, his Catholic Majesty cedes to the said United States all his rights, claims, and pretensions, to any territories east and north of the said line; and for himself, his heirs, and successors, renounces all claim to the said territories forever.

Convention between the United States and Great Britain, signed at London, August 6th, 1827.

Article 1.All the provisions of the third article of the convention concluded between the United States of America and his majesty the king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, on the 20th of October, 1818, shall be, and they are hereby, further indefinitely extended and continued in force, in the same manner as if all the provisions of the said article were herein specifically recited.

Art. 2.It shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parties, in case either should think fit, at any time after the 20th of October, 1828, on giving due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party, to annul and abrogate this convention; and it shall, in such case, be accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated, after the expiration of the said term of notice.

Art. 3.Nothing contained in this convention, or in the third article of the convention of the 20th October, 1818, hereby continued in force, shall be constructed to impair, or in any manner affect, the claimswhich either of the contracting parties may have to any part of the country westward of the Stony or Rocky Mountains.

The Instructions of the Merchant Proprietors, to John Meares:

"* * * * Should you, in the course of your voyage, meet with any Russian,English, or Spanish vessels, you will treat them with civility and friendship, and allow them, if authorized, to examine your papers, which will show the object of your voyage. But you must, at the same time, guard against surprise. Should they attempt to seize you, or even carry you out of your way, you will prevent it by every means in your power, and repel force by force. You will on your arrival in the first port, protest before a proper officer against such illegal procedure; and ascertain as nearly as you can the value of your vessel and cargo, sending such protest, with a full account of the transaction, to us at China. Should you in such conflict have the superiority, you will then take possession of the vessel that attacked you, as also her cargo, and bring both, with the officers and crew to China, that they may be condemned as legal prizes and their crews punished as pirates. Wishing you a prosperous voyage, etc.

(Signed) "The Merchant Proprietors."

FOOTNOTES:[84]These Englishmen are crazy—the Columbia was not discovered by Captain Gray till 1792. If the above is intended as an illustration only, the instance is as weak as the previous arguments are inconclusive.[85]We have seen that Mr. Thomson came a year too late.[86]Those views were carried into effect. The place was regularly taken possession of in the king's name on the 1st December, 1813, and the British flag was run up with all the formalities of conquest, in place of the American standard.[87]Here is an assertion that Great Britain has been accruing title, through the operations of her Hudson's Bay Company, ever since the treaty of 1818. This gives an additional significance to her grant of the civil and criminal jurisdiction of the territory, to that incorporation. It will be well for our readers here to recollect the declaration of our Government made in 1823, that thenceforth no portion of the American Continents were to be considered as subjects for European Colonization.

[84]These Englishmen are crazy—the Columbia was not discovered by Captain Gray till 1792. If the above is intended as an illustration only, the instance is as weak as the previous arguments are inconclusive.

[85]We have seen that Mr. Thomson came a year too late.

[86]Those views were carried into effect. The place was regularly taken possession of in the king's name on the 1st December, 1813, and the British flag was run up with all the formalities of conquest, in place of the American standard.

[87]Here is an assertion that Great Britain has been accruing title, through the operations of her Hudson's Bay Company, ever since the treaty of 1818. This gives an additional significance to her grant of the civil and criminal jurisdiction of the territory, to that incorporation. It will be well for our readers here to recollect the declaration of our Government made in 1823, that thenceforth no portion of the American Continents were to be considered as subjects for European Colonization.

The Washington Historical Quarterly

Board of Editors

Managing Editor

EDMOND S. MEANY

Business Manager

CHARLES W. SMITH

VOL. V NO. 2 APRIL, 1914

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Vol. V., No. 2 April, 1914

The Washington Historical Quarterly

(Introduction and annotations by T. C. Elliott.)

Readers of the Washington Historical Quarterly have already become acquainted with Mr. John Work, an officer of the Hudson's Bay Company, through his previous journal—with introductory note—published in Volume III, pp. 198-228, recording the details of the journey of an expedition from Fort George on the Columbia river to the Fraser river and back in November-December, 1824, (in which he remarked among other things about the "weighty rain" common to the Coast and Puget Sound localities). Mr. Work's particular duties during January-May, 1825, we do not know; this was the period during which Governor Simpson and Chief Factor John McLoughlin selected the site for Fort Vancouver and the headquarters were removed from Fort George (Astoria) to the new location, which was on the high ground east of the present city of Vancouver, Washington, where the buildings of the Washington (State) Asylum for the Blind and Deaf now stand. Governor Simpson returned up the Columbia river in March, 1825, with the Express bound for York Factory on Hudson's Bay, but events indicate that he already had learned to place much confidence in the young clerk John Work. In June, Mr. Work finds himself assigned to duty in the interior and accompanies the "brigade" of officers and voyagers under Mr. John McLeod returning up the river with goods for the trade at the various interior forts. Mr. McLeod was then stationed at Thompson River (Kamloops) but had been given leave to return across the mountains to Hudson's Bay the following spring.

Readers of the "three synoptical writers of Astoria," as Dr. Elliott Coues designates Gabriel Franchere, Alexander Ross and Ross Cox, have had occasion perhaps to tire of the narratives of successive journeys up and down the Columbia river with the constant encounters with the Indians at the Cascades and Dalles portages. In this journal we have another account of the same journey and discover that with the education of theIndians of the Columbia to the fixed and just policy of the Northwest and Hudson's Bay Companies in their trade relations, the hatred and distrust and armed resistance of these Indians has already ceased to a great extent and that only the natural disposition to pilfer has to be taken much into account.

Between June 21st and November 1st, 1825, the period covered by part of this journal, Mr. Work journeys many miles and introduces us to the regular lines of travel of the fur traders between their forts in Washington, Northern Idaho and Montana and to some of the routine life of the forts. He visits the Nez Perces at their trading ground where the City of Lewiston, Idaho, now stands, the Flatheads at the spot where the large power plant is now being erected below Thompson Falls, Montana, and the then active Fort Okanogan, Washington, at the mouth of that river where now there is only barren waste; but his headquarters were at Spokane House, then as now the trade center for all the "Inland Empire." He also tells of the very beginning of building and planting at Kettle Falls, where the most important of the interior trading posts, Fort Colvile, was just being started. Only the first part of the entire journal is given in this issue and the remainder is to be presented in a later number of the Quarterly, and then to be followed by a second journal of the same writer.

For brief mention of Mr. Work's career the reader is referred to the earlier number of this Quarterly—already cited, and to page 464 of Volume II of H. H. Bancroft's History of the Northwest Coast. It is sufficient to say here that Mr. Work was of Irish descent, the name being properly spelled Wark, and that he remained in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company continuously up to the time of his death at Victoria, B.C., in 1861. This journal comes to us through his descendants and is now deposited as a part of the archives of British Columbia, and Mr. Scholefield, the Provincial Archivist, has kindly compared this copy for publication. The journal has never before been published and does not appear to have been examined or used by Hubert Howe Bancroft, who had access to others of the Work journals in the preparation of his series of histories.

The parenthetical marks are used to designate words that are doubtful by reason of the original manuscripts being blurred or faded.

T. C. Elliott.

June 21, 1825.

Drizzling rain with some weighty showers. Very little wind.

At 10 o'clock the Interior brigade, consisting of five boats carrying pieces and manned by 32 men, left Fort Vancouver under the charge ofMr. McLeod.[88]A sixth boat and 12 men under the charge of Mr. McKay[89]accompanied the Brigade as a convoy to above the Chutes.[90]The water is very high and the current strong. Encamped at 4 o'clock opposite Quick Sand River.[91]We stopped at this early hour to get some of the boats which were badly gummed. Some of the pieces were put in Mr. McKay's boat to lighten the others.

Being ordered to proceed to Spokane in charge of the outfit for that place, I accompany the brigade.

Wed.y. 22

Drizzling rain forenoon. Wind W.

Embarked at 3 o'clock and reached the Cascades at 1, had to carry at the New Portage,[92]everything was got half way across the Portage by 5 oclock when the men were employed gumming the boats. There were a good many Indians, but they were very quiet, 60 to 70 salmon were purchased from them, principally for Tobacco, at an inch per salmon.

Thursday 23

Dry weather, blowing fresh from the N. W.

Resumed carrying at 3 oclock and by 6 everything was embarked at the upper end of the portage, where we proceeded up the river under saill with a fine strong wind till 12 oclock when we put ashore a little below Cape Horn,[93]Mr. McLeod considering it too rough to proceed.

Friday 24

Dry weather a fine breeze from the N. W.

Continued our journey at a little past 3 oclock with a nice sail wind and reached the lower end of the Dalles about two and got boats & foods about half way across the portage. We were detained more than two hours at breakfast below the portage, as Mr. McKay left his boat with two men, and the pieces had to be put in the other boats. On approaching the Dalls the current was very strong and the boats being deep laden it was difficult getting them up. My boat was caught in a whirlpool and very near sunk, she was wheeled around three times before the men got her out. There are a good many Indians on the portage we reckon from 400 to 500, however they were very peaceable. Gave them a littleTobacco to smoke and bought as much salmon as we required at equally as low a price as at the Cascades.

Satd.y. 25

Clear very warm weather a little wind up the river in the morning but calm afterwards.

Recommenced carrying at ½ past 2 oclock, had everything across the portage[94]& embarked at 6, and were across the Chutes by 11. The portage at the Chutes was short on account of the high water. Encamped at 6 in the evening a little below Day's River,[95]to gum the boats. We lost nearly 2 hours at breakfast below the Chutes. We reckoned 150 to 200 Indians at the Chutes, they were very quiet. Gave them to smoke and also about an inch of Tobacco each when we were coming off. Mr. McKay & Mr. Douglas,[96]with the convoy men left us at the upper end of the Chutes to return to Fort Vancouver.

Sunday 26

Clear weather little breeze of wind from the N. W. in the morning and evening, but calm and very warm in the middle of the day.

Continued our journey a little past 3 oclock and encamped at 7 in the evening. Were detained 2 hours gumming the boats,—had the sails up while the wind lasted in the morning and evening. A good many Indians along the river.

Monday 27.

Clear, a fine breeze up the River in the morning but calm and insufferably warm afterwards.

Embarked a little before 3 oclock, passed the lower end of the Big Island[97]at ½ past 4 and encamped at 6 to gum one of the boats, we were also detained 1½ hours in the day gumming.

Tuesday 28

Clear very warm weather, a little breeze of wind down the river which prevented the heat from being so oppressive as yesterday.

Continued our route before 3 o'clock and encamped late a little above the Grand Rapid.[98]In ascending a piece of strong current doubling a point in the evening, two of the boats got aground and sustained some injury, one of them put ashore & gummed, the other went on to theencampment, & had not time to repair. Traded some beaver from the Indians along the River.

Wed.y. 29

Clear weather and notwithstanding there was a nice breeze down the river the heat was oppressive.

We were detained gumming the boat till hear 5 o'clock when we embarked and proceeded to Fort Nez Perces[99]where we remained at 12 o'clock and had boats immediately unloaded, and the cargoes examined. These were landed here from the five boats independent of the gentlemen and mens private baggage 262 pieces, viz. (Laments) boat Mr. McLeod passenger 47 pieces.—Ignace's boat J. Work passenger 52 pieces.—P. La (Course's?) boat, Mr. Dease passenger 53 pieces.—Grosse (Chalon's?) boat 55 pieces and Thomas Tagouche's boat 55 pieces.

Thursday 30th.

Notwithstanding it blew strong from the N. W. the heat was oppressive, the sand, and wood about the fort were absolutely burning. In the evening there was a great deal of thunder and lightening with heavy squalls of wind and a few drops of rain, the wind sometimes quite hot.

Mr. McLeod occupied the greater part of this day separating the pieces belonging to the different posts.

July 1825 Friday 1

Blowing strong from the N. W.

A party having to make a trip up the South branch[100]to trade horses, (150 if possible,) the forenoon was occupied in making up an assortment of goods for that purpose and a ½ past 1 o'clock Mr. Dease accompanied by Mr. Dears,[101]myself and 28 men, embarked in two boats and proceeded to a little up the South branch where we encamped for the night.—Several Indians were about the entrance of the river, purchased a few salmon from them, mostly small ones at about 2 inches of tobacco each.—Our boats are very light laden, and the men well armed.

Mr. McLeod & 10 men remain at the Fort.

Satd.y. 2

Clear, and notwithstanding a pleasant breeze from the N. W., very warm.

Embarked at 3 oclock and pursued our journey up the river till past 6 when we encamped for the night. Made a good days march, as the men worked constant and very hard.—The current was uniformly very strong, and the water high, though it has fallen at least 1½ or 2 feet from its greatest height this season.—The shores are generally high, some places steep rocks, at others undulating hills, the vegetation on which seems to be burnt up with the heat and has a barren appearance. Here and there along the river, bushes and grass appear green, having not been deprived of moisture.

Passed several Indian lodges and traded 42 fresh and 9 dry salmon for 1½ yards of Tobacco. The salmon are all of a small size.

Sunday 3

Clear excessive warm weather though there was a little breeze of wind from the N. W. the heat was oppressive.

Continued our journey at 3 clock and encamped at the Flag River[102]at 2. There are a few lodges of Indians here who have some horses two of which were purchased from them at 15 skins each. these are the first horses we have seen in this river.

The general appearance of the river the same as yesterday, the shores high and clearer. The general course of the river from its entrance to this place may be about N. E., a little above its entrance it takes a considerable turn to the Eastward and thus bends back to the Westward a little below the Flag River.—From this place to Spokane[103]is about 1½ days march on horseback. Nez Perces is about the same distance.

Monday 4

Clear very warm weather, the heat was suffocating.

Expecting that the Indians would bring some more horses to trade we delayed embarking till 8 oclock when we proceeded up the river a short distance where we put ashore at an Indian lodge and bought a horse, which detained us a considerable time.—Two men rode the horses along shore—made but a short days march. The heat and plenty of musquitos which were very troublesome, allowed us to have but little sleep last night. Encamped past 6 oclock.

The current still very strong, the general course of the river from a little above Flag River a little more to the Eastward. Not many Indians on the river and but few horses to be seen.

Tuesday 5

Clear a good breeze of wind up teh river which made the heat more supportable than these days past.—The current very strong, course of the river nearly E., the shores high with some times a low point, all parched up with the excessive heat, here there some bushes that are green are to be seen along the shores and in the little valleys or creeks.

Embarked at 3 oclock and encamped a little below the La Monte. Made a very short days march as we delayed a good deal along the river at Indian lodges, bought 3 young horses at 18 skins each.

The Indians inform us that a large party went off to Spokane yesterday, and that the Flat Heads and (Pendius?)[104]have been with the Indians above and bought a number of horses from them.

Wed.y. 6

Stormy in the night and blowing fresh all day, Wind N. W.

In order to get some salmon from the Indians, delayed embarking till 8 oclock when we proceeded up the river, to La Monte[105]where we encamped at 10—This is a place of rendezvouse for the Indians but only one lodge is here at present, the others are all off in the plains digging camass. Some Indians were sent off with Tobacco for the Natives to smoke & to apprise them that we were here & would remain a few days to purchase horses from them, and that we would then proceed to the Forks[106]so that such of the Indians as are in that neighborhood may be there to meet us.

Thursday 7

Cloudy blowing fresh from the N. W.—pleasant cool weather.

Several Indians of different tribes arrived at our camp from whom ten horses were traded, 15 to 18 skins each. The most of these horses are young not more than 3 years old and some of them very small. It would have been desirable to get ones of larger size, but the great number required renders it necessary to take such as can be got and not be too choice.

Friday 8

Weather as yesterday.

Trade going on very slowly. A few Indians visited the camp, but only 6 horses were traded one of which was a wild one and was immediately killed for the people. The Natives seem not eager to part with theirhorses.—Generally young small ones are offered for sale, yet some of those purchased today are good stout horses.—The articles generally paid for a horse are a blanket, 3 pt, 6 skins, 4 or 5 skins, 1 yd. each of green beads, a few skins of ammunition, a skin of Tobacco, a knife, and sometimes, Buttons and Rings a skin or two.

Satd.y. 9

Cloudy Warm weather, Wind variable, not blowing so much as these days past.

A few more Indians visited us but only 4 horses were traded & two of these are young ones not broke in. We learn from the Ind.s. that the natives above are collecting on the River to meet us.

The Indians at our camp occupy the most of their time gambling. The River is falling very fast, the water is lowered four to 5 feet perpendicular since it has been at its height this season.

Sunday 10

Though a fresh breeze from the Eastward the weather was very warm and sultry.

In expectation that the Indians would trade some more horses we delayed embarking till one oclock when we proceeded up the River, seeing that nothing further was to be done. Stopped at the Indian lodges as we passed and bought two unbroken in young horses one of which a beautiful animal, lept so when he was haltered & the man not managing him properly that he tumbled on his head & broke his neck.

The current continues very strong the course of the river from E. to S. E. The appearance of the country continues much the same, the bank very high & mostly rocky, the smooth summits & sides of the hills clothed with dry grass, burnt up with the heat, here and there along the water edge and in some of the deep valleys or coves tufts of willow and poplars, and a few bushes of other kinds. Though the hills and valleys, except on the faces of the steep rocks are well clothed with vegetation nearly dried up, the country has altogether a barren appearance.

The Indians live (in) sort of houses or lodges constructed of drift wood split & set on end, they are generally high and very large and inhabited by a great many Indians. I counted upwards of fifty at one house the dimensions of which were 40 yards long and 10 wide. These houses are generally high and flat roofed, the one side is occupied by the inhabitants who sit and sleep on the ground, and the other side is appropriated for drying fish which are hung up generally in two tiers the one above the other the lower ones so near the ground that one has to stoop to get under them.—The air has a free circulation through these habitations from theopenness of their walls, which makes them cool & comfortable when there is the least air of wind, but in case of rain, from the openness of the roof, very little would be excluded. However, this is an article that seldom troubles them.

The Natives along the River now are generally employed curing salmon and collecting camass.

Monday 11

Cloudy but occasionally very warm Wind Easterly.

Waiting till the Indians would bring us some horses to trade deterred us from embarking till 8 clock when seeing that only one horse could be traded, we proceeded up the river and as usual stopped to smoke at the most of the lodges which we passed which made our progress very slow, however only one horse was purchased till we encamped in the evening when four more were traded, making in all six today.

The appearance of the River and country much the same as yesterday. The course from E. to S. E. The hills along shore appear less elevated towards evening. The Indians near whom we are encamped offered a sturgeon for sale, which shows that these fish ascend this high.

Tuesday 12

Cloudy blowing fresh from the Westward.

The Indians traded two more Horses which detained us till after breakfast when we proceeded up the River till 11 oclock when we encamped a little below the Forks at the lodge of an Ind.[107]called Charly where a good many Indians are expected to assemble. About 70 men collected to smoke in the course of the afternoon. Two horses were traded from them which makes 4 today.

Charly is considered to have a good deal of influence among the natives. A present was therefore made him and he afterward harangued the Indians from which good effects are expected tomorrow.

Wed.y. 13

Though cloudy part of the day, the weather was very warm and sultry.

A brisk trade of horses commenced in the morning and 15 were purchased during the day, the greater part of which were bought before breakfast. They are much finer horses and the prices rather lower than those procurred below.—Horses are more numerous and much better here than in the lower part of the river.—There were not so many Indians withus today as yesterday, but they had more horses. The Indians who visit us are of four different tribes, Chapoples[108]or Nezperces, Pelooshis,[109]Carooris and Wallawallas. They are very peaceable but a good deal of Tobacco is required to keep them smoking.—They amuse themselves gambling in the evening they had a horse race.

In the course of the day a message was received from some Indians further up the river, requesting us to go to their place, and more horses would be procured. It seems a kind of jealousy exists among the natives and the one party does not wish to sell their horses at the camp of the other, or that they wish to have the honour of being visited at their own camp.

Thursd.y. 14

Very little Wind, excessively warm, where we are encamped on the stony sandy beach we are literally next to be roasted.

The trade did not go on so briskly as yesterday, only 8 horses were bought, one of which was an unbroken in lame mare to kill, as she was fit for nothing else.

Friday 15

Sometimes a little breeze of wind from the S. E. yet it was clear and so sultry that the heat was oppresive.

Embarked at half past 5 oclock proceeded up the river and in 2 hours arrived at the Forks[110]and encamped on the E. side of the North branch where a few Indians are encamped shortly after we arrived about 40 of them with the old chief Cut Nose at their head visited us in form, smoked, and were presented with about 3 inches of tobacco each. A trade of horses was immediately commenced and 8 very good ones were soon bought from them, though these people have plenty of horses yet they say they have none, they mean probably that they can spare. This is not Cut Nose's camp, it is farther up this branch.

In the afternoon a party of upwards of 100 men and a good many women on horseback with the son of broken or cut arm, as chief at their head, arrived down the S. branch, the Chief immediately on his arrival presented a horse to Mr. Dease, and received a gun, 6 yds. of Beads & Tobacco and ammunition 27 skins as a present in return. After smoaking and getting about 3 Inches of Tobacco for each of his people, a trade for horses was opened and 5 very good ones were soon bought which with the one presented and the eight bought in the forenoon make 14 that havebeen procured to day. These are the best horses we have got yet, they are 18 to 20 skins each.

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