CLOTHING.

The ordinary man of the tribe wears a loosely fitting shirt and wide trousers made of white or blue cotton cloth. (Plate LXIX-LXX). These garments are frequently decorated with embroidered designs and are finished at the shoulders and knees with a cotton fringe. The trousers are supported at the waist by means of a belt, and below reach nearly to the ankles.[100] An incised silver disk is attached to the front of the jacket, while ornaments of beads, seeds, and alligators' teeth encircle the neck.

[100] Along the coast this type of garment is now seldom seen, for the men are adopting the close-fitting dress of the Moro.

When on the trail the man covers his head with a little palm bark hat (Fig. 47). This is sometimes conical, but more frequently is narrow and turned up at the front and back. Painted designs, betel wings, and chicken feathers make the hat a striking decoration which compensates for its lack of utility.

FIG. 47. MEN'S HATS.

A class of warriors known asbagam[101] dress in red and wear turbans of the same hue, while women mediums,ballyan,[102] may also make use of red cloth.

[101] See p. 180. [Transcriber's note: This is page 167.]

[102] See p. 174.

Other women wear blue cotton jackets, in the fronts and back of which are many artistic embroidered designs. Their hemp cloth skirts, like those of the Bagobo, are made tube-like and are held at the waist by means of belts. They are very careless about the hang of these garments and one side may be above the calf of the leg while the other drags on the ground (Plate LXVII). No head coverings are worn, but quite elaborate combs (Fig. 48) are thrust into the knots of hair at the back of the head. Wooden ear plugs (Fig. 49) ornamented with incised silver plates and with bead and silver pendants fit into openings in the lobes of the ears. Like the men they wear necklaces of beads, sweet smelling herbs, and seeds. Many of the latter are considered to have medicinal value and are eaten to cure pains in the stomach. One or more silver disks are worn on the chest or over the breasts, while anklets, such as are used by the women of the other tribes, are frequently seen. Both sexes are fond of bracelets of brass, shell, or vines, as well as of finger rings of tortoise shell and silver (Plate LXXI).

FIG. 48. WOMAN'S COMB.

FIG. 49. FAR PLUGS WITH BELL PENDANTS.

None of the garments contain pockets, and in order to make up for this deficiency the men carry bags (Plate LXX) suspended on their backs by means of bands which pass over the shoulders. In these they carry their betel-nut outfits, tobacco, and the like. Small covered waterproof baskets (Plate LXVIII) serve the same purpose for the women and are carried at the back or at the side.

HISTORY.

Probably no wild tribe in Mindanao has received so much mention in histories, reports, and books of travel as have the Mandaya, but these references have been, in the main, so vague and often so misleading that they are of little value for our purposes. Quite in contrast with this mass of material are the excellent reports of the late Governor Bolton, and Mr. Melbourne A. Maxey,[103] who for a number of years has been closely associated with the members of the tribe residing in the vicinity of Cateel. In the preparation of this paper frequent use has been made of the notes gathered by these two gentlemen.

[103] Published in the Mindanao Herald.

When the first white men visited the tribe they found that the neighboring Moro were making frequent raids on their villages and were carrying away women and children whom they sold to the Bagobo and other tribes of the Gulf.[104] At the same time it was learned that they, in turn, were slave holders and were eager to purchase captives from the Mohammedan raiders. The great distances traveled by the Moro in their raids make it possible that slaves from distant islands may thus have been introduced into the tribe. Later we shall see that it was difficult for a slave or a descendant of a slave to become a freeman, yet it was by no means impossible, and it is likely that a considerable part of the tribe are descendants of people brought to the district through purchase and capture. Another possible source of outside blood is suggested by well verified stories of castaways on the east coast of Mindanao and adjacent islands.[105] While working with the Mandaya in the region of Mayo bay the writer was frequently told that three times, in the memory of the present inhabitants, strange boats filled with strange people had been driven to their coasts by storms. The informants insisted that these newcomers were not put to death but that such of them as survived were taken into the tribe. These stories are given strong substantiation by the fact that only a few months prior to my visit a boat load of people from the Carolines was driven to the shores of Mayo bay and that their boat, as well as one survivor, was then at the village of Mali. (Plate LXXII). I am indebted to Mr. Henry Hubbel for the following explicit account of these castaways: "One native banca of castaways arrived at Lucatan, N. E. corner of Mayo Bay, Mindanao, on January 2nd, 1909. The banca left the Island of Uluthi for the Island of Yap, two days' journey, on December 10th, 1908. They were blown out of their course and never sighted land until January 2nd, twenty-two days after setting sail. There were nine persons aboard, six men, two boys, and one woman, all natives of Yap except one man who was a Visayan from Capiz, Panay, P. I., who settled on the Island of Yap in 1889. These people were nineteen days without food or water except what water could be caught during rain storms. The Visayan, Victor Valenamo, died soon after his arrival, as a result of starvation. The natives recovered at once and all traces of their starvation disappeared within two weeks. The men were powerfully built, nearly six feet high. Their bodies were all covered with tattoo work. The woman was decorated even more than the men. Fever soon took hold of these castaways and in a year's time all died except one small boy who seems to have become acclimated and will become identified with the natives in Mati. I took care of these people until they died.

[104] BLAIR and ROBERTSON. The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII, p. 203.

[105] FOREMAN. The Philippine Islands, pp. 257-9. JAGOR. Travels in the Philippines, Ch. XX.

"The clothing worn by the men and woman was nothing but the 'lavalava,' a scarf of sea-grass fiber about 18 inches wide and five feet long. This was worn around the loins.

"The banca, which was of very curious construction, was taken to Zamboanga last year by General Pershing, to be placed in Moro Province Museum."

After the advent of the Spaniards into their territory a considerable number of this people were converted to the Christian faith and were induced to settle in villages. There they met and intermarried with Visayan and other emigrants who had followed the Spaniards to the South. During the time of the Spanish rule these settlements were partially destroyed by Moro raiders, and following the Spanish-American war these attacks became so frequent that many of the inhabitants deserted their homes and returning to their mountain kinsmen again took up the old life. The effect of this return is especially noticeable in the vicinity of Caraga where as late as 1885 there were 596 Mandaya converts.

Several attempts were also made to colonize the Mandaya near the mouths of the Tagum and Hijo rivers, but the restlessness of the natives or the hostility of the Moro was always sufficient to cause the early break up of the new settlements.

The last great influence on this tribe has come through American planters who have prevailed upon the more venturesome members to come down to the coast plantations and there adopt the life of the Christianized natives. Many of these adventurers have returned to their mountain homes, carrying with them new ideas and artifacts and, in some cases, wives from other tribes. With all these influences at work there has been considerable modification of the life in many districts, particularly along the Pacific coast. This description will attempt to give the old life of the tribe as it still exists in the more isolated districts, or as it was related by older people of the coast settlements.

MYTHOLOGY AND RELIGION.

In order to enter into a full understanding of the social, economic, and aesthetic life we must have some knowledge of the mythology and religious beliefs, for these pervade every activity.

Several stories accounting for natural phenomena and the origin of the tribe were heard. One of these relates that the sun and moon were married and lived happily together until many children had been born to them. At last they quarreled and the moon ran away from her husband who has since been pursuing her through the heavens. After the separation of their parents the children died, and the moon gathering up their bodies cut them into small pieces and threw them into space. Those fragments which fell into water became fish, those which fell on land were converted into snakes and animals, while "those which fell upward" remained in the sky as stars.

A somewhat different version of this tale agrees that the quarrel and subsequent chase occurred, but denies that the children died and were cut up. It states that it is true that the offspring were animals, but they were so from the time of their birth. One of these children is a giant crab namedtambanokauawho lives in the sea. When he moves about he causes the tides and high waves; when he opens his eyes lightning appears. For some unknown reason this animal frequently seeks to devour his mother, the moon, and when he nearly succeeds an eclipse occurs. At such a time the people shout, beat on gongs, and in other ways try to frighten the monster so that he can not accomplish his purpose.[106] The phases of the moon are caused by her putting on or taking off her garments. When the moon is full she is thought to be entirely naked.

[106] The writer found almost identical beliefs and practices among the Batak and Tagbanua of Palawan.

According to this tale the stars had quite a different origin than that just related, "In the beginning of things there was only one great star, who was like a man in appearance. He sought to usurp the place of of the sun and the result was a conflict in which the latter was victorious. He cut his rival into small bits and scattered him over the whole sky as a woman sows rice."

The earth was once entirely flat but was pressed up into mountains by a mythical woman, Agusanan. It has always rested on the back of a great eel whose movements cause earthquakes. Sometimes crabs or other small animals annoy him until, in his rage, he attempts to reach them, then the earth is shaken so violently that whole mountains are thrown into the sea.

A great lake exists in the sky and it is the spray from its waves which fall to the earth as rain. When angered the spirits sometimes break the banks of this lake and allow torrents of water to fall on the earth below.

According to Mr. Maxey, the Mandaya of Cateel believe that many generations ago a great flood occurred which caused the death of all the inhabitants of the world except one pregnant woman. She prayed that her child might be a boy. Her prayer was answered and she gave birth to a son whose name was Uacatan. He, when he had grown up, took his mother for his wife and from this union have sprung all the Mandaya.

Quite a different account is current among the people of Mayo. From them we learn that formerly thelimokon,[107] although a bird, could talk like a man. At one time it laid two eggs, one at the mouth and one at the source of the Mayo river. These hatched and from the one at the headwaters of the river came a woman named Mag,[108] while a man named BEgenday[109] emerged from the one near the sea. For many years the man dwelt alone on the bank of the river, but one day, being lonely and dissatisfied with his location, he started to cross the stream. While he was in deep water a long hair was swept against his legs and held him so tightly that he narrowly escaped drowning. When he succeeded in reaching the shore he examined the hair and at once determined to find its owner. After wandering many days he met the woman and induced her to be his wife. From this union came all the Mandaya.

[107] See p. 63 note.

[108] Also known as Manway.

[109] Also known as Samay.

A variant of this tale says that both eggs were laid up stream and that one hatched a woman, the other a snake. The snake went down the current until it arrived at the place where the sea and the river meet. There it blew up and a man emerged from its carcass. The balance of the tale is as just related. This close relationship of thelimokonto the Mandaya is given as the reason why its calls are given such heed. A traveler on the trail hearing the cooing of this bird at once doubles his fist and points it in the direction from whence the sound came. If this causes the hand to point to the right side it is a sign that success will attend the journey.[110] If, however, it points to the left, in front, or in back, the Mandaya knows that the omen bird is warning him of danger or failure, and he delays or gives up his mission. The writer was once watching some Mandaya as they were clearing a piece of land, preparatory to the planting. They had labored about two hours when the call of thelimokonwas heard to the left of the owner. Without hesitation the men gathered up their tools and left the plot, explaining that it was useless for them to plant there for thelimokonhad warned them that rats would eat any crop they might try to grow in that spot.

[110] Maxey states exactly the opposite, for the Mandaya of Cateel,i. e., the right side is bad, the left good.

The people do not make offerings to this bird, neither do they regard it as a spirit, but rather as a messenger from the spirit world. The old men were certain that anyone who molested one of these birds would die.

Another bird known aswak-wak"which looks like a crow but is larger and only calls at night" foretells ill-fortune. Sneezing is also a bad omen, particularly if it occurs at the beginning of an undertaking. Certain words, accompanied by small offerings, may be sufficient to overcome the dangers foretold by these warnings. It is also possible to thwart the designs of ill-disposed spirits or human enemies by wearing a sash or charm which contains bits of fungus growth, peculiarly shaped stones, or the root of a plant calledgam. These charms not only ward off ill-fortune and sickness, but give positive aid in battle and keep the dogs on the trail of the game.[111]

[111] The use of these magic sashes, known asanting-anting, is widespread throughout the southern Philippines both with the pagan and Mohammedan tribes.

There is in each community one or more persons, generally women, who are known asballyan. These priestesses, or mediums, are versed in all the ceremonies and dances which the ancestors have found effectual in overcoming evil influences, and in retaining the favor of the spirits. They, better than all others, understand the omens, and often through them the higher beings make known their desires. So far as could be learned theballyanis not at any time possessed, but when in a trance sees and converses with the most powerful spirits as well as with the shades of the departed. This power to communicate with supernatural beings and to control the forces of nature, is not voluntarily sought by the futureballyan, but comes to the candidate either through one already occupying such a position or by her being unexpectedly seized with a fainting or trembling fit, in which condition she finds that she is able to communicate with the inhabitants of the spirit world. Having been thus chosen she at once becomes the pupil of some experiencedballyanfrom whom she learns all the secrets of the profession and the details of ceremonies to be made.

At the time of planting or reaping, at a birth or death, when a great celebration is held, or when the spirits are to be invoked for the cure of the sick, one or more of these women take charge of the ceremonies and for the time being are the religious heads of the community. At such a time theballyanwears a blood-red waist,[112] but on other occasions her dress is the same as that of the other women, and her life does not differ from their's in any respect.

[112] PEDRO ROSELL, writing in 1885, says that theballyanthen dressed entirely in red. BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 217.

When about to converse with the spirits theballyanplaces an offering before her and begins to chant and wail. A distant stare comes into her eyes, her body begins to twitch convulsively until she is shivering and trembling as if seized with the ague. In this condition she receives the messages of the spirits and under their direction conducts the ceremony.

Rosell gives the following description of the possession of aballyan.[113] Nothing of this nature was seen by the writer.

[113] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 218.

"They erect a sort of small altar on which they place themanaúgsor images of the said gods which are made of the special wood of thebayogtree, which they destine exclusively for this use. When the unfortunate hog which is to serve as a sacrifice is placed above the said altar, the chiefbailanaapproaches withbalaraoor dagger in hand which she brandishes and drives into the poor animal, which will surely be grunting in spite of the gods and the religious solemnity, as it is fearful of what is going to happen to it; and leaves the victim weltering in its blood. Then immediately all thebailanasdrink of the blood in order to attract the prophetic spirit to themselves and to give their auguries or the supposed inspirations of their gods. Scarcely have they drunk the blood, when they become as though possessed by an infernal spirit which agitates them and makes them tremble as does the body of a person with the ague or like one who shivers with the cold."

SPIRITS.

The following spirits are known to theballyanof the Mayo district:

I. DIWATA. A good spirit who is besought for aid against the machinations of evil beings. The people of Mayo claim that they do not now, nor have they at any time made images of their gods, but in the vicinity of Cateel Maxey has seen wooden images calledmanaog, which were said to represent Diwata on earth. According to his account "theballyandances for three consecutive nights before themanaog, invoking his aid and also holding conversation with the spirits. This is invariably done while the others are asleep." He further states that with the aid of Diwata theballyanis able to foretell the future by the reading of palms. "If she should fail to read the future the first time, she dances for one night before themanaogand the following day is able to read it clearly, the Diwata having revealed the hidden meaning to her during the night conference."[114]

[114] In the Mayo district palmistry is practiced by several old people who make no claim of having the aid of the spirits. Bagani Paglambayon read the palms of the writer and one of his assistants, but all his predictions were of an exceedingly general nature and on the safe side.

Spanish writers make frequent mention of these idols,[115] and in his reports[116] Governor Bolton describes the image of a crocodile seen by him in the Mandaya country "which was carved of wood and painted black, was five feet long, and life-like. The people said it was the likeness of their god." Lieutenant J. R. Youngblood, when near the headwaters of the Agusan River, saw in front of a chief's house "a rude wooden image of a man which seemed to be treated with some religious awe and respect." Mr. Robert F. Black, a missionary residing in Davao, writes that "the Mandaya have in their homes wooden dolls which may be idols."

[115] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XII, 269, XLIII, p. 217, etc.

[116] Filed in the office of the Governor of Davao.

From this testimony it appears that in a part of the Mandaya territory the spirit Diwata, at least, is represented by images.

2. Asuáng. This name is applied to a class of malevolent spirits who inhabit certain trees, cliffs and streams. They delight to trouble or injure the living, and sickness is usually caused by them. For this reason, when a person falls ill, aballyanoffers a live chicken to these spirits bidding them "to take and kill this chicken in place of this man, so that he need not die." If the patient recovers it is understood that theasuanghave agreed to the exchange and the bird is released in the jungle.

There are many spirits who are known asasuangbut the five most powerful are here given according to their rank, (a) Tagbanua, (b) Tagamaling, (c) Sigbinan, (d) Lumaman, (e) Bigwa. The first two are of equal importance and are only a little less powerful than Diwata. They sometimes inhabit caves but generally reside in thebud-bud(baliti) trees. The ground beneath these trees is generally free from undergrowth and thus it is known that "a spirit who keeps his yard clean resides there." In clearing ground for a new field it sometimes becomes necessary to cut down one of these trees, but before it is disturbed an offering of betel-nut, food, and a white chicken is carried to the plot. The throat of the fowl is cut and its blood is allowed to fall in the roots of the tree. Meanwhile one of the older men calls the attention of the spirits to the offerings and begs that they be accepted in payment for the dwelling which they are about to destroy. This food is never eaten, as is customary with offerings made to other spirits. After a lapse of two or three days it is thought that the occupant of the tree has had time to move and the plot is cleared.

In former times it was the custom for a victorious war party to place the corpses of their dead, together with their weapons, at the roots of abalititree. The reason for this custom seems now to be lost.

3. Busau. Among the Mandaya at the north end of Davao Gulf this spirit is also known as Tuglinsau, Tagbusau, or Mandangum. He looks after the welfare of thebagani, or warriors, and is in many respects similar to Mandarangan of the Bagobo.[117] He is described as a gigantic man who always shows his teeth and is otherwise of ferocious aspect. A warrior seeing him is at once filled with a desire to kill. By making occasional offerings of pigs and rice it is usually possible to keep him from doing injury to a settlement, but at times these gifts fail of their purpose and many people are slain by those who serve him.

[117] p. 106.

4. OMAYAN, OR KALALOA NANG OMAY, is the spirit of the rice. He resides in the rice fields, and there offerings are made to him before the time of planting and reaping.

5. MUNTIANAK is the spirit of a child whose mother died while pregnant, and who for this reason was born in the ground. It wanders through the forest frightening people but seldom assailing them.[118]

[118] The belief in a similar spirit known as Mantianak is widespread throughout the southern Philippines.

6. Magbabaya. Some informants stated that this is the name given to the first man and woman, who emerged from thelimokoneggs. They are now true spirits who exercise considerable influence over worldly affairs. Other informants, including twoballyandenied any knowledge of such spirits, while still others saidmagbabayais a single spirit who was made known to them at the time of theTungudmovement.[119] Among the Bukidnon who inhabit the central portion of the island themagbabayaare the most powerful of all spirits.

[119] p. 179.

7. Kalaloa. Each person has one spirit which is known by this name. If thiskalaloaleaves the body it decays, but the spirit goes to Dagkotanan—"a good place, probably in the sky." Such a spirit can return to its former haunts for a time and may aid or injure the living, but it never returns to dwell in any other form.

In addition to those just mentioned Governor Bolton gives the following list of spirits known to the Mandaya of the Tagum river valley. None of these were accepted by the people of Mayo district. According to rank they are Mangkokiman, Mongungyahn, Mibucha Andepit, Mibuohn, and Ebu—who made all people from the hairs of his head.

For the neighboring Mangwanga he gives, Likedanum as the creator and chief spirit, Dagpudanum and Macguliput as gods of agriculture, and Manamoan—a female spirit who works the soil and presides over childbirth. All of these are unknown to the Mandaya of the Pacific coast.

While in the Salug river valley Governor Bolton witnessed a most interesting ceremony which, so far as the writer is aware, is quite unknown to the balance of the tribe. His quotation follows: "One religious dance contained a sleight of hand performance, considered by the people as a miracle, but the chiefs were evidently initiated. A man dressed himself as a woman, and with the gongs and drums beaten rapidly he danced, whirling round and round upon a mat until weak and dizzy, so that he had to lean on a post. For a time he appeared to be in a trance. After resting a few minutes he stalked majestically around the edge of the mat, exaggerating the lifting and placing of his feet and putting on an arrogant manner. After walking a minute or two he picked up a red handkerchief, doubled it in his hand so that the middle of the kerchief projected in a bunch above his thumb and forefinger; then he thrust this into the flame of analmacigatorch. The music started anew and he resumed his frantic dance until the flame reached his hand when he slapped it out with his left hand, and stopped dancing; then catching the kerchief by two corners he shook it out showing it untouched by fire. The daughter of Bankiaoan next went into a trance lying down and singing the message of Tagbusau and other gods to the assemblage. The singing was done in a small inclosed room, the singer slipping in and out without my seeing her."

The letters of Pedro Rosell written at Caraga in 1885 contain many references to the duties of theballyan. In one account he records the following song which he says is sung by the priestesses when they invoke their gods Mansilátan and Badla.[120]

[120] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, pp. 217-21, and Vol. XII, p. 270.

"Miminsad, miminsad si MansilátanOpod si Badla nga magadayao nang dumiaBailan, managunsayao,Bailan, managunliguit."

This means:"Mansilátan has come down, has come down.Later (will come) Badla, who will preserve the earth.Bailanas, dance; bailanas, turn ye round about."

This Rosell takes as "a confirmation of the most transcendental questions of our true religion," for in Mansilátan he finds the principal god and father of Balda, "who descended from the heavens where he dwells, in order to create the world. Afterwards his only son Badla came down also to preserve and protect the world—that is men and things—against the power and trickery of the evil spirits Pudaugnon and Malimbung." The writer made persistent inquiry among the Mandaya to the south of Caraga, but could not find a trace of a belief in any one of the four spirits named; neither are these spirits mentioned in the notes of Governor Bolton, nor in the excellent description of the people about Cateel, furnished by such a careful observer as Mr. Maxey. It seems that this account, together with the song and its translation, must have been gathered from other than Mandayan sources. Long before 1885 the town of Caraga had become one of the strongholds of the church on the east coast of Mindanao, and Christianized settlers from all the southern islands had come to the vicinity.[121] It is probable that Rosell's information was secured from Christianized or Moro emigrants, and the first spirits named refer to Badhala—Bathala, or Batala—"the all powerful," and Dian Mansalanta—"the patron of lovers and generation."[122]

[121] They are often referred to asCaragasin the early writings.

[122] Further information regarding these spirits will be found in the Relations of Loarca, 1582 (BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. V, p. 171), and the Relation of Juan de Plasencia, 1589 (ibid, Vol. VII, pp. 189-96, Vol. XII, p. 265). It is worthy of note that the Bagobo spirit Toglái, who is one of the pair responsible for marriages and births, is sometimes addressed as Maniládan.

THE TUNGUD MOVEMENT

In 1908 a religious movement known astungudstarted among the Manobo[123] at the source of the Rio Libaganon. Soon it had spread over practically the whole southeastern portion of Mindanao, and finally reached the Mandaya of the Pacific Coast. According to Mr. J. M. Garvan, of the Philippine Bureau of Science, the movement was instigated by a Manobo named Mapakla. This man was taken ill, probably with cholera, and was left for dead by his kinsmen. Three days later he appeared among the terrified people and explained, that a powerful spirit named Magbabaya had entered his body and cured him. He further stated that the world was about to be destroyed and that only those persons who gave heed to his instructions would survive. These instructions bade all to cease planting and to kill their animals for, he said, "if they survive to the end they will eat you." A religious house or shrine was to be built in every settlement, and was to be looked after by divinely appointed ministers. Those persons who were at first inclined to be skeptical as to the truth of the message, were soon convinced by seeing the Magbabaya enter the bodies of the ministers, causing them to perform new, frantic dances, interrupted only by trembling fits during which their eyes protruded and gave them the semblance of dead men.

[123] Not the Kulaman.

By the time thetungudhad reached the Mayo district it had lost most of its striking features, but was still powerful enough to cause many of the Mandaya to kill their animals and hold religious dances. The coast Moro, who at that time were restless, took advantage of the movement to further a plan to drive American planters and Christianized natives from the district. The leading Mandaya were invited to the house of the Moropandita[124] "to see the spirit Diwata." During several nights the son of thepanditaimpersonated the spirit and appeared in the darkened room. Over his chest and forehead he had stretched thin gauze and beneath this had placed many fire-flies, which to the imaginative people made him appear superhuman. His entrance into the room was attended by a vigorous shaking of the house, caused by a younger brother stationed below. A weird dance followed and then the spirit advised the people to rise and wipe out the whole Christianized population. The Mandaya had become so impressed by the nightly appearance of Diwata that it is more than probable they would have joined the Moro in their project had not an American planter at Mayo learned of the plot. He imprisoned the leaders, thus ending a scheme which, if successful, would have given new attributes to at least one of the spirits.

[124] The religious head of the settlement.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

The before-mentionedballyandirect the religious observances of the tribe. Their mysterious powers give them great influence among their fellows but, nevertheless, they are subservient to the local ruler.

The tribe is divided into many small groups, each of which is governed by abagani. To reach this coveted position a man must have distinguished himself as a warrior and have killed at least ten persons with his own hand.[125] The victims need not be killed in warfare and may be of any sex or age so long as they come from a hostile village. When the required number of lives has been taken, the aspirant appeals to the neighboringbaganifor the right to be numbered in their select company. They will assemble to partake of a feast prepared by the candidate and then solemnly discuss the merits of his case. The petition may be disregarded entirely, or it may be decided that the exploits related are sufficient only to allow the warrior to be known as a halfbagani. In this case he may wear trousers of red cloth, but if he is granted the full title he is permitted to don a blood-red suit and to wear a turban of the same hue. This distinction is eagerly sought by the more vigorous men of the tribe and, as a result, many lives are taken each year.

[125] At Mayo it was said that it is necessary to kill only six, but the twobaganiliving there had each killed more than twice that number. Among the Mansaka the number required is often as high as thirty.

A short time ago a candidate entered the district of Bungalung on the east coast of Davao and killed thirty-two persons. In that same section are now living fivebaganiwho have gained this title by similar exploits.[126] Whole communities become involved in feuds as a result of these individual raids, for it is the duty of a murdered man's family to seek revenge for his death. It is not necessary that they kill the offender, as any member of his family or settlement will suffice. In some districts the unmarried relatives of a murdered person are not allowed to wed until the death is avenged.

[126] These are Maclingtong at Pandisan; Pankard at Tagauanan; Kasicknan, Lewanan, and Malañgit, in the mountains between Taguanan and Piso.

Instances are known where the old men have conferred the title ofbaganiupon the son of some deceased warrior. In such a case the recipient of the honor starts at once to fulfil the requirements of election, for otherwise he brings disgrace to himself and family. In his own settlement the oldest of thebaganibecomes supreme ruler, and if powerful enough he may extend his influence to a considerable distance. In a few cases on the East coast the holders of the title have so instilled fear of themselves into the neighboring districts that they have been able to levy blackmail, even on the Christianized natives. War parties are led by these wearers of the red garments, and they also enforce the laws handed down from their forefathers.

The day a warrior is elevated to this order he is in a large measure cut away from his fellows. He no longer associates with them as equals but eats his meals alone, unless it happens that otherbaganiare present.

Below thebaganiin rank come the warriors, a class which includes practically all the able-bodied free men; and still below them are the slaves. Slavery was an ancient institution with this people when the Spaniards first visited their country, and it has continued to flourish up to the present, in all districts a little removed from the influence of the white man. The great majority of slaves are secured by capture, but until recent years the Moro of the coast have carried on a lucrative slave trade with this tribe. Girls and women become members of their master's household, but their children are treated as slaves. Captive boys and men aid their masters in the chase and in the fields, and in most cases it would be hard indeed for a stranger to pick servant from master. Sometimes the people of a neighboring village ransom one of their fellows and in such a case the freed slave may return to his old home or he may become a free member of the community in which he has been serving.

DWELLINGS

The insecurity of life resulting from the conditions described has caused the people to build their homes high in the branches of trees, often so situated on the edge of cliffs that they can be approached only from one direction (Plates LXXIII-LXXIV).

Two sorts of dwellings are commonly seen. Of these, the rudest rest on the limbs of trees, and conform in size and shape to the nature of the supporting branches. Some few houses of this kind have horizontal sides and sloping roofs, but more frequently a roof which slopes directly from a central ridge pole to the edges of the platform does away with the necessity of side walls.

The second and more common type of house is shown in Plate LXXIV. Here the top of the tree has been cut off some fifteen or twenty feet above the ground leaving a stump to serve as a part of the foundation. Many smaller poles help support the floor and then extend upward to form the wall and roof stays. The upper flooring of beaten bark rests on cross-beams which have been lashed to the uprights. Above it are occasional horizontal poles, forming a skeleton to which the walls ofnipapalm are fastened. In some houses two or three of the foundation poles extend above the floor to such a height that they are used as the supports for the ridge pole. In others true king posts rest on the beams, which in turn are supported by the corner poles. From the ridge a number of smaller rods extend to or project out over the side walls, and on them rests the roofing ofnipapalm. A space of several inches often intervenes between the roof and the side walls. The whole structure is so firmly lashed together with rattan that it is capable of withstanding severe storms, despite the fact that it gives and creaks with every wind. During violent storms the house is further secured by anchoring it with rattan lines to nearby trees.

Entrance to the dwelling is gained by means of bamboo or rattan ladders. These are drawn up at night, and with all means of access thus removed the inhabitants need have little fear of a surprise attack. If enemies do attempt to dislodge them the defenders have the advantage of their elevated position in the use of their weapons.

Generally, each house contains only one room which varies in size according to the number of inhabitants. Frequently two or three families are found living in one house, for it is the custom for the suitors, and often for the husbands of the married daughters, to live with the girls' people.

Near the door, or in one comer of the room, is a small box of earth in which several stones are imbedded. This constitutes the hearth, about which is found a miscellany of pots, jars, and other kitchen vessels. The smoke finds its way out through a small opening at each end of the roof, or through the narrow space under the eaves. There is no recognized arrangement of the room. Utensils[127] are scattered promiscuously about and when the inhabitants are ready to sleep they occupy such parts of the floor as are free or can be most easily cleared.

[127] These consist of baskets, rice mortars, and winnowers, weaving outfits, bark dye vats, as well as traps and weapons, nearly all of which are so similar to those already described for the Bagobo that they do not call for special notice here.

The people of a community build their houses within a short distance of one another, yet seldom so close together as to form a village. However, village life is not entirely unknown, for in the vicinity of Cateel Governor Bolton found six houses, partially surrounded by palisades, perched on the top of a conical hill.

Lieutenant Youngblood gives the following description of the people and dwellings seen by him near the upper waters of the Agusan river:

"The people seemed to be living in an atmosphere of fear as far as intercourse with the world outside their crater-like valley was concerned. They believed it was death to look upon the sea, of which they had heard disjointed tales, but which none of them had ever seen. They feared the coast people with a mortal fear, justified perhaps by the experiences of occasional meetings in times gone by. They fear each other to a certain extent, especially men who live further north of the headwaters of the Agusan. This ever-present state of fear gives coloring to their whole life. They take to the brush at the least unwonted sound. They make their clearings on the steep mountainsides and in these build two or three of their houses in strategic positions. In the very construction of their dwellings the idea of security in case of attack is predominant.

"The houses in this section are generally built in clearings on the sawn-off trunk of some giant tree and placed from the ground some forty or fifty feet. Numerous posts help support the structure, entrance to which is gained by a notched pole firmly set in the ground and held in place by tightly wound bejuca. Oftentimes this stair pole is bowed outwards slightly, which gives it a peculiar appearance and requires a considerable amount of skill in climbing. The front and only door to these houses consists of a section of the floor composed of hewn plank, hinged at one end. One end of this is raised by a bejuca rope during the day, while at night it is let down forming a solid floor throughout the house.

"The roof is of shingles made from mountain cane; the floor and sides of hand-hewn logs and planks; the roof is at no place more than seven feet from the floor and is blackened on the inside from smoke. The largest house visited in this locality was that of Chief Leuanan, and this was some twenty feet square. These houses consist of one room and are inhabited by two or more families."

AGRICULTURE

About the settlements are the fields in which rice, corn, camotes, sugar-cane, and a small amount of tobacco, cotton and hemp are raised. However, the crops are usually so small that even with the addition of game and forest products there is, each year, a period closely bordering on starvation. New clearings are frequently made near to the old, for the primitive tools[128] with which the people work are ill-fitted to combat the incursion into the open land of the rank cogon grass. Only the exhaustion of suitable timber land for a new clearing, the prevalence of an epidemic, or the near approach of a powerful enemy will cause the people to move their homes from one district to another.

[128] These consist of a mall axe, working knife, and planting stick.

We have already referred to the important part thelimokonplays in the selection and clearing of a new plot of ground,[129] and to the offerings made to the spirits when it becomes necessary to cut down certain trees.[130] The crops, aside from the rice, are planted and harvested without further reference to the spirit world, but the cultivation and care of this cereal can only be carried on according to certain fixed conditions.

[129] See pages 173 and 177.

[130] Near Cateel the wishes of the spirits are learned by means of cords. A number of strings are tied together in the center and the knot is buried. The loose ends are then joined and if it happens that the two ends of a cord have been tied together it is taken as a sign that the spirits give their consent to the proposed clearing.

About November first, when a group of seven stars calledpoyo poyoappears in the west, it is a signal for all who expect to clear new land to begin their labors. By December first this constellation rises straight above and it is then time to plant. This is further confirmed by the appearance of a star known assabak. If any have delayed their planting until the middle of December they are given a last warning when the stars formingBayatik[131] appear.

[131] This is the same asbalatik, page 62.

As soon as the land has been cleared a pole is placed in the center of the field and is surrounded by a fence. This is known astagbinianand seems to be erected in honor of the spirit Omayan, although by some it is insisted that it is intended for his residence. The seed rice is deposited inside the enclosure[132] and the men begin to prepare the soil about it. This they do by thrusting sharpened sticks into the ground, thus making holes an inch or two in depth. Taking rice from thetagbinianthe women follow, dropping seeds into the holes.

[132] Maxey relates that at planting and harvest tune the Mandaya of Cateel carry offerings to thebalititrees and there offer it to Diwata, in supplication or thanks for an abundant crop.

When the harvest time is near at hand the men repair the old granaries or build new and then, when all is ready for the crop, an old man or woman goes alone, in the middle of the night, to the fields and there cuts a few stalks of the rice. Should this be neglected the crop is sure to be small and will vanish quickly. This grain is not used as an offering, nor are any gifts made to the spirits until the crop has been harvested and the people are ready to eat of the new rice. At that time a little of the recently harvested grain is placed on a dish, together with other food and betel-nut, and is carried to the granary, where it is presented to the spirit "in order that the granary may always be full." When the grain is needed for use it is removed from the straw by pounding it with wooden pestles, it is then placed in a wooden mortar and is again pounded until the husks are loosened. This accomplished, the grain is freed from chaff by tossing it in a winnower. If a greater amount has been cleared than is needed it is stored in gourds or water-proof baskets (Fig. 50). A month or two after the harvest a great celebration is held, the principal features of which are a feast and dance but no offerings are then made to the spirits.

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