FOOTNOTES:

'by the maister of the prison committed to ward, and appointed to a chamber by himselfe; where, foresaking his wicked wayes, acknowledging his most ungodly lyfe, shewing that he had too much folowed the allurements and enticements of Sathan, and fondly practised his conclusions, by conjuring, witchcraft, inchantment, sorcerie, and such like, hee renounced the Devill and all his wicked workes, vowed to lead the lyfe of a Christian, and seemed newly converted to God. The morrow after, upon conference had with him, he granted that the Devill had appeared unto him in the night before, appareled all in blacke, with a white wande in his hande; and that the Devill demaunded of him, "If hee woulde continue his faithfull service, according to his first oath and promise made to that effect": Whome (as hee then saide) he utterly renounced to his face, and said unto him in this manner, "Avoide! Sathan, avoide! for I have listned too much unto thee, and by the same thou hast undone me; in respect whereof I utterly forsake thee". To whome the Devill answered, that "once ere thou die thou shalt bee mine". And with that (as he sayd) the Devill brake the white wand, and immediately vanished foorth of his sight. Thus, all the daie, this Doctor Fian continued verie solitarie, and seemed to have a care of his owne soule, and would call uppon God, showing himselfe penitent for his wicked life; neverthelesse, the same night, hee found such meanes that he stole the key of the prison doore and chamber in which he was, which in the night hee opened and fled awaie to the Saltpans, where hee was alwayes resident, and first apprehended. Of whose sodaine departure, when the Kings Majestie had intelligence, hee presently commanded diligent inquirie to bee made for his apprehension; and for the better effecting thereof hee sent publike proclamations into all partes of his lande to the same effect. By means of whose hot and harde pursuite he was agayn taken, and brought to prison; and then, being called before the Kings Highnes, hee was reexamined, as well touching his departure, as also touching all that had before happened. But this Doctor, notwithstanding that his owne confession appeareth, remaining in recorde under his owne hande writting, and the same thereunto fixed in the presence of the Kings Majestie and sundrie of his Councell, yet did hee utterly denie the same. Whereupon the Kings Majestie, perceiving his stubborne wilfulnesse, conceived and imagined, that in the time of his absence, hee had entered into newe conference and league with the Devill his maister'. [Fian was then subjected to the most horrible tortures that could be devised.] 'And notwithstanding all these grievous paines and cruel torments, hee would notconfess anie thinges; so deeply had the Devill entered into his heart, that hee utterly denied all that which he before avouched; and would saie nothing thereunto, but this, that what hee had done and sayde before, was onely done and sayde, for fear of paynes which he had endured'.[151]

He continued steadfast and was executed at the Castle Hill.

The character of Fian is perfectly consistent. Under torture he signed a confession, which confession might have implicated Bothwell. That night Bothwell himself, or one of his emissaries, obtained access to the prisoner and arranged for his escape. The wretched Fian was faced with death either way; if he retracted his confession, he would die as a criminal by the hands of the law; if he held to it, he would die as a traitor by the hands of his comrades. There was no alternative. All that day he 'continued verie solitarie', calling upon God, but by night he had made his choice and fled. He apparently escaped without difficulty. The story of his stealing the keys of his own cell and of the prison door is absurd; the escape was obviously effected by connivance just as later on Bothwell's own escape was effected. Fian went back to his own home, where, according to James's surmise, he had an interview with the Devil (i.e. Bothwell), and there he tamely waited till the officers of the law came and recaptured him. This tameness is not in keeping with the rest of his character. A man with sufficient courage and resource to get out of a strongly guarded prison would have made good his escape; an easy enough matter in those turbulent times. Fian then must have been retaken because he wished to be retaken. For fear of torture and in hope of pardon he signed the first confession, implicating Bothwell,[152]yet later he endured agonies of torture with the certainty of death rather than acknowledge one word which might lead to the discovery that James was bent upon. James's surmise was perhaps more than a mere guess; it was prompted by his knowledge of the facts. Fian had had an interviewwith his Master, whom he believed to be God Incarnate, and like many a Christian martyr he atoned for the first betrayal by steadfast courage through cruel torment even to death.

Reading the accounts in the light of this supposition, it is seen that every one, including James, suspected Bothwell. Even if they did not acknowledge his divinity, they feared the magical powers which, as Chief of the Witches, he was supposed to wield. It is impossible to study the details of this period without realizing the extraordinary fear which James had of his cousin; it was fear with an underlying horror, totally different from his feeling towards his other turbulent subjects. When Bothwell, seeking pardon, was introduced into Holyrood Palace by Lady Athol in the early morning of July 24, 1593, he entered the King's chamber. James, always undignified, was caught in the middle of his morning toilet; he tried to run into the Queen's room, but the way was barred by Bothwell's friends and the door was locked. 'The king, seeing no other refuge, asked what they meant. Came they to seek his life? let them take it—they would not get his soul.'[153]This remark, made in the urgency and excitement of the moment, is highly significant. Had Bothwell been, like many of James's other enemies, merely an assassin, James would not have spoken of his soul. But Bothwell as the Devil of the witches had the right to demand the yielding of the soul, and James was aware of the fact.

The birth of James's children removed Bothwell's hopes of succession; the power of the witch organization, of which he was the Chief, was broken by the death of its leaders. He had made a strong bid for power, he failed, fled the country, and finally died in poverty at Naples. There George Sandys the traveller heard of him: 'Here a certaineCalabrianhearing that I was anEnglishman, came to me, and would needs perswade me that I had insight in magicke: for that EarleBothelwas my countryman, who liues atNaples, and is in those parts famous for suspected negromancie.'[154]

The Devil being actually a human being, the letter of introduction to him, given by a man-witch to a would-be proselyte, becomes quite credible. It is worth quoting verbatim:

'Monseigneur, d'autant qu'il me faut retirer de la Religion des Chrestiens, afin que ie multiplie vostre party, duquel estant, il est raisonnable que ie vous glorifie et assemble tant de gens que ie pourray, ie vous enuoye ce porteur pour estre du nombre: c'est pourquoy ie vous prie de l'aider en ses amours.'

Satan's reply to the novice shows a distinctly human trace of temper:

'Vous autres Chrestiens vous estes perfides et obstinez: Quand vous auez quelque violent desir, vous vous departez de vostre maistre, et auez recours à moy: mais quand vostre desir est accompli, vous me tournez le dos comme à vn ennemi, et vous en retournez à vostre Dieu, lequel estant benin et clement, vous pardonne et reçoit volontiers. Mais fay moy vne promesse escrite et signee de ta main, par laquelle tu renonces volontairement ton Christ et ton Baptesme, et me promets que tu adhereras et seras auec moy iusqu'au iour du iugement; et apres iceluy tu te delecteras encore auec moy de souffrir les peines eternelles, et i'accompliray ton desir.'[155]

Devil as an animal

In many religions the disguising of the principal personage—whether god or priest—as an animal is well known. The custom is very ancient—such disguised human beings are found even among the palaeolithic drawings in France; and on a slate palette belonging to the late pre-dynastic period of Egypt there is a representation of a man disguised as a jackal and playing on a pipe.[156]The ritual disguise as an animal is condemned, with great particularity, as devilish, in theLiber Poenitentialisof Theodore of the seventh century (seesupra, p. 21), showing that it continued in forceafter the conversion of England to an outward appearance of Christianity. From the analogy of other religions in which the custom occurs, it would appear that it is a ritual for the promotion of fertility; the animal represented being either the sacred animal of the tribe or the creature most used for food.

The suggestion that the Devil was a man, wearing either an animal's skin or a mask in the form of an animal's head as a ritual disguise, accounts as nothing else can for the witches' evidence as to his appearance and his changes of form. A confusion, however, exists from the fact that the witches, and therefore the recorders, usually spoke of the familiars as the Devil; but in almost every case the disguised man can, on examination of the evidence, be distinguished from the animal familiar.

The animal forms in which the Devil most commonly appeared were bull, cat, dog, goat, horse, and sheep. A few curious facts come to light on tabulating these forms; i.e. the Devil appears as a goat or a sheep in France only; he is never found in any country as a hare, though this was the traditional form for a witch to assume; nor is he found as a toad, though this was a common form for the familiar; the fox and the ass also are unknown forms; and in Western Europe the pig is an animal almost entirely absent from all the rites and ceremonies as well as from the disguises of the Devil.

The witches never admitted in so many words that the Devil was a man disguised, but their evidence points strongly to the fact. In some cases the whole body was disguised, in others a mask was worn, usually over the face. The wearing of the mask is indicated partly by descriptions of its appearance, and partly by the description of the Devil's voice. The Lorraine witches in 1589 said that the Devils 'können nimmermehr die Menschliche Stimme so aussdrücklich nachreden, dass man nicht leicht daran mercke, dass es eine gemachte falsche Stimme sey. Nicolaea Ganatia, und fast alle andere sagen, dass sie eine Stimme von sich geben, gleich denen, so den Kopff in ein Fass oder zerbrochenen Hafen stecken und daraus reden. Auch geben sie etwann eine kleine leiseStimme von sich.'[157]The North Berwick Devil in 1590 was purposely disguised out of all recognition: 'The Devil start up in the pulpit, like a mickle black man, with a black beard sticking out like a goat's beard; and a high ribbed nose, falling down sharp like the beak of a hawk; with a long rumpill' [tail].[158]This was Barbara Napier's account; Agnes Sampson describes the same personage, 'The deuell caused all the company to com and kiss his ers, quhilk they said was cauld like yce; his body was hard lyk yrn, as they thocht that handled him; his faice was terrible, his noise lyk the bek of an egle, gret bournyng eyn: his handis and legis wer herry, with clawis vpon his handis and feit lyk the griffon, and spak with a how voice.'[159]Boguet states that 'on demanda à George Gandillon, si lors qu'il fut sollicité par Satã de se bailler à luy, Satan parloit distinctement. Il respondit que non, & qu'à peine pouuoit il comprendre ce qu'il disoit.'[160]The evidence of the witches in the Basses-Pyrénées makes it clear that a disguise was worn, and that a mask was placed on the back either of the head or of the person; this also explains part of Agnes Sampson's evidence given above. The effect of the mask at the back of the head was to make the man appear two-faced, 'comme le dieu Janus'. In the other case 'le diable estoit en forme de bouc, ayant vne queue, & au-dessoubs vn visage d'homme noir ... & n'a parole par ce visage de derriere.—Vne grande queüe au derriere, & vne forme de visage au dessoubs: duquel visage il ne profere aucune parole, ains luy sert pour donner à baiser à ceux qui bon luy semble.—Marie d'Aspilecute dit qu'elle le baisa à ce visage de derriere au dessoubs d'vne grande queuë; qu'elle l'y a baisé par trois fois, & qu'il auoit ce visage faict comme le museau d'vn bouc.—Bertrand de Handuch, aagee de dix ans, confessa que le cul du grãd maistre auoit vn visage derriere, & c'estoit le visage de derriere qu'on baisoit, & non le cul.'[161]The Devil of the Basses-Pyrénées evidently wore a mask over the face, for he had 'la voix effroyable & sans ton, quand il parle on diroit que cest vn mullet qui se met à braire, il a la voixcasse, la parole malarticulee, & peu intelligible, parcequ'il a tousiours la voix triste & enroüee'. On occasions also 'il quitoit la forme de Bouc, & prenoit celle d'homme'.[162]In 1614 at Orleans Silvain Nevillon said 'qu'il vit à la cheminée vn homme noir duquel on ne voyoit pas la teste. Vit aussi vn grand homme noir à l'opposite de celuy de la cheminée, & que ledit hom̃e noir parloit comme si la voix fut sortie d'vn poinson. Dit: Que le Diable dit le Sermõ au Sabbat, mais qu'on n'entend ce qu'il dit, parce qu'il parle com̃e en grõdant.'[163]The devil who appeared to Joan Wallis, the Huntingdonshire witch, in 1649, was in the shape of a man dressed in black, but he 'was not as her husband, which speaks to her like a man, but he as he had been some distance from her when he was with her'.[164]Thomazine Ratcliffe, a Suffolk witch, said that the Devil 'spoke with a hollow, shrill voyce'.[165]According to Mary Green (1665) the Somerset Devil, who was a little man, 'put his hand to his Hat, saying, How do ye? speaking low but big'.[166]In the same year Abre Grinset, another Suffolk witch, confessed that she met the Devil, who was in the form of 'a Pretty handsom Young Man, and spake to her with a hollow Solemn Voice'.[167]John Stuart at Paisley (1678) said the Devil came to him as a black man, 'and that the black man's Apparel was black; and that the black man's Voice was hough and goustie'.[168]

The coldness of the devil's entire person, which is vouched for by several witches, suggests that the ritual disguise was not merely a mask over the face, but included a covering, possibly of leather or some other hard and cold substance, over the whole body and even the hands. Such a disguise was apparently not always worn, for in the great majority of cases there is no record of the Devil's temperature except in the sexual rites, and even then the witch could not always say whether the touch of the Devil was warm or not. In 1565 the Belgian witch, Digna Robert, said the devil 'était froid dans tous ses membres'.[169]In 1590, at North Berwick, 'he caused all the company to com and kiss his ers,quhilk they said was cauld lyk yce; his body was hard lyk yrn, as they thocht that handled him'.[170]In 1598 Pierre Burgot, whose statement is quoted by several authors, 'a confessé, que le Diable luy donna à baiser sa main senestre, qui estoit noire, comme morte, & toute froide'.[171]In 1609, in the Basses-Pyrénées, Isaac de Queyran, aged 25, said that he and others 'le baiserent à vne fesse qui estoit blanche & rouge, & auoit la forme d'vne grande cuisse d'vn homme, & estoit velue'.[172]This shows the ritual disguise of the person and suggests the use of an animal's hide with the hair still attached. In 1645 the Essex witch Rebecca West said 'he kissed her, but was as cold as clay'.[173]At Salisbury in 1653, when the witch Anne Bodenham persuaded Anne Styles to join the community, 'then appeared two Spirits in the likenesse of great Boyes, with long shagged black hair, and stood by her looking over her shoulder, and the Witch took the Maids forefinger of her right hand, and pricked it with a pin, and squeezed out the blood and put it into a Pen, and put the Pen in the Maids hand, and held her hand to write in a great book, and one of the Spirits laid his hand or Claw upon the Witches whilest the Maid wrote; and the Spirits hand did feel cold to the Maid as it touched her hand, when the witches hand and hers were together writing'.[174]At Forfar in 1661 three of the witches agreed as to the coldness of the Devil; 'Elspet Alexander confesses that the divill kissed hir selfe that night and that it was ane cold kisse; Katheren Porter confesseth that the divill tooke hir by the hand, that his hand was cold; Isobell Smith confessed that he kissed hir and his mouth and breath were cold.'[175]In 1662 the Crook of Devon witches were also in accord. Isabel Rutherford 'confesst that ye was at ane meeting at Turfhills, where Sathan took you by the hand and said "welcome, Isabel", and said that his hand was cold.—Margaret Litster confessed that Sathan took you be the hand and stayed the space of half an hour, Sathan having grey clothes and his hand cold.—Janet Paton confessed that Sathan asked you gif ye would be his servant, whilk ye did, andSathan took you be the hand, and ye said that his hand was cold.' On the other hand Agnes Murie 'knew not whether his body was hot or cold'.[176]According to Isobel Gowdie at Auldearne in 1662, 'he was a meikle blak roch man, werie cold';[177]at Torryburn, Lilias Adie found his skin was cold;[178]and the Crighton witches in 1678 said, 'he was cold, and his breath was like a damp air'.[179]In 1697 little Thomas Lindsay declared that 'Jean Fulton his Grand-mother awaked him one Night out of his Bed, and caused him take a Black Grimm Gentleman (as she called him) by the Hand; which he felt to be cold'.[180]

The evidence as to the forms assumed by the Devil is tabulated here under each animal, each section being arranged in chronological order.

1.Bull.—In 1593 at Angers 'Michel des Rousseaux, agé de 50 ans, dict que ledict homme noir appellé Iupin se transforma aussitost en Bouc ... et apres leur auoir baillé des boüetes de poudre, il se trãsforma en Bouuard'.[181]At Aberdeen in 1597 Marion Grant confessed that 'the Devill apperit to the, sumtyme in the scheap of a beist, and sumtyme in the scheap of a man'. Jonet Lucas of the same Coven said that the Devil was with them, 'beand in likenes of ane beist'. Agnes Wobster, also of the same Coven, acknowledged that 'thaireftir Satan apperit to the in the likenes of a calff, and spak to the in manner forsaid, and baid the be a gude servand to him'.[182]In 1608 Gabriel Pellé confessed that he went with a friend to the Sabbath, where 'le Diable estoit en vache noire, & que cette vache noire luy fit renoncer Dieu'.[183]De Lancre says that at Tournelle the Devil appeared 'parfois comme vn grand Bœuf d'airain couché à terre, comme vn Bœuf naturel qui se repose'.[184]At Lille in 1661 thewitches 'adored a beast with which they committed infamous things'.[185]According to Isobel Gowdie in 1662, the Devil of Auldearne changed his form, or disguise, continually, 'somtym he vold be lyk a stirk, a bull, a deir, a rae, or a dowg'.[186][In the above, I have taken the word 'beast' in its usual meaning as an animal of the cattle tribe, but it is quite possible that the Lille beast,bestein the original, may have been a goat and not a bull. This seems likely from the fact that the sacrifice was by fire as in the other places where the Devil used the goat-disguise.]

2.Cat.—The earliest example of the cat-disguise is in the trial of the Guernsey witches in 1563, when Martin Tulouff confessed:

'q̱̄ il y a viron ung quartier d'an passez q̱̄ il soy trouva auvecq̱̄s la Vieillesse aultremẽt dit Collenette Gascoing, en la rue de la fosse au Coully, là ou l y avoet chinq ou vi chatz, d'ou il y en avoet ung qui estoet noir, qui menoit la dance, et danssoient et luy dyst ladteCollenette, q̱̄ il besait ledtChat et dtq̱̄ il estoet sur ses pieds plat, et que ladite Collenette le besa p̱ de derriere, et luy p̱ la crysse, et q̱̄ frãcoize Lenouff sa mère y estoet et Collette Salmon fae de Collas du port, laqlle alloet devãt et s'agenouillerent tosdevãt le Chat et l'adorerẽt en luy baillãt lerfoy, et luy dist ladite Vieillesse q̱̄ ledit Chat estoet le diable.'[187]

Françoise Secretain, in 1598, saw the Devil 'tantost en forme de chat'. Rolande de Vernois said, 'Le Diable se presenta pour lors au Sabbat en forme d'vn groz chat noir.'[188]In 1652 another French witch confessed that 'il entra dans sa chambre en forme d'ung chat et se changea en la posture d'un home vestu de rouge', who took her to the Sabbath.[189]Both the Devonshire witches, Mary Trembles and Susanna Edwards, in 1682, stated that they saw him as a lion, by which they possibly meant a large cat.[190]In this connexion it is worth noting that in Lapland as late as 1767 the devil appeared 'in the likeness of a cat, handling them from their feet to their mouth, and counting their teeth'.[191]

3.Dog.—At Chelmsford in 1556 Joan Waterhouse 'dydde as she had seene her mother doe, callynge Sathan, whichecame to her (as she sayd) in the lykenes of a great dogge'.[192]In 1616 Barthélemy Minguet of Brécy was tried for witchcraft. 'Enquis, comme il a aduis quand le Sabbat se doit tenir. Respond, que c'est le Diable qui luy vient dire estant en forme de chien noir, faict comme vn barbet, parle à luy en ceste forme. Enquis, en quelle forme se met le Diable estant au Sabbat. Respond, qu'il ne l'a iamais veu autrement qu'en forme de barbet noir. Enquis, quelles ceremonies ils obseruent estant au Sabbat. Respond, que le Diable estant en forme de barbet noir (comme dessus est dit) se met tout droit sur les pattes de derriere, les preche'.[193]etc. In Guernsey in 1617 Isabel Becquet went to Rocquaine Castle, 'the usual place where the Devil kept his Sabbath; no sooner had she arrived there than the Devil came to her in the form of a dog, with two great horns sticking up: and with one of his paws (which seemed to her like hands) took her by the hand: and calling her by her name told her that she was welcome: then immediately the Devil made her kneel down: while he himself stood up on his hind legs; he then made her express detestation of the Eternal in these words:I renounce God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost; and then caused her to worship and invoke himself.'[194]Barton's wife, about 1655, stated that 'one Night going to a dancing upon Pentland-hills, he went before us in the likeness of a rough tanny-Dog, playing on a pair of Pipes, and his tail played ey wig wag wig wag'.[195]In 1658 an Alloa witch named Jonet Blak declared that he appeared to her first as 'a dog with a sowis head'.[196]In 1661 Jonet Watson of Dalkeith said that 'the Deivill apeired vnto her, in the liknes of ane prettie boy, in grein clothes, and went away from her in the liknes of ane blak doug'.[197]According to Marie Lamont of Innerkip in 1662, 'the devill in the likeness of a brown dog' helped to raise a storm.[198]Margaret Hamilton, widow of James Pullwart of Borrowstowness in 1679, was accused that she met 'the devil in the likeness of a man, but he removed from you in thelikeness of an black dog'.[199]The Highland witches in the eighteenth century saw the devil as a dog; he was 'a large black ugly tyke', to whom the witches made obeisance; the dog acknowledged the homage 'by bowing, grinning, and clapping his paws'.[200]In the case of the dog-disguise, there is again a similarity with Lapp beliefs and customs, the appearance of the Devil as a dog being not uncommon in Lapland.[201]

4.Goat.—An interesting point as regards this form of disguise is that it does not occur in Great Britain, nor have I found it so far in Belgium. It prevailed chiefly in France, from which all my examples are taken. At Poictiers in 1574 'trois Sorciers & vne Sorciere declarent qu'ils estoyent trois fois l'an, à l'assemblée generale, où plusieurs Sorciers se trouuoyent prés d'vne croix d'vn carrefour, qui seruoit d'enseigne. Et là se trouuoit vn grand bouc noir, qui parloit comme vne personne aux assistans, & dansoyent à l'entour du bouc.'[202]At Avignon in 1581 'when hee comes to be adored, he appeareth not in a humane forme, but as the Witches themselues haue deposed, as soone as they are agreed of the time that he is to mount vpon the altar (which is some rock or great stone in the fields) there to bee worshipped by them, hee instantly turneth himselfe into the forme of a great black Goate, although in all other occasions hee vseth to appeare in the shape of a man.[203]In Lorraine in 1589 the Devil 'sich in einen zottelichten Bock verwandelt hat, und viel stärker reucht und übeler stinckt als immer ein Bock im Anfang des Frühlings thun mag'.[204]In Puy de Dôme in 1594 Jane Bosdeau's lover took her to a meeting, and 'there appeared a great Black Goat with a Candle between his Horns'.[205]In 1598 'Satan apres auoir prins la figure d'vn Bouc, se consume en feu'.[206]In the Basses-Pyrénées in 1609:

'le Diable estoit en forme de bouc, ayant vne queue, & au-dessoubs vn visage d'homme noir, & n'a parole par ce visagede derriere.—Marie d'Aguerre dit qu'il y a vne grande cruche au milieu du Sabbat, d'où sort le Diable en forme de bouc.—D'autres disent qu'il est comme vn grand bouc, ayant deux cornes devant & deux en derriere; que celles de devant se rebrassent en haut comme la perruque d'vne femme. Mais le commun est qu'il a seulement trois cornes, & qu'il a quelque espece de lumiere en celle du milieu. On luy voit aussi quelque espece de bonet ou chapeau au dessus de ces cornes. On a obserué de tout temps que lorsqu'il veut receuoir quelcun à faire pacte auec luy, il se presente tousiours en homme, pour ne l'effaroucher ou effraier: car faire pacte auec vn Bouc ouuertement, tiendroit plus de la beste que de la creature raisonnable. Mais le pacte faict, lors qu'il veut receuoir quelqu'vn à l'adoration, communemẽt il se represente en Bouc.'[207]

Silvain Nevillon confessed at Orleans in 1614 'qu'il a veu le Diable en plusieurs façons, tantost comme vn bouc, ayant vn visage deuant & vn autre derriere'.[208]

5.Horse.—I give here only the references to the Devil when actually disguised as a horse, but there are a very great number of cases where he appeared riding on a horse. These cases are so numerous as to suggest that the horse was part of the ritual, especially as the riding Devil usually occurs in places where an animal disguise was not used, e.g. in 1598, in Aberdeen, where Andro Man 'confessis that Crystsunday rydis all the tyme that he is in thair cumpanie'.[209]The actual disguise as a horse is not common. Elizabeth Stile of Windsor in 1579 'confesseth, her self often tymes to haue gon to Father Rosimond house where she found hym sittyng in a Wood, not farre from thence, vnder the bodie of a Tree, sometymes in the shape of an Ape, and otherwhiles like an Horse'.[210]Helen Guthrie in 1661 stated that when the Forfar witches were trying to sink a ship, 'the divell wes there present with them all, in the shape of ane great horse. They returned all in the same liknes as of befor, except that the divell wes in the shape of a man.'[211]Mary Lacey of Salem in 1692 said thathe appeared in the shape of a horse. 'I was in bed and the devil came to me and bid me obey him.'[212]

6.Sheep.—The sheep-disguise, which is perhaps a form of the goat, is usually found in France only. In 1453 'Guillaume Edeline, docteur en théologie, prieur de S. Germain en Laye, et auparavant Augustin, et religieux de certaines aultres ordres ... confessa, de sa bonne et franche voulonté, avoir fait hommage audit ennemy en l'espèce et semblance d'ung mouton'.[213]Iaquema Paget and Antoine Gandillon in 1598 said that 'il prenoit la figure d'vn mouton noir, portant des cornes'.[214]In 1614 at Orleans Silvain Nevillon was induced to reveal all he knew; 'dit qu'il a veu le Diable en plusieurs façons, tantost comme vn bouc, ores comme vn gros mouton'.[215]

The rarer animal disguises are the deer and the bear. Of these the deer is found at Aberdeen in 1597, Andro Man 'confessis and affermis, thow saw Christsonday cum owt of the snaw in liknes of a staig';[216]at Auldearne in 1662, 'somtym he vold be lyk a stirk, a bull, a deir, a rae, or a dowg';[217]at Hartford, Connecticut, 1662, Rebecca Greensmith said that 'the devil first appeared to her in the form of a deer or fawn'.[218]The bear is still rarer, as I have found it only twice—once in Lorraine, and once in Lancashire. In 1589 'es haben die Geister auch etwann Lust sich in Gestalt eines Bären zu erzeigen'.[219]In 1613 Anne Chattox declared that the Devil 'came vpon this Examinate in the night time: and at diuerse and sundry times in the likenesse of a Beare, gaping as though he would haue wearied [worried] this Examinate. And the last time of all shee, this Examinate, saw him, was vpon Thursday last yeare but one, next before Midsummer day, in the euening, like a Beare, and this Examinate would not then speake vnto him, for the which the said Deuill pulled this Examinate downe.'[220]

FOOTNOTES:[27]Danaeus, E 1, ch. iv.[28]Gaule, p. 62.[29]Cannaert, p. 45.[30]Spalding Club Miscellany, i, pp. 171, 172.[31]De Lancre,Tableau, pp. 398, 399.[32]Id.,L'Incredulité, p. 801.[33]Baines, i, p. 607 note. For the name Mamillion see Layamon'sBrut, p. 155, Everyman Library.[34]Bourignon,Vie, p. 222.—Hale, p. 37.[35]Pitcairn, iii, pp. 605, 607, 613.[36]Hale, p. 58.[37]Surtees Soc., xl, pp. 191, 193.[38]Fountainhall, i. 15.[39]Howell, vi, 660.—J. Hutchinson, ii, p. 31.[40]Alse Gooderidge, pp. 9, 10.[41]Boguet, p. 54.[42]Wonderfull Discouerie of Elizabeth Sawyer, C 4, rev.[43]County Folklore, iii, Orkney, pp. 103, 107-8.[44]Stearne, pp. 28, 38[45]Highland Papers, iii, pp. 16, 17.[46]It is possible that the shoe was cleft like the modern 'hygienic' shoe. Such a shoe is described in the ballad of theCobler of Canterbury, date 1608, as part of a woman's costume:'Her sleevës blue, her traine behind,With silver hookes was tucked, I find;Her shoës broad, and forked before.'[47]Danaeus, ch. iv.[48]De Lancre,Tableau, p. 69.[49]Cooper,Pleasant Treatise, p. 2.[50]Burns Begg, p. 217.[51]Examination of John Walsh.[52]Potts, D 3, B 2.[53]Baines, i, p. 607 note.[54]Hale, p. 46.[55]Howell, iv, 833, 836, 840, 854-5.[56]Stearne, p. 13.—Davenport, p. 13.[57]Stearne, pp. 22, 29, 30.[58]Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 136, 137, 147, 149, 156, 161-5.[59]Hale, p. 58.[60]Petto, p. 18.[61]Denham Tracts, ii, p. 301.[62]Howell, viii, 1035.[63]Elinor Shaw and Mary Phillips, p. 6.[64]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 51-6.[65]Id., i, pt. ii, p. 162.[66]Id., i, pt. ii, pp. 245-6, 239. Spelling modernized.[67]Melville, pp. 395-6.[68]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 210.[69]Spalding Club Miscellany, i, pp. 124, 127, 164, 172.[70]Pitcairn, ii, p. 537.[71]County Folklore, iii, p. 103. Orkney.[72]From the record of the trial in the Justiciary Court, Edinburgh.[73]Spottiswode Miscellany, ii, p. 65.[74]Pitcairn, iii, p. 599.[75]Sinclair, p. 122.[76]Id., p. 47.[77]Arnot, p. 358.[78]Scottish Antiquary, ix, pp. 50, 51.[79]Kinloch, pp. 114, 128, 132.[80]Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.[81]From the records in the Justiciary Court, Edinburgh.[82]Pitcairn, iii, p. 603.[83]Burns Begg, pp. 221-39.[84]Sharpe, pp. 131, 134.[85]Hogers, a coarse stocking without the foot.[86]Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 291-5, 297.[87]Scots Magazine, 1814, p. 200.[88]Narrative of the Sufferings of a Young Girle, pp. xxxix-xli—Sadd. Debell., pp. 38-40.[89]A true and full Relation of the Witches of Pittenweem, p. 10.—Sinclair, p. lxxxix.[90]Sharpe, p. 191.[91]Camden Society, Lady Alice Kyteler, p. 3.[92]Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris, p. 687.[93]De Lancre,Tableau, p. 123.[94]Bodin, p. 226.[95]Boguet, pp. 8, 96.[96]De Lancre,Tableau, p. 130.[97]Id.,L'Incredulité, pp. 799, 800. The second Devil is called Tramesabot on p. 802.[98]Van Elven,La Tradition, v (1891), p. 215. Neither the witches' names nor the place are given.[99]Cannaert, pp. 44, 53-4, 60.[100]Fountainhall, i, p. 14.[101]Horneck, pt. ii, p. 316.[102]Taylor, pp. 81, 118.[103]Green, pp. 9, 14.[104]Howell, vi, 660, 664; J. Hutchinson, ii, pp. 31, 37.[105]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 51.[106]Melville, p. 395.[107]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 246. Spelling modernized.[108]Spalding Club Misc., i, p. 127.[109]De Lancre,Tableau, p. 68.[110]Scottish Antiquary, ix, pp. 50, 51.[111]Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.[112]Burns Begg, pp. 221, 223, 234, 235, 239.[113]Taylor, p. 81.[114]Cannaert, p. 60.[115]Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 164.[116]Chambers, iii, p. 298.[117]Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 316.[118]Sinclair, p. lxxxix.[119]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 56.[120]Id., i, pt. ii, p. 163.[121]Spalding Club Misc., pp. 119-21.[122]Id., i, p. 171.[123]Pitcairn, ii, p. 478.[124]De Lancre,L'Incredulité, p. 36.[125]Id.,Tableau, p. 401.[126]Potts, B 4.[127]Wonderful Discovery of Margaret and Phillip Flower, p. 117.[128]Sinclair, p. 160.[129]Kinloch, p. 144.[130]Law, p. 27 note.[131]Cotton Mather, p. 159.[132]Rehearsall both straung and true, par. 24.[133]Calendar of State Papers.Domestic, 1584, p. 220.[134]Stearne, p. 45.[135]Gerish,The Divel's Delusions, p. 11.[136]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 161-4.[137]Id., ii, pp. 26-7.[138]Hibbert, p. 578.[139]Sinclair, p. 48.[140]From the record in the Justiciary Office, Edinburgh.[141]Chambers, iii, p. 299.[142]Ravaisson, 1679, pp. 334-6.[143]Mather, pp. 120, 125; J. Hutchinson,History, ii, pp. 37 seq.[144]Boguet, p. 125.[145]Lawes against Witches and Conivration, p. 7.[146]Wilson, ii, p. 158.[147]The trials are published by Pitcairn, i, pt. ii.[148]There were present on this occasion thirty-nine persons, or three Covens. See chap. vii on the Organization.[149]Bannatyne Club, Melville,Memoirs, p. 395. The sycophantic Melville adds; 'And certanly he is a man of God, and dois na wrang wittingly, bot is inclynit to all godlynes, justice and virtu; therfore God hes preserued him in the midis of many dangers.'[150]Reg. Mag. Sig. Scot., No. 565, Feb. 7, 1550/1.[151]Newes from Scotland.Quoted in Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 213-23.[152]It is perhaps significant that the confession of John Fian, and the trials of both Barbara Napier and of Bothwell himself for witchcraft, have disappeared from the Justiciary Records.[153]Burton, v, p. 283.[154]Sandys, p. 250.[155]De Lancre,Tableau, pp. 176, 177.[156]Quibell, pl. xxviii. The palette itself is now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.[157]Remigius, pt. i, p. 38.[158]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 246. Spelling modernized.[159]Melville, p. 395.[160]Boguet, p. 56.[161]De Lancre,Tableau, pp. 68, 73, 126.[162]De Lancre,Tableau, pp. 225, 398.[163]Id.,L'Incredulité, pp. 799-801.[164]Stearne, p. 13.[165]Id., p. 22.[166]Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 164.[167]Petto, p. 18.[168]Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 294-5.[169]Cannaert, p. 54.[170]Melville,Memoirs, p. 395.[171]Boguet, pp. 53-4.[172]De Lancre,Tableau, p. 148.[173]Howell, iv, 842.[174]More, pp. 196-7.[175]Kinloch, pp. 115, 129, 132.[176]Burns Begg, pp. 219, 221, 228, 230.[177]Pitcairn, iii, p. 603.[178]Chambers, iii, 298.[179]Fountainhall, i, p. 14.[180]Narrative of the Sufferings of a Young Girle, p. xli;Sadd. Debell., p. 40.[181]De Lancre,L'Incredulité, p. 769.[182]Spalding Club Misc., i, p. 129.[183]De Lancre,L'Incredulité, p. 794.[184]Id.,Tableau, p. 68.[185]Bourignon,Parole, p. 87; Hale, p. 26.[186]Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.[187]From a trial in the Guernsey Greffe.[188]Boguet, pp. 8, 70, 411.[189]La Tradition, v (1891), p. 215.[190]Howell, viii, 1034, 1036.[191]Pinkerton, i, p. 473.[192]Witches of Chelmsford, p. 34; Philobiblon Soc., viii.[193]De Lancre,L'Incredulité, p. 805.[194]Goldsmid, p. 12.[195]Sinclair, p. 163.[196]Scottish Antiquary, ix, 51.[197]Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.[198]Sharpe, p. 132.[199]Scots Magazine, 1814, p. 201. Spelling modernized.[200]Stewart, p. 175. The whole account is marred by the would-be comic style adopted by the author.[201]Pinkerton, i, p. 473.[202]Bodin, p. 187.[203]Michaelis,Discourse, p. 148.[204]Remigius, pt. i, p. 90.[205]F. Hutchinson,Historical Essay, p. 42.[206]Boguet, p. 141.[207]De Lancre,Tableau, pp. 67, 68, 69, 126.[208]Id.,L'Incredulité, p. 800.[209]Spalding Club Misc., i, p. 125. Cp. Elworthy on the Hobby-horse as the Devil,Horns of Honour, p. 140.[210]Rehearsall both Straung and True, par. 24.[211]Kinloch, pp. 122-3.[212]Howell, vi, 663-4; J. Hutchinson, ii, pp. 36-7.[213]Chartier, iii, 44-5.[214]Boguet, p. 70.[215]De Lancre,L'Incredulité, p. 800.[216]Spalding Club Misc., i, p. 121.[217]Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.[218]Taylor, p. 98.[219]Remigius, p. 98.[220]Potts, E 3.

[27]Danaeus, E 1, ch. iv.

[28]Gaule, p. 62.

[29]Cannaert, p. 45.

[30]Spalding Club Miscellany, i, pp. 171, 172.

[31]De Lancre,Tableau, pp. 398, 399.

[32]Id.,L'Incredulité, p. 801.

[33]Baines, i, p. 607 note. For the name Mamillion see Layamon'sBrut, p. 155, Everyman Library.

[34]Bourignon,Vie, p. 222.—Hale, p. 37.

[35]Pitcairn, iii, pp. 605, 607, 613.

[36]Hale, p. 58.

[37]Surtees Soc., xl, pp. 191, 193.

[38]Fountainhall, i. 15.

[39]Howell, vi, 660.—J. Hutchinson, ii, p. 31.

[40]Alse Gooderidge, pp. 9, 10.

[41]Boguet, p. 54.

[42]Wonderfull Discouerie of Elizabeth Sawyer, C 4, rev.

[43]County Folklore, iii, Orkney, pp. 103, 107-8.

[44]Stearne, pp. 28, 38

[45]Highland Papers, iii, pp. 16, 17.

[46]It is possible that the shoe was cleft like the modern 'hygienic' shoe. Such a shoe is described in the ballad of theCobler of Canterbury, date 1608, as part of a woman's costume:'Her sleevës blue, her traine behind,With silver hookes was tucked, I find;Her shoës broad, and forked before.'

[46]It is possible that the shoe was cleft like the modern 'hygienic' shoe. Such a shoe is described in the ballad of theCobler of Canterbury, date 1608, as part of a woman's costume:

'Her sleevës blue, her traine behind,With silver hookes was tucked, I find;Her shoës broad, and forked before.'

[47]Danaeus, ch. iv.

[48]De Lancre,Tableau, p. 69.

[49]Cooper,Pleasant Treatise, p. 2.

[50]Burns Begg, p. 217.

[51]Examination of John Walsh.

[52]Potts, D 3, B 2.

[53]Baines, i, p. 607 note.

[54]Hale, p. 46.

[55]Howell, iv, 833, 836, 840, 854-5.

[56]Stearne, p. 13.—Davenport, p. 13.

[57]Stearne, pp. 22, 29, 30.

[58]Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 136, 137, 147, 149, 156, 161-5.

[59]Hale, p. 58.

[60]Petto, p. 18.

[61]Denham Tracts, ii, p. 301.

[62]Howell, viii, 1035.

[63]Elinor Shaw and Mary Phillips, p. 6.

[64]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 51-6.

[65]Id., i, pt. ii, p. 162.

[66]Id., i, pt. ii, pp. 245-6, 239. Spelling modernized.

[67]Melville, pp. 395-6.

[68]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 210.

[69]Spalding Club Miscellany, i, pp. 124, 127, 164, 172.

[70]Pitcairn, ii, p. 537.

[71]County Folklore, iii, p. 103. Orkney.

[72]From the record of the trial in the Justiciary Court, Edinburgh.

[73]Spottiswode Miscellany, ii, p. 65.

[74]Pitcairn, iii, p. 599.

[75]Sinclair, p. 122.

[76]Id., p. 47.

[77]Arnot, p. 358.

[78]Scottish Antiquary, ix, pp. 50, 51.

[79]Kinloch, pp. 114, 128, 132.

[80]Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.

[81]From the records in the Justiciary Court, Edinburgh.

[82]Pitcairn, iii, p. 603.

[83]Burns Begg, pp. 221-39.

[84]Sharpe, pp. 131, 134.

[85]Hogers, a coarse stocking without the foot.

[86]Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 291-5, 297.

[87]Scots Magazine, 1814, p. 200.

[88]Narrative of the Sufferings of a Young Girle, pp. xxxix-xli—Sadd. Debell., pp. 38-40.

[89]A true and full Relation of the Witches of Pittenweem, p. 10.—Sinclair, p. lxxxix.

[90]Sharpe, p. 191.

[91]Camden Society, Lady Alice Kyteler, p. 3.

[92]Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris, p. 687.

[93]De Lancre,Tableau, p. 123.

[94]Bodin, p. 226.

[95]Boguet, pp. 8, 96.

[96]De Lancre,Tableau, p. 130.

[97]Id.,L'Incredulité, pp. 799, 800. The second Devil is called Tramesabot on p. 802.

[98]Van Elven,La Tradition, v (1891), p. 215. Neither the witches' names nor the place are given.

[99]Cannaert, pp. 44, 53-4, 60.

[100]Fountainhall, i, p. 14.

[101]Horneck, pt. ii, p. 316.

[102]Taylor, pp. 81, 118.

[103]Green, pp. 9, 14.

[104]Howell, vi, 660, 664; J. Hutchinson, ii, pp. 31, 37.

[105]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 51.

[106]Melville, p. 395.

[107]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 246. Spelling modernized.

[108]Spalding Club Misc., i, p. 127.

[109]De Lancre,Tableau, p. 68.

[110]Scottish Antiquary, ix, pp. 50, 51.

[111]Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.

[112]Burns Begg, pp. 221, 223, 234, 235, 239.

[113]Taylor, p. 81.

[114]Cannaert, p. 60.

[115]Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 164.

[116]Chambers, iii, p. 298.

[117]Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 316.

[118]Sinclair, p. lxxxix.

[119]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 56.

[120]Id., i, pt. ii, p. 163.

[121]Spalding Club Misc., pp. 119-21.

[122]Id., i, p. 171.

[123]Pitcairn, ii, p. 478.

[124]De Lancre,L'Incredulité, p. 36.

[125]Id.,Tableau, p. 401.

[126]Potts, B 4.

[127]Wonderful Discovery of Margaret and Phillip Flower, p. 117.

[128]Sinclair, p. 160.

[129]Kinloch, p. 144.

[130]Law, p. 27 note.

[131]Cotton Mather, p. 159.

[132]Rehearsall both straung and true, par. 24.

[133]Calendar of State Papers.Domestic, 1584, p. 220.

[134]Stearne, p. 45.

[135]Gerish,The Divel's Delusions, p. 11.

[136]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 161-4.

[137]Id., ii, pp. 26-7.

[138]Hibbert, p. 578.

[139]Sinclair, p. 48.

[140]From the record in the Justiciary Office, Edinburgh.

[141]Chambers, iii, p. 299.

[142]Ravaisson, 1679, pp. 334-6.

[143]Mather, pp. 120, 125; J. Hutchinson,History, ii, pp. 37 seq.

[144]Boguet, p. 125.

[145]Lawes against Witches and Conivration, p. 7.

[146]Wilson, ii, p. 158.

[147]The trials are published by Pitcairn, i, pt. ii.

[148]There were present on this occasion thirty-nine persons, or three Covens. See chap. vii on the Organization.

[149]Bannatyne Club, Melville,Memoirs, p. 395. The sycophantic Melville adds; 'And certanly he is a man of God, and dois na wrang wittingly, bot is inclynit to all godlynes, justice and virtu; therfore God hes preserued him in the midis of many dangers.'

[150]Reg. Mag. Sig. Scot., No. 565, Feb. 7, 1550/1.

[151]Newes from Scotland.Quoted in Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 213-23.

[152]It is perhaps significant that the confession of John Fian, and the trials of both Barbara Napier and of Bothwell himself for witchcraft, have disappeared from the Justiciary Records.

[153]Burton, v, p. 283.

[154]Sandys, p. 250.

[155]De Lancre,Tableau, pp. 176, 177.

[156]Quibell, pl. xxviii. The palette itself is now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.

[157]Remigius, pt. i, p. 38.

[158]Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 246. Spelling modernized.

[159]Melville, p. 395.

[160]Boguet, p. 56.

[161]De Lancre,Tableau, pp. 68, 73, 126.

[162]De Lancre,Tableau, pp. 225, 398.

[163]Id.,L'Incredulité, pp. 799-801.

[164]Stearne, p. 13.

[165]Id., p. 22.

[166]Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 164.

[167]Petto, p. 18.

[168]Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 294-5.

[169]Cannaert, p. 54.

[170]Melville,Memoirs, p. 395.

[171]Boguet, pp. 53-4.

[172]De Lancre,Tableau, p. 148.

[173]Howell, iv, 842.

[174]More, pp. 196-7.

[175]Kinloch, pp. 115, 129, 132.

[176]Burns Begg, pp. 219, 221, 228, 230.

[177]Pitcairn, iii, p. 603.

[178]Chambers, iii, 298.

[179]Fountainhall, i, p. 14.

[180]Narrative of the Sufferings of a Young Girle, p. xli;Sadd. Debell., p. 40.

[181]De Lancre,L'Incredulité, p. 769.

[182]Spalding Club Misc., i, p. 129.

[183]De Lancre,L'Incredulité, p. 794.

[184]Id.,Tableau, p. 68.

[185]Bourignon,Parole, p. 87; Hale, p. 26.

[186]Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.

[187]From a trial in the Guernsey Greffe.

[188]Boguet, pp. 8, 70, 411.

[189]La Tradition, v (1891), p. 215.

[190]Howell, viii, 1034, 1036.

[191]Pinkerton, i, p. 473.

[192]Witches of Chelmsford, p. 34; Philobiblon Soc., viii.

[193]De Lancre,L'Incredulité, p. 805.

[194]Goldsmid, p. 12.

[195]Sinclair, p. 163.

[196]Scottish Antiquary, ix, 51.

[197]Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.

[198]Sharpe, p. 132.

[199]Scots Magazine, 1814, p. 201. Spelling modernized.

[200]Stewart, p. 175. The whole account is marred by the would-be comic style adopted by the author.

[201]Pinkerton, i, p. 473.

[202]Bodin, p. 187.

[203]Michaelis,Discourse, p. 148.

[204]Remigius, pt. i, p. 90.

[205]F. Hutchinson,Historical Essay, p. 42.

[206]Boguet, p. 141.

[207]De Lancre,Tableau, pp. 67, 68, 69, 126.

[208]Id.,L'Incredulité, p. 800.

[209]Spalding Club Misc., i, p. 125. Cp. Elworthy on the Hobby-horse as the Devil,Horns of Honour, p. 140.

[210]Rehearsall both Straung and True, par. 24.

[211]Kinloch, pp. 122-3.

[212]Howell, vi, 663-4; J. Hutchinson, ii, pp. 36-7.

[213]Chartier, iii, 44-5.

[214]Boguet, p. 70.

[215]De Lancre,L'Incredulité, p. 800.

[216]Spalding Club Misc., i, p. 121.

[217]Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.

[218]Taylor, p. 98.

[219]Remigius, p. 98.

[220]Potts, E 3.

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