FIG. 27. HEMP MACHINE.
During ceremonies and at festivals a fermented drink made of sugar cane is served, and in anticipation of its pleasurable effects the Bagobo is willing to expend a considerable amount of effort. The juice of the cane is extracted by means of a press made of two logs arranged in parallel horizontal positions, so that the end of a wooden lever can slip under one and rest in a groove cut in the other (Fig. 28). The cane is placed in the groove and the operator bears his weight on the lever, thus squeezing out the juice. After being boiled with the bark of certain trees and lime juice, the liquor is sealed in jars or bamboo tubes and is stored away until needed.
FIG. 28. SUGAR CANE PRESS.
The sago palm is found in parts of the Bagobo territory, and in times of need, the people make temporary camps near to the sago districts, where they prepare the flour. This is done in the same manner as is fully described on page 140.
The most important thing in the life of the Bagobo is the care of the rice, for on this crop he depends for the greater part of his food supply, and by its condition he can ascertain with what favor he is looked upon by the spirits. So closely is the cultivation of this cereal coupled with the religious beliefs that it is necessary, in this relation, to describe the ceremonies connected with it.
We have previously stated that the incursion of the cogon grass into the fields makes necessary some new clearings each year. In the month of December a constellation known asBalatikappears in the sky. This has a double significance; first, it is the reminder for the yearly sacrifice; and secondly, it notifies all workers that the tools, which are to be used in making new clearings, shall be placed in readiness. All those who expect to prepare new fields for themselves, or are to assist others in such work, gather at the forge of the local smith and there take part in a ceremony held in honor of his patron spirit. They carry with them offerings of rice and chickens which they cook in bamboo tubes, for food taken from a pot is not acceptable to this spirit. When all is ready the food is placed on a rice winnower, near to the forge, and on it the men lay their weapons and working knives (Plate XXIX). Standing before the offering the smith, in a droning voice, calls on the spirit, beseeching him to come and eat of the food, to accept the weapons and tools, and having done so to be watchful over the workers during the clearing time, so that they may not be injured in the work or be molested by enemies. The prayer finished, the smith eats a little of the food, and all the men follow his example, but no woman may so much as touch this offering. Meanwhile other food which can be eaten by all has been prepared. After the meal the weapons and tools which are to be used during the clearing time are removed, but, as they now belong to the spirit, they can never be disposed of without first recompensing him. During this day there is a strict prohibition against music and dancing. For three days the men abstain from work and the forge stands idle. When the fire is again lighted the first knife made is the property of the spirit.
With the ending of the period of taboo the workers go to the fields and, in the center of each, place atambara[21] fitted with a white dish containing betel nut. This is an offering to Eugpamolak Manobo, who is besought to drive from the field anytigbanawaortagamaling[22] who may live there, to keep the workers in good health, to allow an abundant crop, and, finally, to make the owner rich and happy. The weeds, brush, and trees, after being cut and allowed to dry are fired, while the logs remaining after this initial burning are piled together and again set on fire, and the field is ready for the planting. No soil is broken and not a seed goes into the ground until the spirits again designate the time, by placing the constellationMararain the sky. This appears early in April, and is followed by a period of great activity in the fields. If, for any reason, the owner of the land cannot plant at this time, he has two or more opportunities given him when the constellationsMamariandBwayaappear, the latter toward the end of June.
[21] See p. 66, Fig. 12.
[22] Evil spirits which are classed with thebuso. See p. 107.
When the workers go to the field on the day set for the planting they enter at one corner and proceed directly across it to the far left hand corner where they erect a small house or place atambarawhich is known aspEmEg'ge. As soon as it is complete, themabalianbegin to call on the spirits. Manama[23] is called first and after him other spirits, according to their rank and power. They are informed that the planting is about to begin and that the people are showing them this mark of respect so that they will not allow anything to interfere with the crop. This done, they go to the center of the field and place a secondtambara, calledparobanian, for the spirit Taragómi/Taragomi, who owns all food. Leaves pleasing to him and presents of food or bracelets are placed in it, as well as in histambarafound in the house.[24] The owner of the field takes themalayag, a large variety of rice, and plants it around theparobanian,[25] and as the last grain is planted themabalianagain starts her prayer, this time beginning with Taragómi/Taragomi. She asks for good crops, and protection for the field from all animals, blight and drought. Finally, she begs Eugpamolak Manobo to control the sun and winds so that they will always be favorable to the growing grain. Having thus done all in their power to secure the cooperation of the superior beings the men take their rice planters and real work begins.[26] The planter (Fig. 29) consists of a long shaft at one end of which is a metal blade while at the other is a bamboo clapper decorated with feathers. When this instrument is struck on the ground it digs a shallow hole an inch or more in depth, the clapper meanwhile keeping up an incessant noise. It is said by some that the rattle is intended to please the guardian spirit of the fields, but this does not seem to be the prevalent idea. The women follow the men, dropping seeds into the holes and pushing the soil over them with their feet.
[23] Eugpamolak Manobo.
[24] At Cibolan only brass objects are placed in thistambara.
[25] At Digos themabaliandoes the planting and harvesting about thetambara, and the rice grown there is reserved as seed, for the next season.
[26] FATHER GISBERT relates that it is the custom to sacrifice a slave at this time, but this is denied by thedatuconsulted by the writer. See letters of FATHER GISBERT in BLAIR and ROBERTSON, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII; pp. 233-4.
FIG. 29. RICE PLANTER WITH BAMBOO CLAPPER ATTACHED TO TOP.
At nightfall of the day in which the planting has been completed amabaliancooks fish and rice, which she carries to theparobanian. Early next morning the family goes to the field and eats this offering which "belongs to Taragómi/Taragomi, so should be eaten at his house." From this time until harvest the fields must be guarded against birds and animals, but no further offerings take place unless unusual conditions should satisfy the owner that the spirits are demanding more gifts. When harvest time comes the owner and a few of his friends will go to the field and pull a few of the fresh stalks, which they place in thepEmEg'geandparobanian, meanwhile addressing the spirits, and the cutting of the rice begins. This is done by women who, for this purpose, employ a small knife calledgElat(Plate XXIXd). The last grain to be cut is that about theparobanian. Themabaliancooks a little of the new rice in the house and places a part of it in the varioustambaraand shrines; then, having placed a number of rice stalks on the floor, she offers them one by one to the spirits. Not until she has finished can any of the prepared food be eaten. The balance of the crop lies in the sun until dry, when it is tied in bundles and placed in the granary.
When all the harvesting is finished the people will make a festival known asGatokbia-an, orpakakaro. Ordinarily each family will have its own celebration, but at times all the inhabitants of a village will join in one great celebration. The period of toil and doubt is past, the food supply is assured, and the people gather to give thanks. No New England Thanksgiving dinner is prepared with greater thought, or less regard for expense, than that which is made ready at this time. The finest of the rice, cocoanuts[sic], eggs, chickens, fish, shrimps, and many other edibles are prepared and placed in certain dishes which are dedicated to the spirits and are used only at this time. These plates are arranged in a row in the center of the room and themabaliangather around them. Taking a wand of sandal wood in her hand one of the number waves it over the offerings, while she chants long prayers. Beginning with the most powerful, she addresses the spirits one by one, thanking them for the care they have given to the growing grain and to the laborers, and for the bounteous harvest. Frequently individuals will interrupt the proceedings to place near to themabaliana fine knife or some other prized object which they desire to have presented to the spirits as evidence of their gratitude. At first, it is a little hard to understand this lavishness, but it transpires that the former owners still have possession of these objects, and that the spirits offer no objections to their use, so long as their ownership is not disputed, truly a case of eating the pie but still having it.
The knives and other implements which have been used in the fields are laid on a large basket filled with rice, "in order that they may eat, and, therefore, have no cause to injure their owners." Another large dish of rice is set aside as a special offering. In some cases this is taken out to the fields, where it is eaten by the wife, or wives of the host; but in Cibolan it is kept in the house until the next morning, when it is eaten by all the members of the family. The ceremonial eating of this rice causes the supply to last longer and assures abundant rains for the succeeding crop. Part of the food from the dishes is placed in thetambaraand shrines, and then all the guests are permitted to feast and make merry. Unlike most Bagobo ceremonies this one lacks the music of theagongs,[27] for only bamboo guitars, flutes, and thebolang-bolangare permitted at this time. The last named instrument is made by placing a board on a rice mortar; the women gather around it with their wooden pestles and beat a rythmical[sic] tattoo. This concludes the festival proper, but many guests will remain for two or three days to enjoy the hospitality of their host.
[27] Copper gongs.
On the third morning after the festival the family and some friends will celebrateBagkEs"the tying together." The dishes in which food was offered are tied together and are carried to the rice field where, with great solemnity, the little dish in theparobanianis removed and placed among the others, while the people tell it that the other plates have come to take it away, but that it will be returned to its home the following year. The family goes back to the village in silence and after tying all the dishes together place them in the rice granary.
In the Bagobo settlement at Digos, the women hold still another festival following the cutting of the rice. This is known asGomeng ka taragomi, orbitinbagáybe. In the main it resembles the ceremony of similar name, which the women of Malilla hold on the second day ofGinEm(See page 111). A bamboo pole decked with leaves and green fruit of thearecapalm is placed in the center of a room and is surrounded with cooked food. After this has been offered to the spirits, it is eaten by the guests who then indulge in dancing about the decorated pole. This generally lasts eight days, but in one instance the festivities continued for sixteen days and nights. The explanation given is that "the women wish to show Taragómi/Taragomi and theNitos(anitos) how happy they are because of the good harvest, for when they see this they will be pleased and will help again next year."
TRANSPORTATION AND TRADE.
TRANSPORTATION AND TRADE.
The Bagobo makes no use of boats or rafts, for until recent times he has lived at a considerable distance from the sea; and the rivers, which flow in deep cañons, may be changed in a day from tiny streams to rushing torrents in which no craft could keep afloat. Left to his own devices, he pays little attention to trails, but cuts his way through the underbrush directly to his destination. The government has forced him to clear and maintain several fairly good roads between the larger settlements and the coast, and these are now the highways over which he transports his hemp and other trade articles. Quite a number of carabao and horses are to be found in the territory, where they are used as pack and riding animals. Both men and women are excellent riders and take great pride in the decoration of their mounts. The saddle used is carved from wood, in exact duplication of those used by the Spaniards. The copper bits are also copies, but are of native casting. Strings of bells surround the neck of a prized animal, and it is further beautified by an artificial forelock. Rattan whips, wound with braid, and decorated with beads, are also a part of his trappings. According to Bagobo tradition, they have had horses from the most remote times, and Professor BLUMENTRITT is inclined to believe that they possessed these animals prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. In support of this contention, he points to the fact that, unlike most Philippine tribes, they use the Malayan name.[28]
[28] The terms used are,bait koda—stallion, andmamat koda—mare.
[Transcriber's note: The uncontracted forms of these phrases arebayi ta koda'andmama ta koda'. Becausebayimeans "female" andmamameans "male," the definitions of "stallion" and "mare" appear to have been interchanged in error.]
Heavy loads of field products are transported on animals, or are carried in cylindrical bark or rattan boxes or carrying frames (Fig. 30). Such a receptacle is supported on the back by means of a band which passes around the forehead, or by other bands which slip over the shoulders. Both sexes carry loads in this way, although it must be confessed that consideration for the members of the gentler sex has not reached such a stage that they are relieved of any great part of such labor. When gathering grain and forest products, or when searching for snails, the woman attaches a small basket to her belt so that it hangs at a convenient height against her thigh. We have previously noticed the decorated bags and baskets which serve as pockets, and also contain the betel nut outfits.
FIG. 30. CARRYING FRAME.
A small child is supported at the mother's hip by means of a broad sash, which passes over the right shoulder and under the left arm. When it is able to walk the scarf is discarded, and it sits astride the mother's hip, where it is held in place by her left arm. Older children and the men devote considerable time to the newcomers, but at a very early age the youngsters begin to run about as wild and carefree as only little savages can.
The Bagobo is a keen trader and many small articles of all kinds reach, and pass from him through trade; and to make this barter possible he intentionally produces an excess of certain things. Chief of these is hemp, which he now carries to the coast traders, and for which he receives trade cloth, iron pots, copper gongs, bells, and the beads which he prizes so highly. In exchange for the betel boxes, bells, and knife guards, which come from his forge, he receives shell disks, certain articles of dress, cooking pots, and various other household articles as well as salt and some animals. The knives made by him are in great demand and often travel far inland. While among the Bukidnon of the North-Central part of the Island the writer secured one blade and guard of undoubted Bagobo workmanship. In early days, Chinese and Moro traders brought gongs, jars, plates, and other crockery, as well as many other articles now among the prized heirlooms of wealthy men or occupying an important place in the ceremonial life of the tribe. Through these same channels came the Borneo ivory of which the ear plugs are made, while other objects from more distant regions were occasionally brought in. Two examples of this trade are now in the collections of the Field Museum of Natural History. One is a jacket made from Javanese cloth; the second a belt buckle which apparently originated in Perak.
Local feuds, as well as the desire of individuals to be known asmagani, have always made it unsafe for small numbers of traders to venture to any great distance from home, and this has been a great hindrance to trade. However, large parties, even from other tribes, sometimes go to a village for purposes of trade, having previously notified the inhabitants of their intentions. While in Malilla the writer met with a party of thirty Bila-an traders who lived three days' march to the east. The influence of capture, intermarriage, and looting, in carrying the artifacts of one tribe into the territory of another has previously been mentioned.
WARFARE.
WARFARE.
The offensive weapons used by the Bagobo are spears, knives (Fig. 15 and Plate XXXII), and at times bows and arrows (Fig. 17). For defense they carry shields, either round or oblong (Figs. 31-32), and cover the body with so many strips of hemp cloth that a knife thrust is warded off. Turning his body sideways to the enemy, the warrior crouches behind his shield, keeping up a continuous capering, rushing forward or dancing backward, seeking for an opening but seldom coming to close quarters. Arrows and spears are glanced off with the shield. An attack is usually initiated by the throwing of spears, then, if the enemy is at a disadvantage or confused, the warriors rush in to close combat. For this purpose they rely entirely on their knives, and as fencers they are unexcelled. They are but indifferent shots with the bow and arrow, and that weapon is but little used in actual combat. It has been frequently stated that these arrows are poisoned but I was unable to discover a single specimen so prepared. When hard-pressed, or when a camp must be made in dangerous territory, sharpened bamboo sticks—sogiang—are stuck into the ground with their points directed toward the enemy. These must be carefully gathered up by the pursuers, who otherwise run the risk of having the knife-like blades driven into their feet. Old warriors state that in former years they not only covered the upper part of the body with hemp cloth but wound over this long decorated strips calledgindua; they also tell of coats of mail made of carabao horn or rattan. None of these outfits exist in the territory today, but it is not at all improbable that they were formerly in use, for the long decorated bands are still found among the Bukidnon of the North, with whom some trade is carried on; and a few coats of mail are to be seen among the neighboring Moro.
FIG. 31A AND B. FRONT AND BACK OF AN OBLONG SHIELD.
FIG. 32A AND B.
FIG 32A.—FRONT OF A DECORATED SHIELD.FIG 32B.—BACK OF SHIELD A.
Hostile raids against the neighboring Bila-an, Tagakaolo, and Ata seem to have been common from the most ancient times. After the arrival of the Spaniards there were many minor conflicts with the Moro, and the tribal history takes note of several serious feuds between Bagobo villages. Single warriors, usually those desiring to becomemagani, sometimes enter hostile territory and there lie in wait for an opportunity to spear a passing foe. The fact that these attacks are frequently from ambush, or that whole families are slain while asleep on the floors of their houses, does not seem to detract in the least from the honor due for the deed. Generally, parties of sixty or more, under the direction of amagani, are made up to avenge the death of their townspeople, to secure loot and slaves, or to win glory and distinction. An ambush is formed near to a hostile village and just at dawn an attack is made on the early risers who are scattered and unprepared. The invaders are usually satisfied with a few victims and then make their escape. Women and children are either killed or are carried away as slaves. It is customary for all the warriors to make at least one cut in the bodies, and to eat a portion of the livers of enemies who have shown great bravery, for in this way it is thought they gain in that quality. This seems to be the only occasion when human flesh is tasted, despite the fact that the members of this tribe have been frequently referred to as cannibals.
The warriors of Cibolan and Malilla formerly carried heads of enemies to their towns and made use of them during theGinEmceremony, while at Bansalan and Digos a lock of hair, cut from the head of the slain, answered the same purpose. Individual raiders sometimes carry home a head or a hand as evidence of a successful fight, and at such times festivals may be held to celebrate the event. However, the trophy soon loses its value and is hung or buried at a distance from the village. Head-hunting for the sake of the trophy itself, does not exist here.
Peace can be effected by means of a blood compact known asdayándi. Each principal cuts his own wrist until the blood flows freely; this he catches in his free hand and offers to the other participant to drink. Sometimes the blood of both is caught and mixed in a dish from which they drink, meanwhile addressing thetigyama,[29] saying, "We are now like brothers, like children of the same parents, and now we cannot fight any more. We ask you to be the witnesses."
[29] See p. 107. [Transcriber's note: 12 pages later in this document.]
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION.
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION.
There seems to be no trace of clan or totemic grouping among the Bagobo. Blood relationship is traced as far as the second cousin and is a bar to marriage. The suggestion that a man might marry his mother-in-law was received with horror, but whether this was due to local mother-in-law stories or to an idea of relationship could not be ascertained. However, a man may marry the sister of his wife.
Each district has its head man, or pettydatuwho is supposed to be subject to thedatuof Cibolan. This seems actually to have been the case until a few years ago, when some of the local rulers withdrew their allegiance. The office is hereditary and usually passes from the father to his eldest son. Should thedatube without an heir, or the son be considered inefficient, the under chiefs and wise old men may choose a leader from among their number.
In his own district the power of thedatuis very great, but even he is obliged to respect the laws and customs handed down by the ancestors. He is supreme judge in all matters, though he may, if he desires, call in the old men to help him decide difficult cases. The usual method of punishment is by means of a fine. Should the culprit be unwilling or unable to pay he is placed in servitude until such a time as the debt is considered canceled, but should he refuse to serve he is killed without further ado. Thedatuappoints a man for this purpose, and he usually gets his victim by stealth, either by waylaying him in the road or by driving a spear through him as he lies asleep on the floor of his house. When a fine is levied thedaturetains a portion as pay for his services; if the more drastic punishment follows it serves to emphasize his power and is more valuable to him than the payment. When his house needs repairing, his hemp requires stripping, or his fields need attention, his followers give him assistance. In return for these services he helps support a number of fighting men who can always be called upon for the defence of the people. His house is considered the property of all to the extent that anyone goes there at any time and stays as long as he pleases, partaking meanwhile of thedatu'sfood. In times of danger, or during festivals, all the people assemble there and assist, in the defense or the merry-making.
Datu Tongkaling is the most industrious man in the tribe. He does not hesitate to work in the rice fields, to aid in the house-building or to take his turn at the forge, neither will he tolerate any loafing on the part of his followers. While in most instances he mingles freely with his people he never eats with them. His wives, children, and guests eat from a long row of dishes set on the floor, but thedatutakes his food alone at a considerable distance from the others.
The balance of the people can be roughly divided between freeman and slaves, but slavery here is of such a mild type, and the members of that class become so quickly merged into the tribe that the lines cannot be closely drawn. Women and children secured in raids become the slaves of their captors, and may be bought and sold, or pass by inheritance, like other property. It is considered proper for a man to live with his slave without marrying her, but should she become pregnant she is usually given her freedom at once; if not then, she is certain to be upon the death of her master, while her offspring are free and legitimate heirs. Children born to a slave couple remain in their class, as do those born to a slave mother and a man not her master. These slaves are treated with kindness and consideration and seldom try to make their escape. In fact it is often difficult to pick out the members of this class from the other members of the family.
The chief aim in life of the man is to have the right to wear the blood-red clothing and to be known asmagani. As stated earlier in the paper, this term is applied to a man who has killed two or more persons. He is then entitled to wear the peculiar chocolate-colored head covering (Plate XXV). When his score has reached four he can don blood-red trousers, and when he has six lives to his credit he is permitted to wear the complete blood-red suit and to carry a bag of the same color.[30] From that time on his clothing does not change with the number of his victims, but his influence increases with each life put to his credit. It is said that formerly, at Digos and Bansalan, a man who had killed twenty or more was known asgemáwan, and was distinguished by a black hemp suit. This claim to the black clothing is no longer respected, and such garments are worn by any who desire them. The man who has never killed a person is calledmatálo, a rather slighting term signifying one who has no desire to fight but remains at home with the women. A man who kills an unfaithful wife and her admirer may count the two on his score. He may also count those of his townspeople whom he has killed in fair fight, but unprovoked murder will be punished by the death of the offender. The candidate formaganihonors may go to an unfriendly town, or to a neighboring tribe, and kill without fear of censure from his own people.
[30] This is the rule at Cibolan. At Malilla and Digos, the kerchief may be worn when one life has been taken, the trousers for two, the coat for three, and finally the sack for four.
[Transcriber's note:matáloin the paragraph above means "coward."]
Themaganiis one of the leaders in a war party; he is chosen to inflict the death penalty when it is decreed, and it is men of this class that assist in the human sacrifices. He is under the special protection of Mandarangan and Darago, and all petitions to these powerful spirits must be made through him. His clothing is considered the property of these spirits, and when such specimens were secured for the collection, the wearer would invariably place the garment beside some prized article, such as a knife or spear, then taking a green betel nut would rub the garment and object, meanwhile beseeching the spirits to leave the one and enter the other. Later the nut was placed in thetambarabelonging to those spirits. A father may not bequeath to his son the right to the red clothing; and such articles, together with his weapons, should be buried with him. Should one not entitled to these garments dare to make use of them, the spirits would straightway cause his body to swell or turn yellow, and he would die.
In a previous paragraph we mentioned the unorganized priesthood, the members of which are known asmabalian. Men are not barred from this profession, but the greater number of its members are old, or middle-aged, women.[31] A woman may live the greater part of her life without an idea of becoming a member of this order, and then suddenly be warned in dreams, by visions, or by othermabalianthat she has been chosen by the spirits. The one thus elected becomes a pupil of a qualifiedmabalianand for several months will be drilled in the duties of that office. She will be taught the medicines to be used at certain times,[32] the duties of a midwife, the correct method of building shrines and conducting ceremonies, and finally, she will learn the prayers with which the spirits should be addressed. It seems to be the belief that, at times during the ceremonies, themabalianmay be possessed by a spirit and that she then speaks not as a mortal but as the spirit itself. She also knows how to weave and dye the turban worn by themagani, and because of this accomplishment is considered to be under the protection of Baitpandi,[33] and is permitted to wear garments made of red cloth, the same as themagani.
[31] There are fivemabalianin Cibolan, all of whom are women past middle life.
[32] A medicine is used with the idea that it assists in driving away evil influences.
[33] The patron spirit of the weavers.
The workers in the various crafts are under the guidance and protection of special spirits, but there is no bar against other members of the tribe entering those professions.
Apparently then, Bagobo society is divided into several classes or divisions, but with the exception of a few individuals in the slave class, there is a possibility or an opportunity for each member of the tribe to enter any class open to his or her sex. Even a slave woman may become the wife of adatu, and her son may assume the leadership of the tribe.
LAWS. PROPERTY AND INHERITANCE.
LAWS. PROPERTY AND INHERITANCE.
The laws of the people are those imposed by custom and religion, and are equally binding on all classes. Public opinion is sufficient to prevent most crimes; the fear of offending the spirits is a further deterrent; while the final bar is the drastic punishment meted out by thedatu. Theft is punished by the levying of a fine if the culprit is able to pay, or by a term of servitude if he has no property. If a husband finds that his wife has been unfaithful, he should kill both her and her admirer, but the spear with which he avenges his wrongs should be left in the body of one of the victims, as a sign that the murder was provoked by the fault. When this is done the husband cannot be held accountable either to thedatuor to the dead person's relatives. If, however, he withdraws the weapon, the brothers or other male relatives of the deceased have a right and a duty to avenge the deaths. A man who has killed his wife and her lover is allowed to count both on his score towards becoming amagani—a further incentive for him to avenge his wrongs. Cases are known where the husband accepted payment for his wife's affections, but it was considered a sign of weakness, or cowardice, and the man lost caste. Unprovoked murder of one from the same or a friendly village is punished by death.
A man having illicit relations with a slave woman, not his own, is subjected to a heavy fine or a term of servitude. Incest should be punished by the death of the culprits for should such a crime go unpunished the spirits would cause the sea to rise and cover the land. Datu Tongkaling claims that on two occasions, since he became ruler, he has put such offenders to death. In the first case he had the couple bound and thrown into the sea, while in the second instance, they were tied to trees in the forest and sacrificed in the presence of all the people of the village.
Prohibitions exist against the wearing of the clothing which distinguishes warriors and priestesses, and there are rules governing the conduct of individuals while near shrines or during ceremonies, but punishment for the breaking of these rules is meted out by the spirits rather than by thedatu.
Each settlement is recognized as having property rights to all adjacent lands. Within these recognized limits, its members may take up as much land as they need, provided it is not already in use, but when a field is, for any reason, abandoned it again becomes the property of the community. Individual ownership extends to houses, furnishings, and all articles of clothing, as well as to weapons, traps, animals, and slaves. Although bought with a price the wife is still very independent and has undisputed rights to her baskets, cooking utensils, looms, and to the finery with which she adorns her person.
Since all the people assist in the support of thedatuthey consider his home to be, to a certain extent, their own and make use of it and its furnishings without question.
Probably at no place in the world has borrowing gone to greater extremes than here. When attempting to purchase clothing, or articles in daily use, the writer frequently found that not a single garment worn by an individual was his own; and it was usually necessary to consult several persons in order to secure a complete outfit.
Upon the death of a man, his property is taken in charge by his first wife, or by the old men, and is divided equally among his wives and children, with perhaps a little extra added to the share of the first mate. The belongings of a free-born woman go to her children, or, in case she is barren, are given to her relatives. In cases where both the parents are dead, the children pass into the care of the father's family.
Despite the fact that property is owned by individuals, a large part of the labor, especially in house-building and in the fields, is done in common. When a man desires to clear or plant a field or to build a house, he summons his friends to aid him and they respond with no idea of payment other than their food and drink, and the return of like services when they are in similar need.
BIRTH.
BIRTH.
For about six months before and after the birth of a child the mother is relieved from hard labor; she is not allowed to taste of any thing sour, neither may she eat dried fish or flesh, lest her child be thin and weak. The father is under no restrictions other than that he is expected to remain near to his home for a few days following the birth of a child. Other action on his part would be considered by the spirits as an admission that he does not care for the child, and they would cause the umbilical cord to decay so that the child would die. The mother is delivered in the regular dwelling, where she is attended by two or more midwives ormabalian.[34] She is placed with her back against an inclined board, while in her hands she holds a rope which is attached to the roof. With the initial pains, one of the midwives massages the abdomen, while another prepares a drink made from leaves, roots, and bark, and gives it to the expectant woman. The preparation of this concoction was taught by friendly spirits, and it is supposed to insure an easy delivery. Still anothermabalianspreads a mat in the middle of the room, and on it places valuable cloths, weapons, and gongs, which she offers to the spirits; praying that they will make the birth easy and give good health to the infant. The articles offered at this time can be used by their former owners but as they are now the property of the spirits they must not be sold or traded. The writer was very anxious to secure an excellent weapon which had been thus offered. The user finally agreed to part with it but first he placed it beside another of equal value, and taking a piece of betel nut he rubbed each weapon with it a number of times, then dipping his fingers in the water he touched both the old and the new blades, all the time asking the spirit to accept and enter the new weapon. The child is removed by themabalianwho, in cutting the umbilical cord, makes use of the kind of knife used by the members of the child's sex, otherwise the wound would never heal. The child is placed on a piece of soft betel bark, "for its bones are soft and our hands are hard and are apt to break the soft bones," then water is poured over it and its body is rubbed withpogonok.[35] The afterbirth is placed in a bamboo tube, is covered with ashes and a leaf, and the whole is hung against the side of the dwelling where it remains until it falls of its own accord or the house is destroyed. In Cibolan the midwife applies a mixture of clay and herbs calledkaramirto the eyes of all who have witnessed the birth "so that they will not become blind." Having done this she gives the child its name, usually that of a relative, and her duties are over. As payment she will receive a large and a small knife, a plate, some cloth, and a needle.[36]
[34] In Cibolan the midwife is calledtaratEk-Ekn, and need not be amabalian.
[35] A medicine made of bark and rattan.
[36] The payment given at the birth of a boy is somewhat greater than that for a girl.
In Malilla the naming does not take place until three clays after the birth, and the eyes are not always anointed, although the old people agree that it is an ancient custom and "a good thing to do." At that time the mat containing the gifts is spread on the floor and the offerings are again called to the attention of the spirits, who are urged to look to the welfare of the child. Should the infant be ailing, or cry a great deal, it is a sign that the spirits are displeased with the name given to it and another will be substituted; however, this does not seem to be done with an idea of fooling the spirits, as is the case with some other tribes. The child is nursed until two or three years of age, or until another takes its place. There is no superstition concerning twins, but triplets are at once put to death by filling their mouths with ashes, otherwise "the parents would die, for they are like dogs."
When questioned concerning abortion, Datu Tongkaling asserted that he considered it "very bad," and that he would prohibit anymabalianwho assisted in such a practice from continuing her profession, but he said that despite his orders secret medicines which produce that result are sometimes administered. Such a practice is not common, however, as children are greatly desired and no worse slur can be applied to a woman than to speak of her as barren.
So far as could be learned there is no ceremony or celebration of any kind when a child reaches the age of puberty but soon thereafter its teeth will be filed and blackened. In some villages the boys are circumcised, but the practice is not compulsory, neither is it general throughout the territory.
MARRIAGE.
MARRIAGE.
Marriage among the Bagobo takes place much later than is common among most Philippine tribes, the couple often being eighteen or twenty years of age. As a rule the parents of the boy select the girl and negotiate the match. Going to the house of the girl they casually broach the subject and if her parents are favorable, a day is set to discuss the details. This meeting is attended by the friends and relatives of both families, and two head-men ordatumust also be present to represent the contracting parties. The price the girl should bring varies according to the wealth of the interested parties and the accomplishments of the bride. Whatever the sum paid, the father of the girl must make a return present equal to one-half the value of the marriage gift "so that he does not sell his daughter like a slave." Usually marriage does not take place until a year or more after this settlement, and during the interval the boy must serve his father-in-law to be. When the time for the final ceremony arrives the relatives and friends assemble and for two or three days they feast and make merry. Amabalianspreads a mat on the floor, places on it many valuable articles and then offers all to the spirits, in order that they may be pleased to give the couple a long and prosperous life together. Finally, she puts a dish of rice on the mat and, after offering it to the spirits, places it between the boy and the girl as they sit on the floor. The girl takes a handful of the rice and feeds it to the boy who, in turn, feeds her, and the ceremony is complete. The couple may then go to their new home, but for several years the girl's family will exact a certain amount of service from the groom.
A slight variation of the usual order occurred recently at the marriage of one of Datu Tongkaling's sons. At that time all the details were arranged by thedatu, who, accompanied by his son and a number of relatives, went to the girl's house and proposed the union. After the girl had brought wine, betel nut, and food, and had placed them before the visitors, she was directed by her mother to make a carrying bag for her lover. Had she objected to the union and refused to make this gift, her decision would probably have been accepted as final and all negotiations abandoned. However, it is not customary for the young people to refuse to carry out the wishes of their elders. As the girl offered no objections, the party fell to discussing the price the groom should pay, and finally, after several hours of bargaining, decided that he should furnish her father with oneagong,[37] one horse, and a double betel box.[38] Five days later, when he paid this sum, he received a return gift of oneagongand ten skirts from the bride's mother. About one-half the value of the groom's gift was distributed among the girl's relatives, who were at the same time admonished that, in case a separation should occur, they would be expected to return an equal amount. In the presence of about a hundred friends, the pair drank wine from the same dish, then submitted to having a little hair cut from their heads, and were pronounced man and wife. Before they retired for the night themabaliancombed their hair, then, having directed the groom to precede his bride to their sleeping place, she secured a child and placed it on the mat between the pair. This, she explained, was an old custom, and was done so that the girl might not be ashamed, for she was not the first to sleep there. Having finished this duty, she returned to the center of the room and placed a number of plates and a knife on thetambara, where they were allowed to remain for four days as offerings to theanito, Manama, Toglái and thetigyama.[39] At the end of that period the plates were attached to the outside walls of the house, and the knife returned to its former owner. This completed the duties of themabalianwho returned home carrying anagong, the payment for her services.
[37] Large copper gong.
[38] Much more is often given. One girl in Cibolan brought six horses, five agongs, and several spears and knives.
[39] See p. 107. [Transcriber's note: 5 pages after this.]
A man may have as many wives as he desires and can afford, but he may not take a second mate until a child has been born to the first union, or the wife has been proved beyond doubt to be barren. The groom renders no services to the father of the second wife, but instead of this pays a double price for the girl, for he not only pays her parents but is forced also to give a like sum to his first wife, who, in turn, presents it to her father. Should a third wife be added to the family a sum equal to her cost is divided among the earlier wives. The first wife is generally the lady of the house and does not particularly object to having other girls added to the family, provided they are willing to obey her. Datu Tongkaling has had four wives, three of whom are still living.
If a couple cannot agree, a separation can be arranged by applying to the local head-man, who, after listening to their troubles, decides which one is at fault, and whether or no the marriage gifts must be returned. When a couple parts, plates, bowls, and jars are sometimes broken as a sign that they will never live together again and the spirits are thus called to witness. A divorced woman may remarry, but unless the sum originally paid for her has been returned, the new groom must pay such an amount to the first husband.
SICKNESS AND DEATH.
SICKNESS AND DEATH.
In case of illness amabalianadministers some simple remedy without any call on the spirits. If, however, the sickness does not yield readily to this treatment, it is evident that the trouble is caused by some spirit who can only be appeased by a gift, Betel nuts, leaves, food, clothing, and some article in daily use by the patient are placed in a dish of palm bark and on top of all is laid a roughly carved figure of a man. This offering is passed over the body of the patient while themabalianaddresses the spirits as follows. "Now, you can have the man on this dish, for we have changed him for the sick man. Pardon anything this man may have done, and let him be well again." Immediately after this the dish is carried away and hidden so that the sick person may never see it again, for should he do so the illness would return.
According to Father GISBERT a doll is carved from a piece of wood and the spirit is addressed: "O God, Thou who has created men and trees, and all things, do not deprive us of life, and receive in exchange this bit of wood which has our face."
In obstinate cases the invalid may be removed from his own house to another, in order that he may be under the care of the good spirits residing there. Themabalianappplies[sic] certain medicines and then decrees a period of taboo, during which no outsiders may enter the house. Those within at the time the medicine was given may go out if they desire, but must return there to sleep. Should it become evident that the patient will die he is taken back to his own place, otherwise his family would be called upon to reimburse the owner of the house in which the death occurs, for bringing evil or unfriendly spirits into their dwelling.
Governor Bolton describes a somewhat different procedure among the members of the Guianga branch of this tribe. Having learned that Datu Angalan was ill he went to see him, but found his house deserted. Thedatuwas finally located in a small hut about a hundred yards away from his own dwelling, with no attendants. The governor writes, "When I went in the tribesmen entered. I soon found that I had broken a charm which prevented anyone seeing him for a certain time; that he had been placed in the hut for that reason, and to insure his not dying in the large house. It is likely that they had a human sacrifice at that time."[40]
[40] Extract from letters of Gov. Bolton, in files of the Governor at Davao.
Following a death the body is covered with good clothing and is placed in the middle of the house. Wailers sit by the corpse, fanning it to keep away flies, or making an occasional offering of food; while the friends gather to talk of the virtues of the deceased, to console the family, and to partake of the food and drink which has been provided for the gathering. The body is kept over one night, and in the case of great personages, for three days, or until the coffin—a large log split in halves and hollowed out—is prepared. When this is ready the body is placed in it, together with some prized articles of the deceased. After the top has been fitted to the lower portion, they are lashed together and the cracks are filled with lime.[41] The body is buried beneath the house, and the grave is protected by a bamboo fence, within which is placed food, small offerings, or perhaps a shield and spear. In some instances the coffin is allowed to remain in the house, which is then abandoned. It is said that when Datu Taopan died his funeral lasted ten days, and on the last day the house was decked, inside and out, with flowers and valuable gifts, and was then deserted.
[41] When the deceased has been a person of note the coffin is sometimes decorated or colored. The coffin of amaganishould be red, yellow, and black; while that of amabalianshould be yellow, black, and brown.
Following the burial the family lives in the house where the death occurred until a human sacrifice has been made. During this period they live very quietly, eat poor food, wear old clothing, and abstain from all amusements. If their wealth permits, they may shorten the period of mourning by making a special sacrifice, but in most cases the bereaved will wait until the yearly sacrifice when they will purchase a share in the victim and thus remove the taboo. Following the offering, the old house is abandoned and is allowed to fall to pieces for "the man has gone and his house must go also." The procedure is the same for women, and for children who have survived infancy.