τίς δὲ βίος, τί δὲ τερπνὸν ἄτερ χρυσέης Ἀφροδίτης;τεθναίην ὅτε μοι μηκέτι ταῦτα μέλοι, κ. τ. λ.
Horace adds ‘jocisque,’ as elsewhere he makes Jocus the companion of Venus (C. i. 2. 34).
68.his utere mecum.] There is no difficulty in understanding that ‘his’ refers to the rule laid down at the beginning, and taken up in v. 30:
“Si virtus hoc una potest dare fortis omissisHoc age deliciis”;
for all that follows is only recommended ironically, and in such a way as to hold up to contempt every rule of life but that of virtue.
EPISTLE VII.
Onsome occasion Horace, having gone into the country for change of air on account of his health, at the beginning of August, was tempted to stay away the whole month; and as he had promised Mæcenas to return in a few days, he had perhaps received a letter from his friend, reminding him of that promise, and begging him to come back. Mæcenas was a valetudinarian, and had probably some of the querulous selfishness that usually attends on that condition. We may infer as much from that Ode (ii. 17) which begins, “Cur me querelis exanimas tuis?” and he very likely felt the want of Horace’s society at this time. We can only gather the tone of his letter or message from the character of Horace’s reply. He says he has no mind to risk a return of his sickness by going back during the autumn to Rome; indeed, that he meant to be absent at some warm place on the coast through the winter; that he was no longer as young and cheerful as he had been; that he was sure Mæcenas’s liberality was bestowed upon him in a generous spirit, and that he did not mean to compromise his independence; for if he could suppose that was in danger, he would give up everything he had ever received rather than forfeit his liberty. He illustrates his position by two stories,—one that of the fox who got into a vessel of corn and grew so fat there that he could not get out again (which Horace was determined to prove was not his case), and the other a splenetic trick played by L. Philippus upon a worthy man, whom he seduced into leaving his home and vocation and settling on a farm in the country, the result of which unnatural change was the total destruction of his peace and independence. To this, too, Horace means to say he will never let himself be brought.
1.Quinque dies] This is a conventional phrase to express any short time. It occurs in S. i. 3. 16, “quinque diebus Nil erat in loculis.”
2.Sextilem] InB. C.8 this month first received the name of Augustus.
5.dum ficus prima calorque] See S. ii. 6. 18, n. The ‘designator’ was the man who arranged the procession at the funeral of any important person, and the ‘lictores’ were his attendants who kept order. (See S. i. 6. 43.)
8.Officiosaque sedulitas] That is, attending upon great people, and so forth. It does not seem as if the diminutive form ‘opella’ had any particular force. Horace uses diminutives when it suits the measure.
10.Quodsi bruma nives Albanis] ‘Si’ is used with reference to a future event, even if it be not hypothetical, when any action depends upon that event, as (S. ii. 3. 9),
“multa et praeclara minantisSi vacuum tepido cepisset villula tecto,”
and elsewhere; so that it becomes nearly equivalent to ‘cum.’ He says, as soon as the snow begins to be on the Alban hills, he shall go down to the sea, whether to Tarentum or anywhere else, where it was milder than at his own place or at Rome. ‘Contractus’ expresses the attitude of a man sitting head and knees together, wrapped up by the fire to keep himself warm. The west wind set in about the second week in February.
14.Calaber jubet hospes,] The man is made a Calabrian only to give the story more point.
16.Benigne.] This is a polite way of declining the offer. “You are very good,” the refusal being expressed in action. (See below, v. 62.) It might mean acceptance, just as the French say ‘merci,’ meaning ‘yes’ or ‘no,’ according to circumstances.
22.dignis ait esse paratus,] ‘Dignis’ is masculine: he is ready to serve those who are worthy, but he is no simpleton; he knows the difference between true money and counterfeit. ‘Lupini’ were a kind of bean used for counters or sham-money on the stage; “comicum aurum” as it is called in Plautus (Poen. iii. 2. 20).
24.Dignum praestabo me] Horace means to say that he will endeavor to show himself worthy (referring to ‘dignis’ above) in proportion to the excellence of him (Mæcenas) who has laid him under such obligations. He says, in effect, that Mæcenas does not bestow his liberality stupidly, as one who gave his friends what he was just as ready to throw to the pigs, or the fool who does not know the value of his gifts. He only gave to the worthy, and such Horace would try to prove himself.
26.angusta fronte] See C. i. 33. 5, n.
27.Reddes dulce loqui,] A similar instance, illustrating the nature of the infinitive as a neuter substantive, occurs above (S. ii. 7. 43), “Aufer Me vultu terrere.” “In the Greek language this is so completely the case, that the article may be prefixed to it in all its cases. The English also treat their infinitive as a substantive, when they place before it the preposition ‘to.’”
28.Cinarae] See C. iv. 1. 4, n.
29.vulpecula] A fox eating corn is a little absurd, but this animal’s cunning brings him frequently into stories of this sort. In this instance he over-reaches himself. In respect to ‘cumera,’ see S. i. 1. 53, n.
34.Hac ego si compellor] As to ‘compellor,’ see S. ii. 3. 297. Horace says, if he is taunted with this illustration, he is willing to resign everything; by which he means, if he is compared to the fox who had got into a store and had become so fat he could not get out again; in other words, if it was supposed that he had become lazy and self-indulgent, and that he could not assert his own liberty till he should cast off the bounties of his patron, he was willing to give them up; for he loved the peace that waits upon poverty, not as those do who commend it at rich tables spread with dainties, but as one who would not exchange his ease and liberty for the wealth of Arabia (respecting which, compare C. i. 21. 1; iii. 24. 1; Epp. i. 6. 6). ‘Altilia’ were fattened poultry and other birds, for which service there were particular persons employed (‘fartores,’ σιτευταί).
37.rexque paterque Audisti coram,] ‘Rex,’ which is generally used in a bad sense (C. i. 4. 14, n.), is here used in a good. As to ‘audisti,’ see S. ii. 6. 20, n. ‘Verecundum’ means ‘reverential.’ It expresses that feeling which Cicero says is the greatest ornament of friendship, “Nam maximum ornamentum amicitiae tollit qui ex ea tollit verecundiam” (Lael. xxii. 82). Horace means to say that Mæcenas had always found him full of affectionate respect and gratitude, and what he was in his presence, he was no less in his absence; but he must not think so ill of him as to suppose he only behaved so because he wanted to keep his bounties; or, if he thought so, let him seehow willingly he could resign them all, even as readily as Telemachus declined the horses of Menelaus (Odyss. iv. 601, sq.).
45.vacuum Tibur] ‘Vacuum’ means ‘idle.’ Whether Horace had a house of his own at Tibur, or not, has been a subject of much discussion; it is more probable that he had not.
46.Philippus] This was L. Marcius Philippus, who was tribunus plebisB. C.104, consulB. C.81, and censorB. C.76. He was a very distinguished man, an energetic supporter of the popular cause, a friend of Cn. Pompeius, and a powerful orator.
47.octavam circiter horam] The following is Martial’s description of the distribution of a Roman’s day:—The first and second hours were given to the ‘salutatio,’ or reception of clients and visitors. At the third hour the courts opened and business went on for three hours. The sixth hour was given up to rest (and the ‘prandium’), the seventh to winding up business, the eighth to exercise, and with the ninth began dinner. (Mart. iv. 8.) In the main this appears to have been the division of the day in Horace’s time likewise.
48.Foro nimium distare Carinas] The Carinæ was a collection of buildings on the north side of the Via Sacra under Mons Esquilinus. It comprised the houses of many persons of distinction, among whom was Philippus. The farthest part of the Carinæ could not have been above three quarters of a mile from the Forum Romanum; but Philippus was old. Horace means to show that he was inclined to be peevish, being tired with his work in the Forum; and in this splenetic humor, which, if this story be true, had become habitual with him, he fell in with the man Mena, whose easy enjoyment of life made a strong impression upon him. It made him jealous, and he resolved to spoil his independence if he could.
50.Adrasum quendam] He had just been shaved, and was paring and cleaning his nails leisurely for himself (‘proprios purgautem ungues’); he did not employ the barber for this operation, as people were in the habit of doing. The shop was empty, because those who would come for business came early, and those who came to lounge came later (S. i. 7. 3). ‘Umbra,’ which here means a shop, is used for different kinds of buildings by the poets, as a ‘porticus’ and a school. See Juvenal (vii. 173): “Ad pugnam qui rhetorica descendit ab umbra.” The shops were open, probably, as they are in Italy now.
54.unde domo,] This phrase, which is equivalent to ‘a qua domo,’ occurs in Virgil. (Aen. viii. 114): “Qui genus? unde domo?” Philippus sends to know who the man is, where he comes from, whether he is rich or poor; if ‘ingenuus,’ who is his father; if a freedman, who is his ‘patronus.’
55.Volteium nomine Menam,] This person is represented as a freedman of some person of the Volteia gens, of which one or two are mentioned in the Roman writers. A freedman took the Gentile name of his master on his manumission. The name Menas is akin to Menodorus, as Demas to Demetrius, Lucas to Lucanus, Silas to Sylvanus, Artemas to Artemius, etc.
56.sine crimine, notum Et] The description Menas gives of himself is, that he is a crier of small means, of unblemished character, well known as a person who could be active or quiet as the occasion required, and who enjoyed what he got; one who made himself happy in the company of humble people, in the possession of a house of his own, at the theatres and Circus, and with the amusements of the Campus Martius. ‘Et quaerere et uti,’ ‘to get and to enjoy,’ expresses the reverse of him who is ‘nescius uti Compositis’ (S. ii. 3. 109). ‘Lare certo’ is opposed to a lodging, ‘coenaculum’ (Epp. i. 1. 91, n.). It appears (v. 65) that he transacted business as a seller; probably he had some second hand things of his own to dispose of. But the ‘praeco’ was not usually the person who managed an ‘auctio,’ which was presided over byan ‘argentarius,’ and he employed a ‘praeco.’ See S. i. 6. 86, n. ‘Certo lare’ is a common phrase, as Bentley himself has shown, as in Virgil (Georg. iv. 155), “Et patriam solae et certos novere penates”; and (Aen. vi. 673), “Nulli certa domus; lucis habitamus opacis.” Compare Epp. i. 15. 28: “Scurra vagus non qui certum praesepe teneret.”
61.Non sane credere Mena,] ‘Sane’ is not commonly used in negative sentences. It is an adverb of emphasis. As to ‘benigne,’ see above, v. 16, and on the subjunctive ‘neget,’ compare S. ii. 6. 31. “What, he deny me?”
65.tunicato scruta popello] To be without the toga in the streets was not considered respectable. It was confined to the lowest sort of people, which is expressed by the diminutive ‘popello.’ This word is used only here and by Persius (iv. 15). ‘Scruta’ signifies small wares, being derived from the Greek γρύτη. As to ‘occupat,’ see C. ii. 12. 28, n.
67.mercenaria vincla,] The bonds (that is, the occupations) of buying and selling. Mena offers these as his excuse for not having waited upon Philippus in the morning, at his ‘salutatio,’ as, after his attention of the previous day, he would have felt bound to do if he had had time.
71.Post nonam venies;] See above, v. 47, n., and C. i. 1. 20, n.
72.dicenda tacenda locutus] This is a familiar adaptation of the Greek ῥητὸν ἄῤῥητόν τ᾽ ἔπος (Soph. Oed. Col. 1001), which was a conventional phrase. It means all manner of things. Persius (iv. 5) has “dicenda tacendaque calles.” Virgil (Aen. ix. 595), “digna atque indigna relatu Vociferans.” Horace means that Volteius was placed at his ease by his host, and being a simple man, talked of what came uppermost without waiting to see if it was out of season or not. ‘Dimittere’ was a word of politeness used among equals, as above, v. 18.
73.Hic ubi saepe] After he had broken the ice, Volteius was easily persuaded to repeat his visits, till at last he became an established guest and a daily attendant at the rich man’s morning receptions, till, on one occasion, he was invited to accompany Philippus to his country-seat in the Sabine country, during the ‘feriae Latinae.’ This festival was of the highest antiquity. Its proper name was Latiar. The holidays lasted six days, during which all manner of festivities went on, and business was suspended. They were ‘feriae conceptivae,’ that is, they were annual, but not held always at the same season, which is what Horace means by calling them ‘indictae.’ The magistrates appointed the time of their celebration.
79.dum requiem, dum risus] Philippus, tired with his work, refreshed himself by getting amusement at other people’s expense. He gave the man a sum equivalent to about £60 of English money, and offered to lend him as much more.
84.vineta crepat mera:] So Cicero says (Ad Att. ix. 12), “Mera scelara loquuntur.” (Ib. 13.) “Dolabella suis literis merum bellum loquitur.” (iv. 7) “Chaerippus mera monstra nuntiaret.”
87.Spem mentita seges,] See C. iii. 1. 30, n.
91.Durus — attentusque] Philippus means that he appears to be too hard-working and anxious about his affairs. Compare S. ii. 6. 82, “Asper et attentus quaesitis”; and Epp. i. 16. 70, “sine pascat duras aretque.”
92.Pol me miserum,] Gellius (xi. 6) says, respecting oaths of this sort, that women never swore by Hercules, nor men by Castor, but both men and women would swear by the temple of Pollux, ‘Aedepol,’ and this, he says on the authority of Varro, was only adopted by men in later times, whereas it had always been used by women, who got it from the Eleusinian mysteries.
94.Quod te per Genium] See Epp. ii. 1. 144. This use of the relative ‘quod’ in entreaties is common, as in Virgil (Aen. vi. 363), and Terence (Andr. i. 5. 54). It was customary for slaves to pray to their masters bytheir genius. The Romans believed that every man had a genius, though their notions on the subject were very confused apparently. According to the name (which involves the same element as γέν-εσις, γί-νομαι), it should be the attendant on a man’s birth, as it was believed to be the inseparable companion of his life. It represented his spiritual identity, and the character of the genius was the character of the man. Hence we understand why the marriage bed was sacred to the genius (Epp. i. 1. 87, n.). Hence Horace speaks of “genium memorem brevis aevi” (Epp. ii. 1. 143), and offerings of wine and flowers, and such like, were said to be presented to the genius when a man was indulging in that way himself (A. P. 209). This explains the expressions “genio indulgere” (Persius v. 151), “genium suum defraudare” (Terence, Phorm. i. 1. 10), “genium curare” (C. iii. 17. 14). Women had their genii, but they were named Junones.
98.verum est,] See S. ii. 3. 312.
EPISTLE VIII.
Respectingthe person to whom this Epistle was written, and the occasion, see Ep. 3 of this Book, Introduction, and note on v. 15. Horace, it appears, was not in very good humor with himself when he wrote it. He describes himself as suffering less from bodily than mental weakness, irritability, sluggishness, perverseness, and caprice. He may use rather stronger language than was necessary, but there can be no doubt he felt a good deal of what he says he felt. It shows that a man may give good advice to his friends which he cannot steadily apply to himself, and it helps us to understand the character of Horace, and his philosophical aspirations, described, probably about this time, in his Epistle to Mæcenas (i. 1).
2.comiti scribaeque Neronis] See S. i. 7. 23, n. The following words in this Epistle have been referred to in former notes: ‘quid agam’ (Epp. 3. 15), ‘minantem’ (S. ii. 3. 9), ‘momorderit’ (S. ii. 6. 45), ‘cur’ (C. i. 33. 3), ‘cohorti’ (S. i. 7. 23). ‘Suaviter’ occurs in the same connection in S. i. 9. 5. ‘Multa et pulchra minantem’ refers to his philosophical aspirations and professions. See Introduction.
6.longinquis armentum aegrotet in agris;] The pastures of Apulia, Calabria, and Lucania, and those of the basin of the Po, have been referred to before (C. iii. 16. 35; Epod. i. 27).
10.properent arcere veterno;] As to the construction, see C. i. 27. 4, n. ‘Veternus’ is a lethargy, here applied to the mind, and his faithful physicians are the friends who would cheer and rouse him, though we may take the word ‘medicis’ literally, and suppose he was under medical treatment. His feelings probably arose out of the state of his health.
14.Ut placeat juveni] Tiberius was now in his twenty-third year. But on ‘juvenis,’ see C. i. 2. 41.
EPISTLE IX.
Asto Septimius, on whose behalf this letter of introduction is addressed to Tiberius, see C. ii. 6, Introduction. The occasion was that journey into Armenia which has been referred to twice before (Epp. 3 and 7). It is a well-considered and careful production. Horace would have written more warmlyfor such an intimate friend, if he could have ventured to do so; but the character of Tiberius did not admit of warmth, and he would not have responded to any very earnest eulogy. Horace therefore satisfies himself with merely naming his friend, and excusing his own boldness in doing so.
1.nimirum] ‘Of course,’ it would be strange if it were otherwise. Horace sometimes uses the word seriously, sometimes ironically, as in S. ii. 2. 106; 3. 120. He says, ‘Of course Septimius knows my influence with you better than anybody else does (‘unus,’ see S. ii. 6. 57, n.), and better than I do myself, and thinks that I stand to you in the relation of an intimate friend, or he would not press me for an introduction.’ There is about the same amount of ironical meaning in ‘scilicet’ (v. 3) as in ‘nimirum.’ ‘Tradere’ is the usual word for introductions. (S. i. 9. 47.)
4.Dignum mente domoque] Tacitus says of Tiberius, that his genuine character did not come out fully till after the fall of Sejanus. At this time he was about twenty-two years of age, but even now was reserved and unpleasant in his manners, so much so that even Augustus could hardly be cheerful in his company. Horace speaks well of him, not only here, when he is writing to himself, but in Epp. ii. 2. 1, written probably at a later time, to his friend Julius Florus. The fourteenth Ode of the fourth Book was written in honor of his successes, but there no great amount of warmth is shown in his favor. ‘Domo’ means his family. Tiberius was the son of T. Claudius Nero, and the Nerones belonged to the patrician gens Claudia, which numbered many consuls and other high magistrates, from the first establishment of the family inB. C.504. They were of Sabine origin.
5.Munere cum fungi] This phrase is like ‘officium facio’ below (Epp. 17. 21). It means to discharge the duties of friendship, but generally expresses the relation of an inferior to one above him in rank, and sometimes is used in a bad sense, to signify servility.
6.valdius] This comparative occurs again, in A. P. 321: “valdius oblectat populum.”
11.Frontis ad urbanae descendi praemia.] ‘Urbanae frontis’ seems to mean an ‘impudent front,’ such as one who had been bred in cities might show. ‘Praemia’ seems to be opposed to ‘opprobria’ and ‘descendere’ is commonly used in connection with the arena. Horace may mean (taking his metaphor from this source), that, to avoid the discredit of a greater fault, he has resolved to win the crown or prize of impudence, or something of that sort.
13.Scribe tui gregis] This construction with the genitive is more common in Greek. It occurs in C. iii. 13. 13: “Fies nobilium tu quoque fontium.” As to ‘fortem bonumque,’ see C. iv. 4. 29, n.
EPISTLE X.
ThisEpistle is addressed to Fuscus Aristius, whose name appears in C. i. 22; S. i. 9. 61; 10. 83. For such particulars as can be stated about him, see the Introduction to the above Ode. It appears that his habits inclined him to a town life. He was making money in some way, and he was associated with all Horace’s literary and other friends. Horace praises the freedom, the natural beauties, and the healthiness of the country, and shows that they are natural to men’s tastes, from the attempts they make to get trees in their town houses, and a prospect over the fields. He follows this up with a few miscellaneous remarks on the pursuit of wealth, how it blinds the eyes to the distinction between truth and falsehood, and how prosperity only makes adversitymore hard to bear, and disappointment more bitter, and subjects the mind to a galling slavery.
8.Quid quaeris?] ‘Why need you ask?’ This is only a formula equivalent to ‘in short.’
9.fertis rumore secundo:] ‘Rumore secundo’ is a phrase which occurs in various combinations. Virgil (Aen. viii. 90) has “Ergo iter inceptum celerant rumore secundo,” where Wagner applies it to the song of the rowers. Tacitus, speaking of the honors conferred on Nero, says, “ut haec secundo rumore ita adversis animis acceptum, quod filio Claudii socer Sejanus destinaretur” (Ann. iii. 29). He uses ‘adverso rumore’ in the opposite sense (xiv. 11). Here it means with an unanimous assent, or loud assent.
10.fugitivus liba recuso;] He likens himself to the slave who ran away from the priest, his master, because he fed him too much on the sweet cakes offered in sacrifice. He got tired of them, and wanted plainer food. These cakes, ‘liba,’ which the Greeks called πέλανοι, were made of flour sweetened generally with honey, and sometimes made in the shape of animals as a substitute for more costly sacrifices. Horace appears to have had some story in his mind.
12.Vivere naturae] See S. i. 1. 49, n.: “quid referat intra Naturae fines viventi.” Horace considers the artificial state of society and mode of life in large towns, as all must, to be a wider departure from the natural condition of man than a country life.
13.Ponendaeque domo] There are three forms of this dative, ‘domui,’ ‘domo,’ ‘domi’. ‘Area’ is an open space, here for building on. The technical meaning of it is given on C. i. 9. 18.
15.plus tepeant hiemes,] See S. ii. 3. 10, n.
16.rabiem Canis et momenta Leonis,] See C. iii. 13. 8, n.; 29. 18, n. ‘Momenta’ here seems to mean the violence of the heat that accompanies this constellation.
19.Deterius Libycis olet] Horace asks whether the field, covered with flowers, smells less sweet and looks less beautiful than marble floors, laid with mosaic pictures and strewed with flowers, or other perfumes. Respecting the Libyan and other marbles, see C. ii. 18. 3, n. By ‘lapillis’ Horace means the small pieces of different marbles with which the floors were laid, ‘tessellae’ or ‘crustulae,’ as they were called. Such pavements, which are now so costly as only to be found in the richest houses, were formerly very common in Italy. They were wrought in colored marbles, or the more ordinary ones in white and black.
20.aqua tendit rumpere plumbum] ‘Plumbum’ means leaden pipes, which were called ‘fistulae.’ Cisterns were called ‘castella,’ and there were three sorts: ‘publica,’ which received the water intended for public purposes; ‘privata,’ which were the common property of several persons who clubbed together to build it, and laid on pipes to conduct the water to their ‘castella domestica,’ the cisterns they had in their own houses. These pipes therefore intersected the whole city. As mentioned before (S. i. 4. 37, n.), those who could not afford to have water laid on at their houses, resorted to the ‘lacus’ or public tanks erected for their convenience, mostly by the liberality of individuals, in several parts of the town.
21.trepidat cum murmure] Compare C. ii. 3. 11: “obliquo laborat Lympha fugax trepidare rivo.”
22.nutritur silva columnas,] See note on C. iii. 10. 5.
24.Naturam expellas furca] This was a common expression ‘to toss out with a pitchfork,’ that is, forcibly and with contempt.
25.mala — fastidia] ‘Weary vices,’ such as occupy the dwellers in great towns.
26.Non qui Sidonio] On the position of ‘non,’ see S. i. 6. 1. ‘Not he who knows not skilfully to compare with Sidonian purple the wool that drinks the dye of Aquinum, shall suffer harm more certain or more deep than he who cannot tell truth from falsehood.’ There is strong irony in these words, and they follow naturally on what goes before, as representing the paltry objects with which the mind is employed in what is called fashionable life, to the destruction of the moral sense.
The foreign purples (enumerated on C. ii. 16. 36) were most esteemed, and these were imitated by the Italians (see Epp. ii. 1. 207). The ‘fucus’ was a marine plant of some kind, which yielded a red juice used for coloring. It was commonly used in imitation of the real dye. Hence it came to be used for deception in general. Aquinum (Aquino) the birth-place of Juvenal, was a large town of Latium on the Via Latina, between Fregellae and Venafrum.
31.Si quid mirabere] This maxim is consistent with the advice to Numicius, Epp. 6. 1.
34.Cervus equum pugna melior] Stesichorus is said to have spoken this fable to the citizens of Himera, when they were preparing to confer absolute power on Phalaris, and give him a body-guard. The fable is told by Phædrus (iv. 4), with the substitution of a boar for the stag.
37.Sed postquam victor violens] ‘Violens’ expresses the struggle with which the horse won his victory and his servitude.
39.potiore metallis] The ‘vectigalia’ from mines (‘metalla’) were very considerable at this time. The principal mines were the gold of Aquileia and Ictimuli in the Alps, and the silver of Spain.
42.ut calceus olim,] See S. i. 3. 31, n. ‘Olim’ is used quite indefinitely, as in S. i. 1. 25, “ut pueris olim dant crustula blandi Doctores.” See C. ii. 10. 17, n.
48.Tortum digna sequi] The metaphor is taken from a prisoner, led with a rope round his neck by his captor.
49.Haec tibi dictabam] The imperfect tense is generally used in letters, instead of the present, because the action is past to the person receiving the letter. As to ‘dictabam,’ see S. i. 10. 92, n. The Fanum Vacunae was about three miles from the confluence of the Digentia and the Anio, close to the modern town Rocca Giovane. Vacuna was originally a Sabine goddess, and seems to have been identical with Victoria.
EPISTLE XI.
ThisEpistle is addressed to one Bullatius, of whom we know nothing at all. He was travelling in the Ægean and in Asia Minor, and was absent longer than Horace wished, or thought good for him; and the object of this letter is to induce him to return.
1.Quid tibi visa Chios,] The island of Chios was rugged and mountainous, but had, as it still has, an excellent climate and choice wines; its women also were very handsome: in all of which particulars ancient and modern accounts agree. Its principal town, Chios, was a noble city, richly adorned with buildings and works of art. Not a trace of anything remains.
notaque Lesbos,] From the Trojan war to the times of the Roman Empire, when Tacitus calls it “insula nobilis et amoena” (Ann. vi. 3), the fortunes of Lesbos, its revolutions and conquests, its connection with Athens, its tradition of Orpheus, its poets and musicians and statesmen, its cities and worksof art, its fields and vineyards and climate, all contributed to make it the most conspicuous island in the Ægean.
2.concinna Samos,] Samos (the island) is rough, but the town is meant, and it is called ‘concinna’ from its buildings, of which a temple of Juno was one of the most conspicuous. Outside and inside, this temple was adorned with the finest works of art. There was also a celebrated mole at Samos, made to protect the harbor, which would be an object of interest to a traveller.
2.Croesi regia Sardes,] The town of Sardes (αἱ Σάρδεις), or the greater part of it, which was burnt to the ground in the revolt of the Ionians,B. C.499, was originally built of slight materials, though it was the seat of enormous wealth during the reigns of the Lydian kings, and especially that of Crœsus, whose palace became the residence of the Persian Satraps and was beautified by them, especially by Cyrus the younger, whose gardens are celebrated (Cic. de Senect. c. 17).
3.Smyrna quid et Colophon?] Alexander the Great found Smyrna in ruins, and conceived the design of rebuilding it, being prompted by Nemesis in a dream. He did not live to do so, but Antigonus began and Lysimachus finished a new town on a magnificent scale. Strabo speaks of it as one of the most beautiful cities of Ionia. Among other objects of interest was a temple erected to Homer, and called Homerium. The inhabitants claimed him as their countryman, and showed a cave in which it was said he wrote his poems.
Colophon, also in Ionia, on the Hales, was destroyed by Lysimachus, with Lebedus (v. 6). Its chief attraction was its neighborhood to the shrine of the Clarian Apollo. At present, only a few huts stand on the site of this town.
Majora minorave fama,] ‘Be they greater or less than report makes them out to be (I care not which), are they not all tame compared with the Campus Martius and the Tiber?’ ‘Ve’ is probably formed from ‘vel,’ and had much the same meaning, being chiefly used in poetry. When ‘vel’ is used, an indifference in the speaker’s mind is implied as to which of the two cases or objects be taken. ‘Ne,’ being attached to ‘cuncta,’ shows that the emphasis lies on that word.
5.Attalicis ex urbibus] One of the towns of the kingdom of Pergamum, bequeathed by Attalus III. to the Roman people, and constituted a Roman province on the defeat of Aristonicus,B. C.129. The kingdom of Pergamum, when it was handed over to the Romans, included Mysia, Lydia, Ionia, and part of Caria, the principal cities of which (μητροπόλεις) were Ephesus, Pergamum, Sardes, Smyrna, Lampsacus, Cyzicus. Other large towns were Tralles, Adramyttium, Thyatira, &c., nearly all of which are shown, by the ruins that remain, to have been built and ornamented on a magnificent scale.
6.An Lebedum laudas] Lysimachus, after the battle of Ipsus (B. C.301), when he became master of the western part of Asia Minor, destroyed the towns of Lebedus and Colophon in Ionia, and transferred their inhabitants to Ephesus. Lebedus never seems to have been rebuilt so as to recover any of its former importance, and the ruins of the old town probably helped to cause the desolate appearance described by Horace. He writes as if he knew Lebedus, but did not know the other places he refers to before. He must have seen this place, if at all, in his campaigning with Brutus.
7.Gabiis desertior] Gabii was an ancient town of Latium, an Alban colony, 100 stadia from Rome. Juvenal mentions it as a place of resort for people in humble circumstances, and calls it “Simplicibus Gabiis?” (iii. 190). In Horace’s time, while cold bathing was the fashion under the advice of Antonius Musa, it appears Gabii was resorted to. Horace may have been there himself. See Epp. 15. 9.
8.Fidenis] Fidenæ was about five miles from Rome, in the Sabine territory,and remains of it are still in existence near Castel Giubileo. InB. C.425 the town was destroyed by Æmilius Mamercus (Liv. iv. 9), and it seems never to have risen to any great importance again.
Gabii and Fidenæ were proverbially joined together (see Juv. S. x. 99). Virgil mentions them together as colonies of Alba (Aen. vi. 773):—
“Hi tibi Nomentum, et Gabios urbemque Fidenam,Hi Collatinas imponent montibus arces”;
where, it may be observed, Virgil shortens the first syllable, whereas Horace and Juvenal and Silius (xv. 91) make it long.
tamen illic vivere vellem,] Horace seems to mean that, though Lebedus was a place deserted, he could enjoy living there, though it cut him off from all his friends, for the sake of the fine prospect it gave of the sea, which would be an exaggerated way of speaking. He had probably in mind some occasion when he had admired the sea from Lebedus, and the recollection came upon him strongly as he wrote; or Bullatius may have said something in a letter about the fine prospect, and Horace means that he agrees with him. ‘But,’ he goes on to say, ‘there is a time for all things. The traveller, when he gets splashed, may be glad of a tavern to retire to and clean himself, but he would not wish to stay there all his life; and the man who has got chilled may be glad of a fire or hot bath, but he does not reckon fires and hot baths the chief good of life; and though you may have been glad to get on shore in a foreign land, to escape from a storm, you will surely not think it necessary to stay there for ever. If a man is in health, Rhodes and Mytilene are not the places for him; so come back again while you may and if you must praise those distant parts, praise them at home.’ (vv. 11-21.) It appears as if Bullatius had been a good while absent, and meant to remain much longer.
11.qui Capua Romam] The road Appius made (B. C.312) extended only as far as Capua. It was afterwards extended to Beneventum, and then on by two different branches to Brundisium (see S. i. 5. 79, n.).
12.nec qui Frigus collegit] ‘Colligere’ is not used in this sense elsewhere. The meaning is, he who has got chilled. ‘Furnos’ may be bakers’ ovens, or any furnaces to which a man might go to warm himself.
17.Incolumi] See S. ii. 3. 137, n.
18.Paenula solstitio, campestre] The ‘paenula’ was a thick outer mantle worn in bad weather over the toga. The ‘campestre’ was a linen cloth worn round the loins, in games or exercises in which the body was otherwise stripped, as also in swimming.
19.caminus.] See Epod. ii. 43, n.
23.in annum,] See Epp. i. 2. 38.
26.effusi late maris arbiter] That is, a place which commands (as we say) a wide prospect over the sea, such as Lebedus was described to be above. The south wind is called ‘arbiter Hadriae’ in a different sense in C. i. 3. 15.
28.Strenua nos exercet inertia:] This is a very happy expression, and has become proverbial for a do-nothing activity, such exertions as tend to no point and produce no fruits. ‘Navibus atque quadrigis’ means ‘running about by sea and land.’ ‘Quadriga’ is any carriage drawn by four horses (abreast, two under the yoke attached to the pole, and two outside, ‘funales,’ fastened by traces), though the word is more generally used for a triumphal or racing chariot than for a travelling carriage, of which there were various kinds. ‘Rheda’ was the most general name for such a carriage on four wheels (see S. ii. 6. 42, n.). ‘Petorritum’ was another name, and a third was ‘carruca,’ a later name, not known in Horace’s time. There were others, each differing more or less from the rest: ‘cisium,’ ‘essedum,’ ‘carpentum,’ ‘pilentum,’ ‘covinus.’
30.Est Ulubris,] All that we know of Ulubræ is that it was a small town of Latium, not far from Velitræ, and that it was a place of no importance.
EPISTLE XII.
Iccius, to whom this Epistle is addressed, has been mentioned, with all that is known of him, in the Introduction to C. i. 29, and Pompeius Grosphus in C. ii. 16. It is a letter of introduction for Grosphus to Iccius, who was employed in managing Agrippa’s estates in Sicily. The Epistle begins with some general remarks on the position and circumstances of Iccius, exhorting him to contentment, and commending his pursuit of philosophy in the midst of common employments. It then passes on to the recommendation of Grosphus, and finishes with one or two items of public news.
1.Fructibus Agrippae] From what sources Agrippa derived his immense wealth we do not know. From this Epistle we learn that he had estates in Sicily, probably given him after his successes against Sextus Pompeius. Horace means to say to Iccius, that he has got a good post, and may be very comfortable if he is careful. He probably got a percentage on what he collected. He collected Agrippa’s rents, ‘fructus’.
4.cui rerum suppetit usus] ‘Rerum usus’ here seems to mean the supply of things needful. ‘Suppeto,’ meaning ‘to be sufficient,’ occurs in Epod. xvii. 64. ‘Pauper’ is here used more in the sense of privation than Horace generally uses it.
7.positorum] ‘Ponere’ is the usual word for putting dishes on the table, as observed on S. ii. 2. 23. Here fine dishes are meant, as we can tell by the context. The nettle, ‘urtica,’ forms an ingredient in the broth of poor people in this country, and still more in Scotland. ‘Protinus’ means ‘right on,’ and is applied in various ways. Here it means ‘in an uninterrupted course,’ that is, ‘always’. ‘Ut’ means ‘even supposing,’ as in Epod. i. 21. ‘Confestim,’ ‘straightway,’ has the same root as ‘festino.’ ‘Fortunae rivus’ seems, as Orelli says, to have been a proverbial expression.
10.naturam mutare] Horace says the same in a different application elsewhere (Epod. iv. 5):
“Licet superbus ambules pecunia,Fortuna non mutat genus.”
12.Miramur si Democriti] “I am surprised that Democritus should have allowed his sheep to eat the corn off his fields, while his mind was wandering in swift flight far away, leaving his body; and yet you, in the midst of such sordid work and the infection of money, are bent on wisdom, and that of no mean sort, and continue to study things sublime.” Democritus of Abdera had a considerable patrimony, which he neglected for travel and study. It seems his name had passed into a proverb.
20.Empedocles an Stertinium] Empedocles was born aboutB. C.520, and was a man of wealth and station at Agrigentum in Sicily. He was a philosopher, but his opinions are hard to trace. He pretended to a divine nature. (See A. P. 463, sqq.) His poems, of which fragments are extant, were much read and admired by the Romans. Horace refers perhaps to a dogma imputed to Empedocles, to which Cicero alludes (De Amic. vii.) when he says “Agrigentinum quidem doctum quendam virum carminibus Graecis vaticinatum ferunt, quae in rerum natura totoque mundo constarent quaeque moverentur, ea contrahere amicitiam, dissipare discordiam.”
Stertinius, of whom all that is known has been told in the Introduction toS. ii. 3, is put again as the representative of the Stoics. ‘Stertinium’ is an adjective formed like ‘Sulpiciis’ in C. iv. 12. 18. ‘Stertinium acumen’ is an expression like ‘sententia Catonis’ and others (see ii. 1. 72, n.). ‘Deliret’ is used, perhaps, by way of jocular allusion to the Stoic theory noticed in S. ii. 3.
21.Verum seu pisces] This is only a way of changing the subject, and passing from Iccius and his habits to that which was the chief purpose of the Epistle, the introduction of Grosphus. Murdering leeks and onions is a humorous way of alluding to the notion of Pythagoras mentioned in S. ii. 6. 63, and the same is extended to fishes perhaps, because Empedocles, who believed in the metempsychosis and held that to take life was against the universal law, declared that he himself had once been a fish, among other things.
23.verum] See Epp. 7. 98.
24.Vilis amicorum est annona] Horace means to say, that good friends are cheaply bought, because they do not ask more than is right; they are reasonable and modest in their demands, as Grosphus would be.
26.Cantaber Agrippae] See C. ii. 6. 2, n.
27.Armenius cecidit;] This is an exaggerated way of stating the case. He refers to the completion of the mission of Tiberius, mentioned in the Introduction to Ep. 3. At their own request, Augustus sent Tigranes to the Armenians, he having been for some time living in exile at Rome. They put the reigning king, Artaxias, to death and received Tigranes, because they had chosen to have him for their king. Nevertheless, a coin was struck for the occasion with the inscriptionArmenia capta.
—jus imperiumque Phraates] What Horace says is, that Phraates, king of the Parthians, accepted or put himself under the law and ‘imperium’ of Augustus, prostrating himself at his knees (‘genibus minor’),—a ridiculous exaggeration. (See Int. to C. iii. 5.) Ovid is nearly as strong (Trist. ii. 227):
“Nunc petit Armenius pacem; nunc porrigit arcusParthus eques timida captaque signa manu.”
29.Copia cornu.] See C. S. 60, n., and compare the expressions in C. iv. 5. 17, sqq., and 15. 4, sq.
EPISTLE XIII.
Thisletter professes to be written by Horace to one Vinius Asella, the bearer of certain volumes of his to Augustus at Rome, Horace being probably at his own estate. He writes as if he had given his friend particular and anxious instructions when he started, as to how he was to behave, and as if this was to be sent after him, to overtake him on the road in order to impress those instructions upon his memory. It is probable that some such jokes may have passed between Horace and his messenger when he started, and that he amused himself afterwards by putting them into the form of this Epistle. The person is assumed to be ignorant of the world, and therefore liable to make mistakes in the execution of his mission, to intrude at an unseasonable time; in the eagerness of his affection for Horace to be too officious, to carry the books awkwardly, so as to draw attention or to stop in the streets in order to tell his curious friends what important business he was upon. The person addressed is called Vinius, and the allusion in v. 8 leads to the inference that his cognomen was Asellus, or Asina, or Asella, which belonged to different Roman families.
What the volumes were that Horace was sending to Augustus, it is impossible to say for certain.
2.signata volumina,] The number of volumes would depend upon the number of books into which the work was divided, as each book, if it was not very long, would be rolled on one stick. (See Epod. 14. 8, n.) Round each would be wrapped a piece of parchment, and to this Horace’s seal would be affixed.
3.Si validus,] Augustus had very uncertain health.
6.chartae,] See S. ii. 3. 2, n.
9.fabula fias.] Compare Epod. xi. 8: “fabula quanta fui.”
10.lamas;] This is a rare word, signifying bogs. Horace writes as if the man was going some arduous journey over hills and rivers and bogs, whereas he had but thirty miles, or thereabouts, to go, along a good road, the Via Valeria, which passed very near the valley of the Digentia.
14.glomus furtivae Pyrrhia lanae,] Pyrrhia is said to be the name of a slave in a play of Titinius, who stole some wool, and carried it away so clumsily that she was detected. Titinius was a writer of comedies who lived before Terence. Pyrrhia is formed from Pyrrha, the name of a town in Lesbos, like Lesbia, Delia, &c. ‘Glomus’ is the singular number and neuter gender. It means a clew or ball of wool.
15.Ut cum pileolo soleas] The notion here is of a person of humble station invited to the table of a great man of his own tribe, who perhaps wanted his vote and influence. Having no slave to carry them for him, as was usual, he comes with his cap and slippers under his arm in an awkward manner, not being accustomed to the ways of fine houses. ‘Pileus’ was a skull-cap, made of felt, and worn at night or in bad weather. The man would bring it with him, to wear on his way home from the dinner-party. The ‘solea’ was the slipper, worn in the house, as ‘calceus’ was the walking shoe. (See S. i. 3. 127, n.)
16.Ne vulgo narres] “Don’t tell it to all the town, that you are the bearer of poems from Horace to Augustus; and though they should stop you, and entreat you to tell them your business, press on.” Horace, by way of keeping up the joke, supposes his messenger to arrive, hot from his journey, and to be besieged by inquisitive people, wanting to know what brings him to Rome.
19.cave ne titubes] This is perhaps another jocular allusion to his name, and, as an ass stumbling might chance to break what he was carrying, he adds, ‘mandataque frangas.’ In plain prose it means, ‘Take care you make no mistake, nor neglect to deliver your charge.’
EPISTLE XIV.
Horaceappears to have had a discontented ‘villicus,’ or steward of his property, whom he had promoted to that post from having been originally one of the lower sort of slaves in the town establishment. While in that position, he sighed for what he thought must be the superior freedom of the country; but as soon as he had reached the highest place he could be trusted with on the farm, he began to regret the former days when he could get access to the tavern and cook-shop, forgetting, as is common, the vexations that had made him long for deliverance before. This man’s discontent suggested to Horace this Epistle. It is such only in form, for we are not to suppose it was ever sent to the villicus. Horace means to describe his own feelings in respect to the country, and the change in his habits and character, and at the same time to draw a moral from his slave’s conduct as to the temper of those who never know what they want, who are envious, discontented, and lazy.
1.Villice silvarum] The ‘villicus’ was one of the principal slaves in the ‘familia rustica,’ who had the superintendence of a man’s farm and ‘villa rustica.’ He collected his rents, looked after his slaves, and had charge of everything but the cattle, of which there was a separate superintendent. Horace says his woods and fields restored him to himself; that is, they gave him liberty and enjoyment of life.
2.habitatum quinque focis] ‘Focis’ is put for ‘families.’ Horace says there lived on his estate five families, the heads of which were good men, who went up from time to time to the neighbouring town of Varia. Some suppose they were ‘coloni’ (C. ii. 14. 11, n.), lessees who farmed different parts of the estate. Varia was thirty miles from Rome, and ten from Tibur, on the Via Valeria. It was four miles from Horace’s farm. Its modern name is Vico Varo.
5.an res.] His land. ‘Praedia’ were ‘res mancipi.’
6.Lamiae] See Introd. to C. iii. 17. ‘Insolabiliter’ occurs nowhere else.
9.rumpere claustra.] At the end of the Circus were stalls (‘carceres’), in which the chariots remained till the race was ready to begin. They were then brought out, and ranged side by side behind a rope called ‘alba linea’ or ‘calx,’ which was stretched across the course, and formed a barrier, beyond which the chariots could not advance till the signal was given and the rope withdrawn. It is from this obstruction, or from the ‘carceres,’ that the metaphor in the text is taken.
13.se non effugit unquam.] Compare C. ii. 16. 19.
14.Tu mediastinus] He had been one of the lowest slaves, used for all manner of work in the ‘familia urbana,’ and by his pitiful countenance (for he was afraid perhaps to speak) had shown how much he wished to be delivered from that condition, and to be sent to work on the farm, though that was generally considered to be the greatest punishment (see S. ii. 7. 118, n.). When there, he had risen, it may be supposed, to be villicus. ‘Mediastinus’ was the name for the lowest sort of slave, both in the town and country establishment. It is derived from ‘medius,’ from his standing in the midst, and being at every one’s call.
tacita prece] See Epp. i. 16. 59, n.
18.eo disconvenit] ‘To this comes the difference between me and you.’
19.tesca] ‘Tesca’ means any rough wilderness. It is a rare word.
21.uncta popina] As to ‘popina’ (which Horace calls ‘uncta,’ because of the greasy viands cooked there), see S. ii. 4. 62, n.
23.Angulus iste feret] Horace writes as if he were repeating the contemptuous language of the villicus. ‘That little nook of yours would produce pepper and frankincense (which of course was impossible) sooner than grapes.’ The grapes grown on the farm he did not think worthy of the name. That Horace made his own wine and that it was not too bad to put before Mæcenas, we know from C. i. 20. Pepper the ancients must have obtained, through some channel, from India. ‘Thus’ or ‘tus olibanum,’ which is a gum resin, extracted from a tree called now the Boswellia Thurifera, was brought chiefly from Arabia. See Virgil (Georg. i. 57): “India mittit ebur, molles sua tura Sabaei.”
25.meretrix tibicina,] The ‘tibia’ was played by women as well as men, and chiefly by women at meals.
26.et tamen urges] This is said with a sort of mock compassion: ‘And yet, poor man! (though you have none of these comforts to help you on your way,) you have to go on turning up the rough soil, feeding the oxen, looking out for floods, and all that.’ ‘Jampridem non tacta’ implies that Horace’s property had been neglected before it came into his possession. Mæcenas had probably never resided there, and perhaps he had not been long owner of it when he gave it to Horace. One of the duties the ‘villicus’had to attend to, was looking to the banks of the river (Digentia), which it was apt to burst or overflow when the rains came down heavily. Horace has ‘docere’ again in this connection (A. P. 67).
31.quid nostrum concentum dividat] ‘What disturbs our harmony,’ or prevents us from agreeing in opinion; which is, that whereas I can look back upon my past enjoyments with pleasure, and am glad to quit them, now that my time of life requires it, to retire to the country, where I am free from jealousies and vexations, you are longing to get back to your former life and give up the country, which many a poor slave in the town envies you. So the ox envies the horse, and the horse envies the ox, but my judgment is, that each should do the work he is best fitted for (31-fin.).
32.tenues decuere togae] The toga was generally made of a thick woollen cloth, but there were lighter and finer sorts for summer. These were called ‘rasae,’ because the nap was clipped close. ‘Nitidi capilli’ refers to the anointing of the head at meals. See C. ii. 7. 23, n.
33.immunem Cinarae] Though Cinara loved money, and he had none to give, yet she was fond of him. As to this woman, see C. iv. 1. 3, n.
34.media de luce] ‘Soon after noon’ (see S. ii. 8. 3, n.). It need not be taken too literally. Then drinking was not uncommonly carried on from three or four o’clock till past midnight, but with idle people, or on particular occasions, it began earlier. ‘Bibulum’ depends upon ‘scis.’ As to Falerni, see C. i. 20. 10, n.
36.sed non incidere ludum.] ‘I am not ashamed to amuse myself sometimes, but I am ashamed never to break off or interrupt my amusements.’ He liked relaxation, but thought it shame to be always idle.
40.urbana diaria] See S. i. 5. 69.
42.calo argutus] The word ‘calo’ was applied to the menial slaves in general, though it is not a generic title for such, like ‘mediastinus’ (v. 14). See S. i. 6. 103, n. The meaning of ‘argutus’ here is doubtful. It may mean ‘sharp,’ or it may mean ‘noisy.’
43.ephippia] ‘Ephippium’ was a saddle, which the Romans appear to have used, having copied it from the Greeks. It did not differ materially from ours, except that it had no stirrups. A saddle cloth was worn under it, sometimes highly ornamented.
EPISTLE XV.
Nothingis known of the person to whom this Epistle was written. He is called, in the MSS. inscriptions, C. Numonius Vala. It appears that he was acquainted with the southern coast of Italy, and Horace, who had been recommended by his physician no longer to go (as he had been wont) to Baiæ, had a mind to try one of the southern ports; and he writes to Vala for information about them. It is an unconnected sort of Epistle, with a long digression upon the lament of Baiæ at the loss of her invalids, and another upon wines, and a third, which occupies half the Epistle, upon the profligacy of one Mænius, who squandered all his money on good living, and then turned to living at the expense of others. When he had nothing better, he ate tripe, and abused all spendthrifts; and as soon as he had got any money, he spent it in the same way again. Such am I, says Horace; when I am short of money, I commend the serenity of a humble life; when a windfall drops in, I am ready to be as extravagant as you please.
All this has not much connection with the professed object of the letter.
1.Quae sit hiems Veliae,] Velia or Elea, famous as the residence of Xenophanes, the founder of the Eleatic school of philosophy, and the birthplaceof Parmenides and Zeno, was a town of Lucania, near the mouth of the river Heles or Elees (Alento). Salernum in Campania was situated at the head of the bay of Pæstum, now the gulf of Salerno, on the heights above the modern town, which is close to the sea. These places were not very much frequented, it would seem, at this time, but a new doctor was bringing them into fashion.
2.qualis via,] Salernum was situated on a very good road, the Via Aquilia, of which there was a branch from Picenum as far as Pæstum. Thence to Velia, about twenty miles, there was no Roman road.
Baias] The atmosphere of Baiæ appears to have been clear, and the place attractive. (Horace calls it ‘liquidae,’ C. iii. 4. 24, and ‘amoenae,’ Epp. i. 1. 83.) This made it the most favourite resort of wealthy Romans. To invalids there was the additional attraction of hot sulphurous springs. Horace had been in the habit of going to Baiæ, as we may infer from his connecting it with the Sabine hills, Præneste, and Tibur, in C. iii. 4; but it appears he was now advised to try a different treatment, and seek some other climate. ‘Supervacuus’ means ‘useless’; the place would do him no good. As to the form of the word, see C. ii. 20. 24.
3.Musa — Antonius] This physician was a freedman of Augustus, and came into notice chiefly through curing him of a bad illness he contracted in the Cantabrian expedition. Having found cold bathing successful with the emperor, Musa appears to have made that his general principle of treatment. At any rate, he recommended it to Horace, and he followed his advice, not without reluctance, as it would seem from this Epistle. The death of Marcellus may have contributed to making Baiæ unpopular for a time, but it soon recovered its character (see above, Epp. 1. 83). There are some fragments of medical works by Musa still extant, and he is frequently referred to as an authority by Galen. The order of the names is inverted, as in C. ii. 2. 3; 11. 2.
et tamen illis Me facit invisum,] The sentence is this: “Antonius Musa makes out that Baiæ is useless for me, and yet he makes Baiæ hate me, because I am drenching myself with cold water in the middle of winter.” Horace goes on to say that the town is angry with all the patients for deserting it.
5.Sane murteta relinqui] ‘Murteta’ means groves in which houses were erected over sulphur springs for vapour baths.
8.Qui caput et stomachum] A douche bath on the head or stomach would now be thought a strong remedy even by hydropathists; but it is one of those which ancient physicians recommended.
9.Clusinis Gabiosque] Clusium (Chiusi) was one of the chief towns of Etruria, the capital of Porsenna, and the place where the Gauls received that insult which led to their siege of Rome (Liv. v. 33). It was situated on the Via Cassia, about one hundred miles north of Rome. Strabo (v. 3) mentions several cold streams at this place, called τὰ Ἄλβουλα, which were useful in many complaints both for bathing and drinking.
10.deversoria] See S. i. 5. 2, n. There was a branch of the Via Appia at Sinuessa, leading to Cumæ, called the Via Domitiana; but that, as the name shows, was not constructed at this time, and probably the traveller would have to continue along the Via Appia till he came to Capua, from whence the Via Campana went to Cumæ to the right, and the Via Aquilia went straight on to Salernum, and the Appia branched off through Caudium to Beneventum. (See S. i. 5. 50. 71.) This explains ‘laeva habena.’ The horse would turn to the right as usual to go to Cumæ (whence the road was continued to the Lucrine Lake and to Bauli and Baiæ, about four or five miles from Cumæ).
16.vina nihil moror illius orae;] The nearest place to Salernum spokenof as growing wines is Surrentum (Sorrento), at the end of the promontory that bears its name, and forms the southern boundary of the bay of Naples. This wine is mentioned in S. ii. 4. 55. Horace had no high opinion of it. He did not think it worth while to ask about the wine, which he knew was bad.
17.perferre patique,] This pleonasm occurs again in the next Satire, v. 74. It serves to make up a verse.
21.Lucanae] This supposes he was going to Velia.
24.Phaeaxque reverti,] See Epp. i. 2. 28.
26.Maenius,] See S. i. 1. 101, n. ‘Fortiter’ is used ironically. ‘Urbanus’ means ‘witty.’ ‘Scurra vagus’ means a parasite who was ready to dine anywhere, paying for his dinner with his jokes.
31.Pernicies et tempestas barathrumque] All these words belong to ‘macelli,’ as to which see S. ii. 3. 229, n. He was a plague that wasted, a tempest that swept, a gulf that swallowed up, the whole contents of the market.
37.corrector Bestius.] The meaning is, that Mænius, whenever he could not get a good dinner from one of those who patronized or were afraid of him, would dine prodigiously off tripe and coarse mutton, and then declare all good livers ought to be branded on the belly: a censor as strict as Bestius, who was, no doubt, some person well known at the time, perhaps as a spare liver or reprover of profligate living, though nothing is known of him now. ‘Corrector’ is here used for a reformer of morals, as in Epp. ii. 1. 129 it is applied to poets.
39.Verterat in fumum et cinerem,] This was evidently an ordinary way of speaking. He got rid of all the plunder he made from fools who patronized him.
41.Nil melius turdo, nil vulva] As to ‘turdus,’ see S. ii. 5. 10, n. The womb and breast (‘sumen’) of a sow, especially after her first litter, were considered great delicacies.
42.Nimirum hic ego sum;] Compare Epp. 6. 40: “ne fueris hic tu.” ἐνταῦθ᾽ εἰμί is a common expression with the Tragedians. ‘Nimirum,’ ‘of course, as is natural: how could anything better be expected of me?’ (See Epp. 9. 1.) He means to say, that of course, like his neighbours, he professes love for poverty while he is poor, but as soon as he gets any money he is ready for any extravagance.
46.nitidis fundata pecunia villis.] ‘Villa’ was a country house, as opposed to ‘aedes,’ a town house. There were ‘villae rusticae,’ farm-houses, and ‘villae urbanae,’ houses in the neighbourhood of towns (to which sense we limit the word in our use of it) or in the country, but built in many respects after the fashion of town houses. The ‘urbanae villae’ were often built at great expense, with much marble about them, which is referred to in ‘nitidis.’ ‘Fundata’ means ‘invested.’ It is not so used elsewhere.
EPISTLE XVI.
Quintius, to whom this Epistle is addressed, cannot be identified with any known person. The same name is connected with the eleventh Ode of the second Book; but there is no reason to suppose them to belong to one person. There is no more reason in the Epistle than in the Ode why a name should appear at all; for the subject is general, being the liability of men to be deceived in respect to their own goodness and that of others by the judgment of the multitude. This discourse is appended, rather abruptly, to ashort description of Horace’s residence, in anticipation of the inquiries he supposes Quintius might make on that subject.
1.fundus] See S. ii. 5. 108, n.
2.Arvo pascat herum] Horace had some of his land under his own cultivation; but it was no great quantity, as we may infer from the number of slaves employed upon it (S. ii. 7. 118). The rest he seems to have let (Epp. 14. 2, n.). Part of his land was arable, and part of it meadow (Epp. 15. 26-30, and C. iii. 16. 30, “segetis certa fides meae”). He had a garden (Epp. 14. 42). He must also have had vines (23, n.). In short, it was an ordinary farm on a small scale. In the second and third verses Horace recounts the different productions of his farm, while he supposes Quintius to ask about them.
2.opulentet] This is a rare word, and does not occur in any earlier writer.
3.an amicta vitibus ulmo,] See C. ii. 15. 5: “platanusque caelebs Evincet ulmos.”
5.Continui montes] The valley of the Licenza is the only valley which cuts the range of mountains extending from the Campagna above Tibur to Carseoli, about forty-five miles from Rome. Without this valley this immense body would be a continuous mass. It lies nearly north and south, which corresponds with the description of the text. See C. i. 17. 1, n.
8.Temperiem laudes.] The position of the valley keeps it cool in summer and warm in winter, the latter by the exclusion of the north wind (Tramontana). The Scirocco (‘plumbeus Auster’) is modified in its strength and character as it penetrates the mountains.
Quid, si rubicunda] ‘Why, if I tell you that my thorns bear abundantly the red cornel and the plum, that my oaks and my ilexes delight my pigs with plenty of acorns, and their master with plenty of shade, you may say it is the woods of Tarentum, brought nearer to Rome.’ ‘Fruge’ is nowhere else used for acorns, the common food for pigs.
12.Fons etiam] There are two small streams which feed the Licenza in this valley, which that river nearly bisects. Either of these rivulets may be the one Horace alludes to.
14.fluit utilis,] See note on v. 8 of the last Epistle.
15.dulces, etiam si credis amoenae,] A place may be ‘dulcis’ from association or other causes: it can only be ‘amoenus’ from its climate, its beauties, and so forth. As to ‘Septembribus horis,’ see S. ii. 6. 18, n., and for ‘audis’ see note on v. 20 of the same Satire.
17.Tu recte vivis] He goes on to compliment and advise his friend: ‘Your life is what it should be, if you are careful to be what you are accounted. For all Rome has long spoken of you as a happy man. But I am afraid lest you should trust the judgment of others about you, rather than your own.’
24.pudor malus] See S. ii. 3. 39, n. He says it is a false shame that would induce a patient to conceal his sores from the physician; and so it is for a man to hide his defects, rather than bring them to the wise to cure.
25.Si quis bella tibi] ‘Tibi’ depends on ‘pugnata,’ which is joined with ‘bella’ in C. iii. 19. 4. See note on C. ii. 6. 11. Quintius had no doubt seen service; but, says Horace, if any one were to speak of your campaigning in such language as this (then he quotes two lines, said to be taken from the panegyric of Varius on Augustus, referred to on C. i. 6. 11), you would recognize it as meant, not for you, but for Cæsar. But if you allow yourself to be called wise and correct, does your life correspond to that name any more than your military exploits to the above encomium? Literally, ‘Do you answer in your own name,’ or ‘on your own account?’ ‘Vacuas aures’ are ears which, being unoccupied, are ready to receive what is spoken.
27.Tene magis — populum] ‘Whether thy people care for thy safety more, or thou for theirs, may Jove ever doubtful keep, he who watches over both thee and Rome.’ The meaning of this is, ‘May thy country ever care for thee, and thou for thy country, with an equal affection.’
30.Cum pateris sapiens] See C. i. 2. 43, n.
31.Nempe Vir bonus] Quintius is supposed to answer, ‘Yes, surely, I like to be called good and wise, and so do you.’ ‘Nay,’ replies Horace, ‘such praise as this is given one day, and may be withdrawn the next; and you are obliged to resign your claim, because you know you do not deserve it. But if a man attacks me with charges I know I am innocent of, is that to affect me and make me blush?’
40.Vir bonus est quis?] The answer is to this effect: “In the eyes of the people the good man is he who never transgresses the laws; who is seen acting as ‘judex’ in important causes, and has never been known to be corrupt; whom men choose as their sponsor, and whose testimony carries weight in court; but all the while the man’s own neighborhood and family may know him to be foul within, though fair enough without.”