"Pleis your Grace,"We resavit your answer, and heard the Credit of Lyoun King of Armes, whairby we gathered sufficientlie your perseverance in evill mynd toward us, the glorie of God, our commoun-weall, and libertie of our native countrey. For savetie of the whiche, according to our dewitie, We have in our Soverane Lord and Ladyeis name suspended your Commissioun, and all administratioun of the policey your Grace may pretend thairby, being maist assuiredlie persuaded, yourproceidingis[1004]ar direct contrair our Soveranes Lord and Ladyis will, whiche we ever esteame to be for the weall, and nott for the hurte of this our commoun-wealth. And as your Grace will nott acknawledge us, our Soverane Lord and Ladyis liegis, trew barones and liegis, for your subjectis and Counsall, na mair will we acknawledge yow for any Regent[1005]or lauchfull Magistrat unto us; seing, gif any auctoritie ye have be reassone of our Soveranis commissioun granted unto your Grace, the same, for maist wechtie reassones, is worthelie suspended be us, in the name and authoritie of our Soveranis, whais counsall we ar of in the effares of this our commoun-weall. And for als mekle as we ar determinat, with hasard of our lyves, to sett that towne[1006]at libertie, whairin ye have most wrangouslie planted[1007]your soldiouris and strangearis, for the reverence we aucht to your persone, as Mother to our Soverane Lady, we require your Grace to transporte your persone thairfra, seing we ar constrayned,[1008]for the necessitie of the commoun-weall, to sute the samyn be armes, being denyed of the libertie thairof, be sindree requisitionis maid of befoir. Attour, your Grace wald caus departe with yow out of the said towne, ony persone havand commissioun in ambassadore, yf any sick be, or in lieutennentschip of our Soveranis, together with all Frenchemen, soldiouris, being within the same, (whais bloode we thrust nott, becaus of the auld amitie and freindschip betuix the realme of France, and us, whiche amitie, be occasioun of the mariage of our Soverane Lady to the King of that realme, should rather increase nor decrease;) and this we pray your Grace and thame bayth to do within the space of twenty four houris, for the reverence we awcht unto your persones. And thus recommending our humill service to yourGrace, we committ your Hienes to the eternall protectioun of God."At Edinburgh, the xxiij day[1009]of October 1559. "Your Graces humile Servitouris."[1010]
"Pleis your Grace,
"We resavit your answer, and heard the Credit of Lyoun King of Armes, whairby we gathered sufficientlie your perseverance in evill mynd toward us, the glorie of God, our commoun-weall, and libertie of our native countrey. For savetie of the whiche, according to our dewitie, We have in our Soverane Lord and Ladyeis name suspended your Commissioun, and all administratioun of the policey your Grace may pretend thairby, being maist assuiredlie persuaded, yourproceidingis[1004]ar direct contrair our Soveranes Lord and Ladyis will, whiche we ever esteame to be for the weall, and nott for the hurte of this our commoun-wealth. And as your Grace will nott acknawledge us, our Soverane Lord and Ladyis liegis, trew barones and liegis, for your subjectis and Counsall, na mair will we acknawledge yow for any Regent[1005]or lauchfull Magistrat unto us; seing, gif any auctoritie ye have be reassone of our Soveranis commissioun granted unto your Grace, the same, for maist wechtie reassones, is worthelie suspended be us, in the name and authoritie of our Soveranis, whais counsall we ar of in the effares of this our commoun-weall. And for als mekle as we ar determinat, with hasard of our lyves, to sett that towne[1006]at libertie, whairin ye have most wrangouslie planted[1007]your soldiouris and strangearis, for the reverence we aucht to your persone, as Mother to our Soverane Lady, we require your Grace to transporte your persone thairfra, seing we ar constrayned,[1008]for the necessitie of the commoun-weall, to sute the samyn be armes, being denyed of the libertie thairof, be sindree requisitionis maid of befoir. Attour, your Grace wald caus departe with yow out of the said towne, ony persone havand commissioun in ambassadore, yf any sick be, or in lieutennentschip of our Soveranis, together with all Frenchemen, soldiouris, being within the same, (whais bloode we thrust nott, becaus of the auld amitie and freindschip betuix the realme of France, and us, whiche amitie, be occasioun of the mariage of our Soverane Lady to the King of that realme, should rather increase nor decrease;) and this we pray your Grace and thame bayth to do within the space of twenty four houris, for the reverence we awcht unto your persones. And thus recommending our humill service to yourGrace, we committ your Hienes to the eternall protectioun of God.
"At Edinburgh, the xxiij day[1009]of October 1559. "Your Graces humile Servitouris."[1010]
The day following, we summoned the towne of Leyth by the sound of trumpet, in forme as followeth:—
"I require and charge, in name of oure Soverane Lord and Lady, and of the Counsall presentlie in Edinburgh, that all Scottis and Frenche men, of whatsumever estait and degree thai be, that thei departe of this towne of Leyth within the space of twelf houris, and maik the samyn patent to all and sindrie our Soverane Ladyis liegis; for seing we have na sick haitrent at eyther that ane or that other,[1011]that we thrust the bloode of any of the twa, for that ane is our naturall brother, borne, nurished, and broght up within the bowellis of ane commoun countree; and with that other, our natioun hes continewed lang amitie and allya, and hopis that sa shall do sa lang as swa thei list to use us, and nott suite to maik slavis of freindis, whiche this strenthnyng of oure townis pretendis. And thairfoir maist hartlie desyres that ane and that uther,to desist frome fortifeing and manteanyng of this towne, in our Soveranis and thair said Counsallis name, desyres thame to maik the same free within the space of xij houris."
"I require and charge, in name of oure Soverane Lord and Lady, and of the Counsall presentlie in Edinburgh, that all Scottis and Frenche men, of whatsumever estait and degree thai be, that thei departe of this towne of Leyth within the space of twelf houris, and maik the samyn patent to all and sindrie our Soverane Ladyis liegis; for seing we have na sick haitrent at eyther that ane or that other,[1011]that we thrust the bloode of any of the twa, for that ane is our naturall brother, borne, nurished, and broght up within the bowellis of ane commoun countree; and with that other, our natioun hes continewed lang amitie and allya, and hopis that sa shall do sa lang as swa thei list to use us, and nott suite to maik slavis of freindis, whiche this strenthnyng of oure townis pretendis. And thairfoir maist hartlie desyres that ane and that uther,to desist frome fortifeing and manteanyng of this towne, in our Soveranis and thair said Counsallis name, desyres thame to maik the same free within the space of xij houris."
TREASSON AMONGIS THE COUNSALL.
Defiance gevin, thair was skarmissing, without great slawchtter. Preparatioun of scailles[1012]and ledderis was maid for the assault, whiche was concluded by commoun consent of the Nobilitie and Barones. The scailles war appointed to be maid in Sanct Gelis Churche, so that preaching was neglected, whiche did nott a little greve the Preachearis, and many godlie with thame. The Preacharis spared not openlie to say, "That thei feared the successe of that interpryse should nott be prosperous, becaus the begynnyng appeired to bring with it some contempt of God and of his word. Other places, (said thei,) had bene more apt for suche preparationis, then whare the people convenit to commoun prayeris and unto preacheing." In verray deid the audience was wounderfullie trubled all that[1013]tyme, whiche (and other mysordour espyed amanges us) gave occasioun to the Preachearis to efferme, "That God could nott suffer suche contempt of his worde, and abuses of his grace, long to be unpunished." The Quene had amangis us her assured espiallis, who did not onlie signifie unto her what wes our estait, bot also what was our counsall, purposes, and devises. Borne of our awin company war vehementlie suspected to be the verray betrayouris of all our secreattis; for a boy of the Officiallis of Lowthiane, Maister James Balfour,[1014]was tackin carying a writting, whiche did open the maist secreat thing was devised in the Counsall; yea, these verray thingis whiche war thocht[1015]to have bene knawin but to a verray few.
THE DUCK AND HIS FREINDIS FEIRFULL.
By suche domesticall ennemyis war nott onlie our purposes frustrat, bot also our determinationis wer oftyme owerthrowin and changed. The Dukis freindis geve unto him suche terrouris, that he was greatlie trubled; and by his fear war trubled many otheris.THE UNGODLIE SOLDIOURISThe men of warr (for the maist parte wer men without God or honestie) made a mutiney, becaus thai lacked a parte of thair waiges: Thei had done the same in Lynlythqw befoir, quhair thei maid a proclamatioun, "That thei wald serve any man to suppress the Congregatioun, and sett up the Messe agane." Thai maid a fray upoun the Erle of Ergylis Hieland men, and slew one of the principall children of his chalmer; who notwithstanding behaved him self so moderatlie, and so studiouse to pacifie that tumult, that many woundered alsweill of his prudent counsall and stowtness, as of the great obedience of his cumpany. The ungodlie soldiouris notwithstanding maligned, and continewing in thair mysordour, thei boasted the Lard of Tullybarne[1016]and uther Noble men, who cohorted thame to quyetness.THE QUEIN REGENTIS PRACTISESAll these trubles war practised by the Quene, and putt in executioun by the tratouris amangis our selff; who, albeit they then lurked, and yitt ar not manifestlie noted, yitt we dowbt not but God shall utter thame to thair confusioun, and to the example of utheris. To pacifie the men of warr, a collectioun was devised. But becaus some wer poore, and some wer nigardis and avaritiouse, thair could no sufficient sowme be obteined.THE FACT OF THE COUNSALLIt was thocht expedient that a cunze should be erected, that everie Noble man should cunzie his silver work to supplie the present necessitie; and thairthrow David Forress, Johne Harte,[1017]andutheris who befoir had charge of the Cunzie-house,[1018]did promeise thair faythfull lawbouris.THE TREASOUN OF JOHNE HEARTBot when the mater come to the verray point, the said Johne Heart, and utheris of his factioun, stall away, and tuk with thame the instrumentis apt for thair purpose. Whetther this was done by the falsheid and feablenes of the said Johnne, or the practising of otheris, is yitt uncertane. Rested then no hoip amangis our selfis that any money could be furnessed; and thairfoir it was concluded, by a few of those whom we judged most secreat, that Schir Raiff Saidlair, and Schir James Croftis,[1019]then having charge at Berwik, should be tempted, yf thei wald supporte us with any reassonable soume in that urgent necessitie. And for that purpose, was the Lard of Ormestoun directed unto thame in so secreat maner as we could devise. Bot yit our counsall was disclosed to the Quene, who appointed the Lord Bothwell, (as him selff confessed,) to waitupoun the returnyng of the said Lard, as that he did with all diligence; and so being assuredlie informed by what way he came, the said Erle Bothwell foirsett[1020]his way, and cuming upoun him at unwares, did tack him, after that he was evill wounded in the heid;[1021]for nether could he gett his led horse, nor yitt his steall bonet. With him was tacken the sowme of four thowsand crownis of the sone, whiche the forenammed Schir Raiff and Schir James moist lovinglie had send for our supporte. The bruit heirof cuming to our earis, oure dolour was dowbled; not so muche for the loss of the money, as for the tynsall of the gentilman, whome we suspected to have bene slane, or at the least that he should be delivered to the Quenis handis. And so upoun the suddane, the Erle of Errane, the Lord James, the Maister of Maxwell, with the most parte of the horsemen, took purpose to persew the said Erle Bothwell, yf thei mycht apprehend him in Creychttoun or Morhame, whittherto (as thei war informed) he had reteared him self after his treassonable fact: We call his fact treassonable, becaus that thrie dayis befoir he had send his especiall servand, Maister Michaell Balfour, to us to Edinburgh, to purchese of the Lordis of the Counsall licence to come and speak us; whiche we granted, efter that he had promesed, that in the meantyme he should neather hurte us, neather yitt any till us appertenyng, till that he should writt his answer agane, whitther that he wald joyne with us or not.THE ERLE BOTHWELL FALS IN PROMEISE, AND HIS TREASONABLE FACTHe gave us farder to understand, that he wald discharge him self of the Quene, and thairefter wald assist us. And yitt in this meantyme, he crewelly and tratorouslie hurte and spuilzeid the noble man foirsaid. Albeit that the departure and counsall of the Erle of Arrane and Lord James, with thair cumpany foirsaid, wes verray suddane and secreat; yitt was the Erle Bothwell,[1022]then being in Crychttoun, advertissed, and so eschaiped with the money, whiche he took with him self, as the Capitane of his house, John Somervaill, (whiche was tackin without lang persuyte,) confessed and affermed. Becaus the Noble men that soght redress, soght rather his saiftie and reconsiliatioun; then destructioun and haitrent thei committed his house to the custody of a capitane, to witt, Capitane Forbess, to whome, and to all soldiouris thair left, was gevin a schairpe commandiment, that all thingis found within the said hous of Crychttoun,[1023](which war putt in inventorie in presence of the Lordis,) should be keipt till thatthe Erle Bothwell should geve answer, whitther he wald maik restitutioun or nott. Tyme of advertisment was granted unto him the hole day subsequent, till going doune of the sone.
In absence of the saidis Lordis and horsemen, (we meane the same day that thei departed, whiche wes the last of October,) the Provest and towne of Dundye, togetther with some soldiouris, passed furth of the toune of Edinburgh, and caryed with thame some great ordinance to schuitt at Leyth. The Duck his Grace, the Erle of Glencarne, and the rest of the Noble men, wer gone to the preacheing, whair thei continewed to nye twelf houris. The Frenche being advertissed by ane named[1024]Clerk, (who after was apprehended,) that our horsemen wer absent, and that the hole companye wer at dennar, issched, and with great expeditioun came to the place whair our ordinance wes laid.THE FIRST DEFAIR[1025]OF THE CONGREGATIOUNThe towne of Dundye, with a few otheris, resisted a whill, alsweall with thair ordinance as haquebuttis; but being left of our ungodlye and feable soldiouris, who fled without strok offered or gevin, thei war compelled to give back, and so to leave the ordinance to the ennemyis, who did farder persew the fugitives, to witt, to the myddis of the Cannogaite, and to the fute of Leyth Wynd.THE CRUELTIE OF THE FRENCHEThair crewelty then began to discover the self; for the decrepit, the aiged, the women and childrein, fand no greater favouris in thair furye, then did the strang man, who maid resistance.
It was verray appeiring, that amanges our selfis thair wes some treassoun. For when, upoun the first alarm, all man maid haist for releve of thair brethren, whome in verray deid we mycht have saved, and at least we mycht have saved the ordinance, and have keapt the Cannogait from danger; for we wer anis merched fordwarte with bold curage, but then, (we say,) wes a schowt reased amonges our selfis, (God will discloise the traytouris one day,) affermyng "That the hole Frenche cumpanye war entered in at Leyth Wynd upoun our backis." What clamor and misordour did then suddanelie arryise, we list nott to expresse with multiplicatioun of wordis. The horsemen, and some of those that aught to have putt ordour to otheris, over-rod thair poore brethren at the enteress of the Netthir Bow. The crye of discomforte arose in the toun; the wicked and malignant blasphemed; the feable, (amanges whome the Justice Clerk, Schir Johne Bannatyne[1026]was,) fledd without mercye: With great difficultie could thei be keapt in at the Weast Porte. Maister Gavin Hammyltoun[1027]cryed with a lowd voce, "Drynk now as ye have browen." The Frenche perceaving, be the clamour of our fray, followed, as said is, to the myddis of the Cannogait, to no great nomber, bott a twenty or thretty of thairinfantes perdues.[1028]For in that meantyme the rest reteired thame selves with our ordinance.THE ERLE OF ERGYLEThe Erle of Ergyle and his men wer the first that stopped the fleying of our men, and compelled the Porte to be opened efter that it was schoot.LORD ROBERT STEWARTBott in verray deid, Lord Robert Stewarte,[1029]Abbot of Halyrudehouse, was the first that isched out. After him followed many upoun the backis of the Frenche. At last cam my Lord Duck, and then was no man mair frack nor was Maister Gavin Hammyltoun foirsaid. The Frenche brunt a baikhouse, and tooke some spuilzie from thepoores of the Cannogait. Thei slew a Papist and dronken preast, named Schir Thomas Sklatter, ane aiged man, a woman gevin sowk and her child, and of oure soldiouris to the nomber of ten. Certane wer tane, amongis whome Capitane Mowat was one, [and] Maister Charles Geddes, servitour to the Maister of Maxwell.
THE CASTELL SCHOT ONE SHOTT.
The Castell[1030]that day schot ane schott at the Frenche, declairing thame thairby freindis to us, and ennemy to thame; bott he suddanelie repented of weall-doing.THE QUEIN REGENTIS REJOSING, AND UNWOMANLIE BEHAVIOURThe Queyn glad of victorye, sat upoun the ramparte to salute and welcome hir victorious suddartis.[1031]One brought a kirtill, one uther ane pettycote, the thrid, a pote or pane; and of invy more then womanlie lawchtter, sche asked, "Whair bocht ye your ware?Je pense[1032]que vous l'aves achete sans argent."[1033]This was the great and motherlie cayre whiche schee tooke for the truble of the poore subjectis of this realme.
THE COUNSALL OF THE MAISTER OF MAXWELL.
The Erle Bothwell, lifted up in his awin conceat, be reassoun of this our repulse and disconfitour, utterlie refused any restitutioun; and so within two dayis after was his house spulzeid, in whiche war no thingis of ony great importance, his evidentis and certane clothing excepted. Frome that day back, the curage of many was dejected. With great difficultie could men be reteaned in the towne; yea, some of the greatast estimatioun determined with thame selfis to leave the interpryise. Many fled away secreatlie, and those that did abyd, (a verray few excepted,) appeared destitut of counsall and manheid. The Maister of Maxwell,[1034]a man stowt and wittie, foirseing the danger, desyrit moist gravelie eyther to tak suche ordour that thei mycht remane to the terrour ofthe ennemy, or ellis that thei should reteyre thame selfis with thair ordinance and baneris displeyed in ordour. But the wittis of men being dasched, no counsall could prevaill. Thus we continewed from the Wednisday, the last of October, till Mononday the fyft of November,[1035]never two or thrie abyding ferme in one opinioun the space of twenty-four houris. The pestilent wittis of the Quenis practisaris did then exercise thame selfis, (God sall recompanse thair maliciouse craft in thair awin bosome, we dowbt not;) for thei caused two godlie and fordward young men, the Lardis of Pharnyherst and Cesfurd,[1036]who ones had glaidlie joyned thame selfis with us, to withdraw thame selfis and thair freindis: The same thei did to the Erle Mortoun, who promissed to be oures, but did never planelie joyne. Thei intysed the Capitane of the Castell to deny us supporte, in caise we war persewed; and, finallie, the counsall of some was no less pestiferous against us, then was the counsall of Achitophell against David and his discomforted soldiouris. "Rander, O Lord, to the wicked according to thair malice."
THE LAST DISCOMFITURE UPOUN MONUNDAY.
Upoun Mononday, the fyft[1037]of November, did the Frenche ische out of Leyth betymes, for kepping[1038]of the victuallis whiche should have cumed to us. We being trubled amanges our selfis, and, as said is, devided in opinionis, wer neather circumspect when thei did ische, neather yitt did we follow with suche expeditioun as had bene meitt for men that wald have sought our advantage. Our soldiouris could skarslie be dong furth of the towne. The Erle of Arrane, Lord James, and a certane with thame, maid haist. Many honest man then followed, and maid suche diligence, that thei caused the Frenche ones to retear somewhat effrayedlie. The restthat ware in Leyth, perceaving the danger of thair fallowis, isshed out for thair succurse. The Erle of Arrane and Lord James foirsaid, being more fordward nor prudent and circumspect, did compell the Capitanes, as is allegeit, to bring thare men so ney, that eyther thei must neidis have hasarded battell with the hole Frenche men, (and that under the mercy of thair cannonis also,) or ellis thei must neidis reteyre in a verray narrow cure.[1039]For our men warr approched ney[1040]to Restalrig. The one parte of the Frenche wer upoun the north towardis the sea, the other parte marched frome Leyth to Edinburgh; and yitt thei marched so, that we could have foughten neather cumpany, befoir that thei should have joyned. We took purpoise thairfoir to reteire towardis the towne, and that with expeditioun, least that the formare cumpany of the Frenche should eyther have invaided the towne, befoir that we could have cumed to the reskew thairof, or ellis have cutted us of from the entress, at the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, as appeirandlie thei had done, yf that the Lard of Grange and Alexander Quhytlaw, with a few horsemen, had nott stayed boith thair horsemen and thair footmen. The cumpany whiche was nixt us, perceaving that we reteired with speid, send furth thair skyrmissaris, to the nomber of thre or foure hundreth, who took us att ane disadvantage; befoir us having the myre of Restalrig[1041]betuix us and thame, so that inno wise we could charge thame; and we war inclosed by the park dyke,[1042]so that in nowyse we could avoid thair schott. Thair horsmen followed upoun our taillis, and slew diverse; our awin[1043]horsemen over-rode our futemen; and so be reassoun of the narrowness of the place, thair was no resistance maid. The Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, in great danger, lyghted amanges the footmen, exhorting thame to have some respect to ordour, and to the saiftie of thair brethren, whome, by thair fleying, thei exponed to murther, and so war cryminall of thair deth. Capitane Alexander Halyburtoun, a man that feared God, taryed with certane of his soldiouris behynd, and maid resistance, till that he was first schote and tackin. Bot being knawin, those cruell murtheraris wounded him in diverse partis to the death.[1044]And yit, as it war by the power of God, he was brocht in to the toun, whair in few, but yit most plane wordis, he gave confessioun of his fayth, testifeing,"That he dowbted nothing of Godis mercy, purchassed to him by the bloode of Christ Jesus; neather yit that he repented, that it pleased God to maik him worthie to sched his bloode, and spend his lyif in the defence of so just a cause."THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER HALYBURTOUN, CAPITANEAnd thus, with the dolour of many, he ended his dolour, and did enter, (we dowt nott,) in that blessed immortalitie within two houris efter that we war defait.[1045]Thare war slane to the nomber of twenty-four or thretty men, the maist parte poore. Thair war tackin the Lard of Pitmyllie, the Lard of Pharny youngar, the Maister of Bowchane, George Luvell of Dundie,[1046]and some otheris of lowar estait; Johnne Dunbar, Lieutennent to Capitane Mowet.[1047]Capitane David Murray had his horse slane, and him self hurte[1048]in the leg.
HOW AND WHY WILLIAM MAITLAND LEFT LEYTH.
Few dayis befoir oure first defait, whiche was upon Alhallow Evin,[1049]Williame Maitland of Lethingtoun younger,[1050]Secreattar to the Quene, perceaving him self not onlye to be suspectedas one that favored our parte, bot also to stand in danger of his lyiff, yf he should remane amangis sa ungodlie a cumpany; for quhensoevir materis came in questioun, he spaired not to speik his conscience; whiche libertie of toung, and gravitie of judgement, the Frenche did heyghlie disdane. Whiche perceaved by him, he convoyed him self away in a mornyng, and randered him self to Maister Kirkcaldye, Lard of Grange, who cuming to us, did exhorte us to constancie, assuring us, that in the Quene thair was nothing but craft and deceat. He travailled exceidinglie to have reteaned the Lordis togidder, and maist prudentlie laid befoir thair eyis the dangearis that myeht ensew thair departing of the town. Bot fear and dolour had so seazed[1051]the hartis of all, that thei could admitt no consolatioun. The Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, offered to abyd, yff any reassonable cumpany wald abyd with thame. Bott men did so steall away, that the witt of man could not stay thame. Yea, some of the greatast determined planelie that thei wald not abyd.THE LORD ERSKYN DECLAIRED HIM SELF ENNEMYE TO THE CONGREGATIOUNThe Capitane of the Castell, than Lord Ersken, wald promeise unto us no favouris. But said, "He most neidis declair himself freind to those that war able to supporte and defend him." Whiche answer gevin to the Lord James,[1052]discoraged those that befoir had determined to have biddin the uttermost, rather then to have abandoned the towne, so that the Castell wald have stand[1053]thair friend. But the contrarie declaired, everie man took purpose for him self. The complaintis of the brethren within the towne of Edinburgh was lamentable and sore. The wicked then began to spew furth the vennoum whiche befoir lurked in thare cankered hearte. The godly, alsweall those that war departed, as the inhabitants of the towne, wer so trubled, that some of thame wald have preferred death to lyve, at Godis pleasur.For avoiding of danger, it was concludit that thei should departe at mydnycht. The Duik maid provisioun for his ordinance, and caused it to be send befoir; but the rest was left to the cayr of the Capitane of the Castell, who receaved it, alsweall that whiche appertenith to Lord James, as that of Dundy.THE DISPYTE OF THE PAPISTIS OF EDINBURGHThe dispytfull toungis of the wicked raylled upoun us, calling us traytouris and heretiques: everie ane provoked other to cast stanes at us. One cryed, "Allace, yf I mycht see;" ane other, "Fye, give advertisment to the Frenche men that thei may come, and we shall help thame now to cutt the throttis of these heretiques." And thus, as the sword of dolour passed throught our heartis, so war the cogitationis and formar determinationis of many heartis then reveilled.THE WORST IS NOT YIT COME TO OUR ENNEMYESFor we wald never have belevit that our naturall countrey men and wemen could have wisshed our destructioun so unmercifullie, and have so rejosed in our adversitie: God move thair heartis to repentance! for ellis we fear that He whose caus we susteane sall lett thame feill the weght of the yock of crewell strangearis, in whose handis thei wisshed us to have bene betrayed. We stayed nott till that we came to Striveling, whiche we did the day efter that we departed from Edinburgh; for it was concluded, that thair consultatioun should be tacken, what was the nixt remeady in so desperat a mater.
THE SERMOUN OF JOHNE KNOX, IN STRYVELING, IN THE GREATEST OF OUR TRUBLES.
The nixt Wedinsday, whiche was the 7. of November,[1054]Johnne Knox preached, (Johne Willock was departed to England, as befoir he had appointed,) and entreated the 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 versicules of the Fourscoir Psalme, whair David, in the persoune of the afflicted people of God, speaketh thus:[1055]The fourt verse: "O thow the Eternall, the God of hostis, how long shall thow be angree against the prayer of thy people. 5. Thow hest fed us with the bread of tearis, and hath gevin to us tearis to drynk in great measure. 6. Thowhest maid us a stryf unto our nychtbouris, and our ennemyis laugh us to scorne amangis thame selfis. 7. O God of hostis, turne us agane: maik thy face to schyne, and we shalbe saved." [8. Thow hes brocht a vine out of Egypte: thow hes cast out the heathen, and planted it.][1056]&c.
THE ARGUMENT OF THE 80. PSALME.
This Psalme had the said Johne begun in Edinburgh, as it war foirseing our calamitie, of whiche in verray deid he did not obscurelie speik, butt planelie did admonishe us, that he was assured of trubles suddanelie to come; and thairfoir exhorted all men to prayeris. He entreated the three first versicles in Edinburgh, to the conforte of many. He declaired the argument of the Psalme, affermeing for his judgment, that it was maid by David him self, who, in the spreitt of prophesye, foirsaw the miserable estait of Godis people, especiallie after that the Ten Tribes wer devided, and departed frome the obedience of Juda; for it was nott, (said he,) without caus that Josephe, Ephraim, Benjamin, and Manasse, war especiallie named, and nott Juda; to witt, becaus that thei came first to calamitie, and war translaited from thair awin inheritance, whill that Juda yitt possessed the kingdome. He confessed that justlie thei war punished for idolatrie committed. But he affirmed, that amanges thame continewalie thair remaned some trew wirschipparis of God, for whose conforte war the Propheittis send, alsweill to call thame to reapentance, as to assure thame of deliverance, and of the promisse of God to be performed unto thame.
THE DIVISIOUN.
He divided the Psalme in three partis, to wit, in a prayer: 2. In the ground whairupoun thair prayer was founded: 3. And in the lamentable complaintis, and the vow whiche thei maik to God. Thare prayer was, "That God should convert and turne thame; that he should maik his face to schyn upoun thame; and that he should restoir thame to thair formar dignitie." The groundis and fundationis ofthair prayeris ware, 1. That God him self had becum pastour and governour unto thame: 2. That he had tacken the protectioun of thame in his awin hand: 3. That he had chosin his habitatioun amangis thame: 4. That he had delivered thame frome bondage and thraldome: 5. That he had multiplyed and blessed thame with many notable benedictionis. Upoun those Two partis he gave these notis:—
First, That the felicitie of Godis people may not be measured by any externall appeirance; for oftyn it is, that the same people, to whome God becumis not onlye creator, bot also pastour and protectour, is more seveirlie intreated, then those nationis whair verray ignorance and contempt of God reigneth.
Secondlie, That God never maid his acquentance and leigue with any people by his worde, bott that thare he had some of his elect; who, albeit thei suffered for a tyme in the myddis of the wicked, yitt in the end thei fand conforte, and felt in verray experience, that Godis promisses ar nott in vane.
Thridlie, That these prayeris wer dyted unto the people by the Holy Ghost, befoir thei came to the uttermost of truble, till assure thame that God, by whose Spreit the prayare was dited, wald nott contempt the same in the myddis of thair calamities.
The Thrid parte, conteynyng the lamentable complaynt, he entreated in Stryveling, in presence of my Lord Duik, and of the hole Counsall. In the expositioun whairof, he declaired, Whairfoir God somtymes suffered his chosin flock to be exponed to mockage, to dangearis, and to appeiring destructioun; to witt, that thei may feill the vehemencye of Godis indignatioun; that thei may knaw how litill strenth is in thair selfis; that thei may leave a testimony to the generationis following, alsweill of the malice of the Devill against Goddis people, as of the mervaillouse werk of God, in preserving his litill flock by far other meanes then man canespye. In explanyng these wordis, "How long shall thow be angree, O Lord, against the prayer of thy people?" he declaired, How dolorouse and fearfull it was to feght against that tentatioun, that God turned away his face from our prayaris; for that was nothing ellis then to comprehend and conceave God to be armed to our destructioun: whiche temptatioun no flesche can abyd nor owercome, onless the mychtie Spreit of God interpone the self suddanelie.
The example he gave, the impatience of Saule, when God wald nott hear his prayaris. The difference betuix the elect and reprobate in that temptatioun, he planelie declaired to be, that the elect, susteaned by the secreat power of Goddis Spreit, did still call upoun God, albeit that he appeared to contempt thair prayaris; whiche, (said he,) is the sacrifice most acceptable to God, and is in a maner evin to feght with God, and to ovircum him, as Jacob did in warsling with his Angell. Butt the reprobat, (said he,) being denyed of thair requeastis at Godis hand, do eather cease to pray, and altogitther contempt God, who straitlie commandeth us to call upoun him in the day of adversitie; or ellis thei seik at the Devill that whiche thei see thei can nott obteane by God.
In the Secound parte he declared, how hard it was to this corrupt nature of ouris not to rejose and putt confidence in the self, when God geveth victorye; and thairfoir how necessare it was that man by afflictioun should be brocht to the knawledge of his awin infirmitie, least that, puffed up with vane confidence, he maik ane idoll of his awin strenth, as did King Nabuchadnezzar. He did gravelie disput upoun the nature of the blynd warld, whiche, in all ages, hath insolentlie rejosed when God did chasten his awin children, whose glory and honour, becaus the reprobat can never see, thairfoir thei dispyise thame, and the wonderouse werk of God in thame. And yit, (said he,) the joy and rejosing of the warld is but meare sorrow, becaus the end of it tendith to suddane destructioun, as the ryatousebanquetting of Balthasar declaireth. Applying these headis to the tyme and personis, (he said,) yf none of Goddis children had suffered befoir us the same injureis that presentlie we susteane, these our trubles wald appear intollerable; suche is our tender delicacie, and self luif of our awin flesche, that those thingis whiche we lychtlie pass over in otheris, we can greatlie complane of, yf thei tweiche our selfis. I dowbt not bot that some of us have ofter then ones redd this Psalme, as also that we have redd and heard the travaill and trubles of our ancient fatheris.[1057]But whiche of us, eather in reading or hearing thair dolouris and temptationis, did so discend in to oure selfis that we felt the bitterness of thair passionis? I think none. And thairfoir hes God brocht us to some experience in our awin personis.
SPECIALIS APPLICATIO
But, yit, because the mater may appeir obscure, onless it be more propirlie applyed, I can nott bot of conscience use suche plainnes as God shall grant unto me. Oure faces ar this day confounded, oure ennemyes triumphe, oure heartis have quaiked for fear, and yitt thei remane oppressed with sorrow and schame. But what shall we think to be the verray cause that God hath thus dejected us? Yf I shall say, our synnes and formar unthankfulness to God, I speik the treuth. Butt yitt I spack more generalie then necessitie required: for when the synnes of men ar rebucked in generall, seldome it is that man discendeth within him self, accusing and dampnyng in him self that whiche most displeaseth God. Butt rather he dowttis that to be a cause, whiche befoir God is no cause in deid. For example, the Israelitis, feghting against the tribe of Benjamin, wer twise discomfeitted, with the loss of fourtie thowsand men. Thei lamented and bewailled boyth first and last; but we fynd nott that thei cam to the knawledge of thair offence and synne, whiche wes the cause that thei fell in the edge of the sworde; but rather thei dowted that to havebene a cause of thair mysfortoun, whiche God had commanded: for thei ask, "Shall we go and feght any more against our brethren, the sonnes of Benjamin?" By whiche questioun, it is evident, that thei supposed that the caus of thair overthrow and discomfeit was, becaus thei had lifted the sword against thair brethren and naturall countreymen. And yitt, the expresse commandiment of God that wes gevin unto thame, did deliver thame from all cryme in that caise. And yitt, no dowte but that thare wes some caus in the Israelitis that God gave thame so over in the handis of those wicked men, against whom he send thame, by his awin expressed commandiment, till execut his judgementis.LETT SCOTLAND YITT TACK HEADSuche as do weall mark the historye and the estait of that people, may easilie see the caus why God wes offended. All the haill people had declyned from God; idolatrie was manteaned by the commoun consent of the multitude; and as the text sayeth, "Everie man did that whiche appeareth good in his awin eyis." In this meantyme, the Levite compleaned of the vilanye that was done unto him self, and unto his wyf, whiche oppressed by the Benjamites of Gibeah, died under thare fylthy lustis. Whiche horrible fact inflammed the heartis of the hole people to taik vengeance upoun that abhominatioun: and thairin thei offended not; but in this thei failled, that thei go to execut judgement against the wicked, without any reapentance or remorse of conscience of thair formare offenses, and defectioun from God. And, farther, becaus thei war a great multitude, and the other war far inferiour unto thame, thei trusted in thair awin strenth, and thought thame selfis able aneuch to do thair purpose, without any invocatioun of the name of God. Bot after that thei had twise provin the vanitie of thair awin strenth, thei fasted and prayed, and being humbled befoir God, thai receaved a more favorable answer, ane assured promeise of the victorye. The lyik may be amangis us, albeit suddanelie we do nott espye it. Andto the end that everie man may the bettir examyne him self, I will devide our hole cumpany in two sortes of men: The one ar those that from the begynnyng of this truble have susteaned the commoun danger with thair brethren: The other be those whiche laitlie be joyned to our fallowschip. In the one and in the other, I fear, that just caus shalbe found that God should thus have humiled us. And albeit, that this appear strange at the first hearing, yitt yf everie man shall examyn him self, and speik as that his conscience dites unto him, I dowbt not bot he shall subscrive my sentence. Lett us begyn at our selves, who longast hes continewed in this battell. When we war a few nomber, in comparisoun of our ennemyes, when we had neather Erle nor Lord (a few excepted) to conforte us, we called upoun God; we tooke him for our protectour, defence, and onlie refuge. Amanges us was heard no braggin of multitude, of our strenth, nor pollecey: we did onlye sob to God, to have respect to the equitie of our cause, and to the crewell persute of the tyranefull ennemye. Butt since that our nomber hath bene thus multiplyed, and cheaflie sen my Lord Duik[1058]his Grace with his freindis have bene joyned with us, thair was nothing heard, bot "This Lord will bring these many hundreth spearis: this man hath the credite to perswaid this cuntrey; yf this Erle be ouris, no man in suche a boundis will truble us." And thus the best of us all, that befoir felt Godis potent hand to be our defence, hath of lait dayis putt flesche to be our arme. Butt whairin yit hathe my Lord Duik his Grace and his freindis offended? It may be that, as we haif trusted in thame, so have thei putt too muche confidence in thair awin strenth. But granting so be not,[1059]I see a cause most just, why the Duik and his freindis should thus be confounded amangis the rest of thair brethren. I have nott yitforgottin what was the dolour and anguishe of my awin hearte, when at Sanet Johnestoun, Cowper Mure, and Edinburgh Crages, those crewell murtheraris, that now hath putt us to this dishonour, threatned our present destructioun: my Lord Duik his Grace and his freindis at all the three jornayes, wes to thame a great conforte, and unto us a great discorage; for his name and authoritie did more effray and astonise us, then did the force of the other; yea, without his assistance, thei could not have compelled us to appoint with the Quene upoun so unequall conditionis. I am uncertane yf my Lordis Grace hath unfeanedlie repented of that his assistance to those murtheraris unjustlie persewing us. Yea, I am uncertane yff he hath reapented of that innocent bloode of Chrystes blessed Martyres, whiche was sched in his defalt. But lett it be that so he hath done, (as I hear that he hath confessed his offence befoir the Lordis and Brethren of the Congregatioun,) yit I am assured, that neather he, nether yit his freindis, did feall befoir this tyme the anguishe and greaf of heartis whiche we felt, when in thair blynd furye thei persewed us: And thairfoir hath God justlie permitted both thame and us to fall in this confusioun at ones: us, for that we putt our trust and confidence in man; and thame, becaus that thei should feill in thair awin hearttis how bytter was the coupe which thei maid otheris to drynk befoir thame.CONCLUSIO.Restis that boith thei and we turne to the Eternall oure God, (who beattis doun to death, to the intent that he may raise up agane, to leav the remembrance of his wonderouse deliverance, to the praise of his awin name,) whiche yf we do unfeanedlie, I no more dowbt but that this our dolour, confusioun, and feare, shalbe turned into joy, honour, and boldness, then that I dowt that God gave victorye to the Israelitis over the Benjamites, after that twise with ignominye thei war repulsed and doung back.LETT THE PAPISTIS AND GREATEST ENNEMYIS WITNESSYea, whatsoever shall become of us and of our mortall carcasses, I dowt not but that thiscaus, (in dyspite of Sathan,) shall prevaill in the realme of Scotland. For, as it is the eternall trewth of the eternall God, so shall it ones prevaill, howsoever for a time it be impugned. It may be that God shall plague some, for that thei delyte nott in the trewth, albeit for warldlye respectis thei seame to favour it. Yea, God may tak some of his dearest children away befoir that thair eyis see greattar trubles. Bott neather shall the one nor the other so hynder this actioun, but in the end it shall triumphe.
This Sermoun ended, in the whiche he did vehementlie exhorte all man to amendment of lyffe, to prayaris, and to the warkis of charitie, the myndis of men began wounderouslye to be erected. And immediatlie after dennare, the Lordis passed to Counsall,[1060]unto the whiche the said Johnne Knox was called to mack invocatioun of the name of God, (for other preachearis war nane with us at that tyme.) In the end it was concluded, that Williame Maitland[1061]foirsaid should pas to Londoun to expone our estait and conditioun to the Quein and Counsall, and that the Noble men should departe to thair quyett, to the sextene day of December, whiche tyme was appointed to the nixt Conventioun in Striveling, as in this our Thrid Booke following shalbe more amplie declaired.
Endis the Secound Booke of the Historye of the progresse of Religioun within Scotland.[1062]
Look upoun us, O Lorde, in the multitude of thy mercyes; for we ar brought evin to the deape of the dongeoun.
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