NOTE.
The Memoir here given to the public is based on a biographical sketch prepared by the writer at the request of the Massachusetts Historical Society for its Proceedings. The questions involving controversies into which the Society could not feel called to enter are treated at considerable length in the following pages. Many details are also given which would have carried the paper written for the Society beyond the customary limits of such tributes to the memory of its deceased members. It is still but an outline which may serve a present need and perhaps be of some assistance to a future biographer.
CONTENTSVolume I.I.1814-1827. To AEt. 13.II.1827-1831. AEt. 13-17.III.1832-1833. AEt. 18-19.IV.1834-1839. 2Et. 20-25.V.1841-1842. AEt. 27-28.VI.1844. AEt. 30.VII.1845-1847. AEt. 31-33.VIII.1847-1849. AEt. 33-35.IX.1850. AEt. 36.X.1851-1856. AEt. 37-42.XI.1856-1857. AEt. 42-43.XII.1856-1857. AEt. 42-43.XIII.1858-1860. AEt. 44-46.XIV.1859. AEt. 45.XV.1860. At. 46.Volume II.XVI.1860-1866. AEt. 46-52.XVII.1861-1863. AEt. 47-49.XVIII.1866-1867. AEt. 52-43.XIX.1867-1868. AEt. 53-54.XX.1868-1869. AEt. 54-55.XXI.1869-1870. AEt. 55-56.Volume III.XXII.1874. AEt. 60.XXIII.1874-1877. AEt. 60-63.XXIV.CONCLUSION.APPENDIX.
CONTENTS
Volume I.I.1814-1827. To AEt. 13.II.1827-1831. AEt. 13-17.III.1832-1833. AEt. 18-19.IV.1834-1839. 2Et. 20-25.V.1841-1842. AEt. 27-28.VI.1844. AEt. 30.VII.1845-1847. AEt. 31-33.VIII.1847-1849. AEt. 33-35.IX.1850. AEt. 36.X.1851-1856. AEt. 37-42.XI.1856-1857. AEt. 42-43.XII.1856-1857. AEt. 42-43.XIII.1858-1860. AEt. 44-46.XIV.1859. AEt. 45.XV.1860. At. 46.Volume II.XVI.1860-1866. AEt. 46-52.XVII.1861-1863. AEt. 47-49.XVIII.1866-1867. AEt. 52-43.XIX.1867-1868. AEt. 53-54.XX.1868-1869. AEt. 54-55.XXI.1869-1870. AEt. 55-56.Volume III.XXII.1874. AEt. 60.XXIII.1874-1877. AEt. 60-63.XXIV.CONCLUSION.APPENDIX.
John Motley, the great-grandfather of the subject of this Memoir, came in the earlier part of the last century from Belfast in Ireland to Falmouth, now Portland, in the District, now the State of Maine. He was twice married, and had ten children, four of the first marriage and six of the last. Thomas, the youngest son by his first wife, married Emma, a daughter of John Wait, the first Sheriff of Cumberland County under the government of the United States. Two of their seven sons, Thomas and Edward, removed from Portland to Boston in 1802 and established themselves as partners in commercial business, continuing united and prosperous for nearly half a century before the firm was dissolved.
The earlier records of New England have preserved the memory of an incident which deserves mention as showing how the historian's life was saved by a quickwitted handmaid, more than a hundred years before he was born. On the 29th of August, 1708, the French and Indians from Canada made an attack upon the town of Haverhill, in Massachusetts. Thirty or forty persons were slaughtered, and many others were carried captive into Canada.
The minister of the town, Rev. Benjamin Rolfe, was killed by a bullet through the door of his house. Two of his daughters, Mary, aged thirteen, and Elizabeth, aged nine, were sleeping in a room with the maid-servant, Hagar. When Hagar heard the whoop of the savages she seized the children, ran with them into the cellar, and, after concealing them under two large washtubs, hid herself. The Indians ransacked the cellar, but missed the prey. Elizabeth, the younger of the two girls, grew up and married the Rev. Samuel Checkley, first minister of the “New South” Church, Boston. Her son, Rev. Samuel Checkley, Junior, was minister of the Second Church, and his successor, Rev. John Lothrop, or Lathrop, as it was more commonly spelled, married his daughter. Dr. Lothrop was great-grandson of Rev. John Lothrop, of Scituate, who had been imprisoned in England for nonconformity. The Checkleys were from Preston Capes, in Northamptonshire. The name is probably identical with that of the Chicheles or Chichleys, a well-known Northamptonshire family.
Thomas Motley married Anna, daughter of the Rev. John Lothrop, granddaughter of the Rev. Samuel Checkley, Junior, the two ministers mentioned above, both honored in their day and generation. Eight children were born of this marriage, of whom four are still living.
JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY, the second of these children, was born in Dorchester, now a part of Boston, Massachusetts, on the 15th of April, 1814. A member of his family gives a most pleasing and interesting picture, from his own recollections and from what his mother told him, of the childhood which was to develop into such rich maturity. The boy was rather delicate in organization, and not much given to outdoor amusements, except skating and swimming, of which last exercise he was very fond in his young days, and in which he excelled. He was a great reader, never idle, but always had a book in his hand,—a volume of poetry or one of the novels of Scott or Cooper. His fondness for plays and declamation is illustrated by the story told by a younger brother, who remembers being wrapped up in a shawl and kept quiet by sweetmeats, while he figured as the dead Caesar, and his brother, the future historian, delivered the speech of Antony over his prostrate body. He was of a most sensitive nature, easily excited, but not tenacious of any irritated feelings, with a quick sense of honor, and the most entirely truthful child, his mother used to say, that she had ever seen. Such are some of the recollections of those who knew him in his earliest years and in the most intimate relations.
His father's family was at this time living in the house No. 7 Walnut Street, looking down Chestnut Street over the water to the western hills. Near by, at the corner of Beacon Street, was the residence of the family of the first mayor of Boston, and at a little distance from the opposite corner was the house of one of the fathers of New England manufacturing enterprise, a man of superior intellect, who built up a great name and fortune in our city. The children from these three homes naturally became playmates. Mr. Motley's house was a very hospitable one, and Lothrop and two of his young companions were allowed to carry out their schemes of amusement in the garden and the garret. If one with a prescient glance could have looked into that garret on some Saturday afternoon while our century was not far advanced in its second score of years, he might have found three boys in cloaks and doublets and plumed hats, heroes and bandits, enacting more or less impromptu melodramas. In one of the boys he would have seen the embryo dramatist of a nation's life history, John Lothrop Motley; in the second, a famous talker and wit who has spilled more good things on the wasteful air in conversation than would carry a “diner-out” through half a dozen London seasons, and waked up somewhat after the usual flowering-time of authorship to find himself a very agreeable and cordially welcomed writer,—Thomas Gold Appleton. In the third he would have recognized a champion of liberty known wherever that word is spoken, an orator whom to hear is to revive all the traditions of the grace, the address, the commanding sway of the silver-tongued eloquence of the most renowned speakers,—Wendell Phillips.
Both of young Motley's playmates have furnished me with recollections of him and of those around him at this period of his life, and I cannot do better than borrow freely from their communications. His father was a man of decided character, social, vivacious, witty, a lover of books, and himself not unknown as a writer, being the author of one or more of the well remembered “Jack Downing” letters. He was fond of having the boys read to him from such authors as Channing and Irving, and criticised their way of reading with discriminating judgment and taste. Mrs. Motley was a woman who could not be looked upon without admiration. I remember well the sweet dignity of her aspect, her “regal beauty,” as Mr. Phillips truly styles it, and the charm of her serene and noble presence, which made her the type of a perfect motherhood. Her character corresponded to the promise of her gracious aspect. She was one of the fondest of mothers, but not thoughtlessly indulgent to the boy from whom she hoped and expected more than she thought it wise to let him know. The story used to be current that in their younger days this father and mother were the handsomest pair the town of Boston could show. This son of theirs was “rather tall,” says Mr. Phillips, “lithe, very graceful in movement and gesture, and there was something marked and admirable in the set of his head on his shoulders,”—a peculiar elegance which was most noticeable in those later days when I knew him. Lady Byron long afterwards spoke of him as more like her husband in appearance than any other person she had met; but Mr. Phillips, who remembers the first bloom of his boyhood and youth, thinks he was handsomer than any portrait of Byron represents the poet. “He could not have been eleven years old,” says the same correspondent, “when he began writing a novel. It opened, I remember, not with one solitary horseman, but with two, riding up to an inn in the valley of the Housatonic. Neither of us had ever seen the Housatonic, but it sounded grand and romantic. Two chapters were finished.”
There is not much remembered of the single summer he passed at Mr. Green's school at Jamaica Plain. From that school he went to Round Hill, Northampton, then under the care of Mr. Cogswell and Mr. Bancroft. The historian of the United States could hardly have dreamed that the handsome boy of ten years was to take his place at the side of his teacher in the first rank of writers in his own department. Motley came to Round Hill, as one of his schoolmates tells me, with a great reputation, especially as a declaimer. He had a remarkable facility for acquiring languages, excelled as a reader and as a writer, and was the object of general admiration for his many gifts. There is some reason to think that the flattery he received was for a time a hindrance to his progress and the development of his character. He obtained praise too easily, and learned to trust too much to his genius. He had everything to spoil him,—beauty, precocious intelligence, and a personal charm which might have made him a universal favorite. Yet he does not seem to have been generally popular at this period of his life. He was wilful, impetuous, sometimes supercilious, always fastidious. He would study as he liked, and not by rule. His school and college mates believed in his great possibilities through all his forming period, but it may be doubted if those who counted most confidently on his future could have supposed that he would develop the heroic power of concentration, the long-breathed tenacity of purpose, which in after years gave effect to his brilliant mental endowments. “I did wonder,” says Mr. Wendell Phillips, “at the diligence and painstaking, the drudgery shown in his historical works. In early life he had no industry, not needing it. All he cared for in a book he caught quickly,—the spirit of it, and all his mind needed or would use. This quickness of apprehension was marvellous.” I do not find from the recollections of his schoolmates at Northampton that he was reproached for any grave offences, though he may have wandered beyond the prescribed boundaries now and then, and studied according to his inclinations rather than by rule. While at that school he made one acquisition much less common then than now,—a knowledge of the German language and some degree of acquaintance with its literature, under the guidance of one of the few thorough German scholars this country then possessed, Mr. George Bancroft.
Such then was the boy who at the immature, we might almost say the tender, age of thirteen entered Harvard College. Though two years after me in college standing, I remember the boyish reputation which he brought with him, especially that of a wonderful linguist, and the impression which his striking personal beauty produced upon us as he took his seat in the college chapel. But it was not until long after this period that I became intimately acquainted with him, and I must again have recourse to the classmates and friends who have favored me with their reminiscences of this period of his life. Mr. Phillips says:
“During our first year in college, though the youngest in the class,he stood third, I think, or second in college rank, and ours was anespecially able class. Yet to maintain this rank he neither carednor needed to make any effort. Too young to feel anyresponsibilities, and not yet awake to any ambition, he became sonegligent that he was 'rusticated' [that is, sent away from collegefor a time]. He came back sobered, and worked rather more, but withno effort for college rank thenceforward.”
I must finish the portrait of the collegian with all its lights and shadows by the help of the same friends from whom I have borrowed the preceding outlines.
He did not care to make acquaintances, was haughty in manner and cynical in mood, at least as he appeared to those in whom he felt no special interest. It is no wonder, therefore, that he was not a popular favorite, although recognized as having very brilliant qualities. During all this period his mind was doubtless fermenting with projects which kept him in a fevered and irritable condition. “He had a small writing-table,” Mr. Phillips says, “with a shallow drawer; I have often seen it half full of sketches, unfinished poems, soliloquies, a scene or two of a play, prose portraits of some pet character, etc. These he would read to me, though he never volunteered to do so, and every now and then he burnt the whole and began to fill the drawer again.”
My friend, Mr. John Osborne Sargent, who was a year before him in college, says, in a very interesting letter with which he has favored me:
“My first acquaintance with him [Motley] was at Cambridge, when hecame from Mr. Cogswell's school at Round Hill. He then had a gooddeal of the shyness that was just pronounced enough to make himinteresting, and which did not entirely wear off till he leftcollege. . . I soon became acquainted with him, and we used to takelong walks together, sometimes taxing each other's memory for poemsor passages from poems that had struck our fancy. Shelley was thena great favorite of his, and I remember that Praed's verses thenappearing in the 'New Monthly' he thought very clever and brilliant,and was fond of repeating them. You have forgotten, or perhapsnever knew, that Motley's first appearance in print was in the'Collegian.' He brought me one day, in a very modest mood, atranslation from Goethe, which I was most happy to oblige him byinserting. It was very prettily done, and will now be a curiosity.. . . How it happened that Motley wrote only one piece I do notremember. I had the pleasure about that time of initiating him as amember of the Knights of the Square Table,—always my favoritecollege club, for the reason, perhaps, that I was a sometime GrandMaster. He was always a genial and jovial companion at our supper-parties at Fresh Pond and Gallagher's.”
We who live in the days of photographs know how many faces belong to every individual. We know too under what different aspects the same character appears to those who study it from different points of view and with different prepossessions. I do not hesitate, therefore, to place side by side the impressions of two of his classmates as to one of his personal traits as they observed him at this period of his youth.
“He was a manly boy, with no love for or leaning to girls' company;no care for dress; not a trace of personal vanity. . . . He was,or at least seemed, wholly unconscious of his rare beauty and of thefascination of his manner; not a trace of pretence, the simplest andmost natural creature in the world.”
Look on that picture and on this:—
“He seemed to have a passion for dress. But as in everything else,so in this, his fancy was a fitful one. At one time he would exciteour admiration by the splendor of his outfit, and perhaps the nextweek he would seem to take equal pleasure in his slovenly orcareless appearance.”
It is not very difficult to reconcile these two portraitures. I recollect it was said by a witty lady of a handsome clergyman well remembered among us, that he had dressy eyes. Motley so well became everything he wore, that if he had sprung from his bed and slipped his clothes on at an alarm of fire, his costume would have looked like a prince's undress. His natural presentment, like that of Count D'Orsay, was of the kind which suggests the intentional effects of an elaborate toilet, no matter how little thought or care may have been given to make it effective. I think the “passion for dress” was really only a seeming, and that he often excited admiration when he had not taken half the pains to adorn himself that many a youth less favored by nature has wasted upon his unblest exterior only to be laughed at.
I gather some other interesting facts from a letter which I have received from his early playmate and school and college classmate, Mr. T. G. Appleton.
“In his Sophomore year he kept abreast of the prescribed studies,but his heart was out of bounds, as it often had been at Round Hillwhen chasing squirrels or rabbits through forbidden forests.Already his historical interest was shaping his life. A tutorcoming-by chance, let us hope—to his room remonstrated with himupon the heaps of novels upon his table.
“'Yes,' said Motley, 'I am reading historically, and have come to the novels of the nineteenth century. Taken in the lump, they are very hard reading.'”
All Old Cambridge people know the Brattle House, with its gambrel roof, its tall trees, its perennial spring, its legendary fame of good fare and hospitable board in the days of the kindly old bon vivant, Major Brattle. In this house the two young students, Appleton and Motley, lived during a part of their college course.
“Motley's room was on the ground floor, the room to the left of theentrance. He led a very pleasant life there, tempering his collegeduties with the literature he loved, and receiving his friendsamidst elegant surroundings, which added to the charm of hissociety. Occasionally we amused ourselves by writing for themagazines and papers of the day. Mr. Willis had just started a slimmonthly, written chiefly by himself, but with the true magazineflavor. We wrote for that, and sometimes verses in the corner of apaper called 'The Anti-Masonic Mirror,' and in which corner was awoodcut of Apollo, and inviting to destruction ambitious youths bythe legend underneath,—'Much yet remains unsung.'“These pieces were usually dictated to each other, the poet recumbentupon the bed and a classmate ready to carry off the manuscript forthe paper of the following day. 'Blackwood's' was then in itsglory, its pages redolent of 'mountain dew' in every sense; thehumor of the Shepherd, the elegantly brutal onslaughts upon Whigsand Cockney poets by Christopher North, intoxicated us youths.“It was young writing, and made for the young. The opinions werecharmingly wrong, and its enthusiasm was half Glenlivet. But thisdelighted the boys. There were no reprints then, and to pass thepaper-cutter up the fresh inviting pages was like swinging over theheather arm in arm with Christopher himself. It is a littlesingular that though we had a college magazine of our own, Motleyrarely if ever wrote for it. I remember a translation from Goethe,'The Ghost-Seer,' which he may have written for it, and a poem uponthe White Mountains. Motley spoke at one of the college exhibitionsan essay on Goethe so excellent that Mr. Joseph Cogswell sent it toMadam Goethe, who, after reading it, said, 'I wish to see the firstbook that young man will write.'”
Although Motley did not aim at or attain a high college rank, the rules of the Phi Beta Kappa Society, which confine the number of members to the first sixteen of each class, were stretched so as to include him,—a tribute to his recognized ability, and an evidence that a distinguished future was anticipated for him.
Of the two years divided between the Universities of Berlin and Gottingen I have little to record. That he studied hard I cannot doubt; that he found himself in pleasant social relations with some of his fellow-students seems probable from the portraits he has drawn in his first story, “Morton's Hope,” and is rendered certain so far as one of his companions is concerned. Among the records of the past to which he referred during his last visit to this country was a letter which he took from a collection of papers and handed me to read one day when I was visiting him. The letter was written in a very lively and exceedingly familiar vein. It implied such intimacy, and called up in such a lively way the gay times Motley and himself had had together in their youthful days, that I was puzzled to guess who could have addressed him from Germany in that easy and off-hand fashion. I knew most of his old friends who would be likely to call him by his baptismal name in its most colloquial form, and exhausted my stock of guesses unsuccessfully before looking at the signature. I confess that I was surprised, after laughing at the hearty and almost boyish tone of the letter, to read at the bottom of the page the signature of Bismarck. I will not say that I suspect Motley of having drawn the portrait of his friend in one of the characters of “Morton's Hope,” but it is not hard to point out traits in one of them which we can believe may have belonged to the great Chancellor at an earlier period of life than that at which the world contemplates his overshadowing proportions.
Hoping to learn something of Motley during the two years while we had lost sight of him, I addressed a letter to His Highness Prince Bismarck, to which I received the following reply:—
FOREIGN OFFICE, BERLIN, March 11, 1878.SIR,—I am directed by Prince Bismarck to acknowledge the receipt ofyour letter of the 1st of January, relating to the biography of thelate Mr. Motley. His Highness deeply regrets that the state of hishealth and pressure of business do not allow him to contributepersonally, and as largely as he would be delighted to do, to yourdepicting of a friend whose memory will be ever dear to him. SinceI had the pleasure of making the acquaintance of Mr. Motley atVarzin, I have been intrusted with communicating to you a fewdetails I have gathered from the mouth of the Prince. I enclosethem as they are jotted down, without any attempt of digestion.I have the honor to beYour obedient servant,LOTHAIR BUCHER.“Prince Bismarck said:—“'I met Motley at Gottingen in 1832, I am not sure if at thebeginning of Easter Term or Michaelmas Term. He kept company withGerman students, though more addicted to study than we members ofthe fighting clubs (corps). Although not having mastered yet theGerman language, he exercised a marked attraction by a conversationsparkling with wit, humor, and originality. In autumn of 1833,having both of us migrated from Gottingen to Berlin for theprosecution of our studies, we became fellow-lodgers in the houseNo. 161 Friedrich Strasse. There we lived in the closest intimacy,sharing meals and outdoor exercise. Motley by that time had arrivedat talking German fluently; he occupied himself not only intranslating Goethe's poem “Faust,” but tried his hand even incomposing German verses. Enthusiastic admirer of Shakespeare,Byron, Goethe, he used to spice his conversation abundantly withquotations from these his favorite authors. A pertinacious arguer,so much so that sometimes he watched my awakening in order tocontinue a discussion on some topic of science, poetry, or practicallife, cut short by the chime of the small hours, he never lost hismild and amiable temper. Our faithful companion was Count AlexanderKeyserling, a native of Courland, who has since achieved distinctionas a botanist.“'Motley having entered the diplomatic service of his country, wehad frequently the opportunity of renewing our friendly intercourse;at Frankfort he used to stay with me, the welcome guest of my wife;we also met at Vienna, and, later, here. The last time I saw himwas in 1872 at Varzin, at the celebration of my “silver wedding,”namely, the twenty-fifth anniversary.“'The most striking feature of his handsome and delicate appearancewas uncommonly large and beautiful eyes. He never entered adrawing-room without exciting the curiosity and sympathy of theladies.'”
It is but a glimpse of their young life which the great statesman gives us, but a bright and pleasing one. Here were three students, one of whom was to range in the flowery fields of the loveliest of the sciences, another to make the dead past live over again in his burning pages, and a third to extend an empire as the botanist spread out a plant and the historian laid open a manuscript.
RETURN TO AMERICA.—STUDY OF LAW.—MARRIAGE.—HIS FIRST NOVEL, “MORTON'S HOPE.”
Of the years passed in the study of law after his return from Germany I have very little recollection, and nothing of importance to record. He never became seriously engaged in the practice of the profession he had chosen. I had known him pleasantly rather than intimately, and our different callings tended to separate us. I met him, however, not very rarely, at one house where we were both received with the greatest cordiality, and where the attractions brought together many both young and old to enjoy the society of its charming and brilliant inmates. This was at No. 14 Temple Place, where Mr. Park Benjamin was then living with his two sisters, both in the bloom of young womanhood. Here Motley found the wife to whom his life owed so much of its success and its happiness. Those who remember Mary Benjamin find it hard to speak of her in the common terms of praise which they award to the good and the lovely. She was not only handsome and amiable and agreeable, but there was a cordial frankness, an openhearted sincerity about her which made her seem like a sister to those who could help becoming her lovers. She stands quite apart in the memory of the friends who knew her best, even from the circle of young persons whose recollections they most cherish. Yet hardly could one of them have foreseen all that she was to be to him whose life she was to share. They were married on the 2d of March, 1837. His intimate friend, Mr. Joseph Lewis Stackpole, was married at about the same time to her sister, thus joining still more closely in friendship the two young men who were already like brothers in their mutual affection.
Two years after his marriage, in 1839, appeared his first work, a novel in two volumes, called “Morton's Hope.” He had little reason to be gratified with its reception. The general verdict was not favorable to it, and the leading critical journal of America, not usually harsh or cynical in its treatment of native authorship, did not even give it a place among its “Critical Notices,” but dropped a small-print extinguisher upon it in one of the pages of its “List of New Publications.” Nothing could be more utterly disheartening than the unqualified condemnation passed upon the story. At the same time the critic says that “no one can read 'Morton's Hope' without perceiving it to have been written by a person of uncommon resources of mind and scholarship.”
It must be confessed that, as a story, “Morton's Hope” cannot endure a searching or even a moderately careful criticism. It is wanting in cohesion, in character, even in a proper regard to circumstances of time and place; it is a map of dissected incidents which has been flung out of its box and has arranged itself without the least regard to chronology or geography. It is not difficult to trace in it many of the influences which had helped in forming or deforming the mind of the young man of twenty-five, not yet come into possession of his full inheritance of the slowly ripening qualities which were yet to assert their robust independence. How could he help admiring Byron and falling into more or less unconscious imitation of his moods if not of his special affectations? Passion showing itself off against a dark foil of cynicism; sentiment, ashamed of its own self-betrayal, and sneering at itself from time to time for fear of the laugh of the world at its sincerity,—how many young men were spoiled and how many more injured by becoming bad copies of a bad ideal! The blood of Don Juan ran in the veins of Vivian Grey and of Pelham. But if we read the fantastic dreams of Disraeli, the intellectual dandyisms of Bulwer, remembering the after careers of which these were the preludes, we can understand how there might well be something in those earlier efforts which would betray itself in the way of thought and in the style of the young men who read them during the plastic period of their minds and characters. Allow for all these influences, allow for whatever impressions his German residence and his familiarity with German literature had produced; accept the fact that the story is to the last degree disjointed, improbable, impossible; lay it aside as a complete failure in what it attempted to be, and read it, as “Vivian Grey” is now read, in the light of the career which it heralded.
“Morton's Hope” is not to be read as a novel: it is to be studied as an autobiography, a prophecy, a record of aspirations, disguised under a series of incidents which are flung together with no more regard to the unities than a pack of shuffled playing-cards. I can do nothing better than let him picture himself, for it is impossible not to recognize the portrait. It is of little consequence whether every trait is an exact copy from his own features, but it is so obvious that many of the lines are direct transcripts from nature that we may believe the same thing of many others. Let us compare his fictitious hero's story with what we have read of his own life.
In early boyhood Morton amused himself and astonished those about him by enacting plays for a puppet theatre. This was at six years old, and at twelve we find him acting in a play with other boys, just as Motley's playmates have already described him. The hero may now speak for himself, but we shall all perceive that we are listening to the writer's own story.
“I was always a huge reader; my mind was essentially craving andinsatiable. Its appetite was enormous, and it devoured too greedilyfor health. I rejected all guidance in my studies. I alreadyfancied myself a misanthrope. I had taken a step very common forboys of my age, and strove with all my might to be a cynic.”
He goes on to describe, under the perfectly transparent mask of his hero, the course of his studies. “To poetry, like most infants, I devoted most of my time.” From modern poetry he went back to the earlier sources, first with the idea of systematic reading and at last through Chaucer and Gower and early ballads, until he lost himself “in a dismal swamp of barbarous romances and lying Latin chronicles. I got hold of the Bibliotheca Monastica, containing a copious account of Anglo-Norman authors, with notices of their works, and set seriously to reading every one of them.” One profit of his antiquarianism, however, was, as he says, his attention to foreign languages,—French, Spanish, German, especially in their earliest and rudest forms of literature. From these he ascended to the ancient poets, and from Latin to Greek. He would have taken up the study of the Oriental languages, but for the advice of a relative, who begged him seriously to turn his attention to history. The paragraph which follows must speak for itself as a true record under a feigned heading.
“The groundwork of my early character was plasticity and fickleness.I was mortified by this exposure of my ignorance, and disgusted withmy former course of reading. I now set myself violently to thestudy of history. With my turn of mind, and with the preposteroushabits which I had been daily acquiring, I could not fail to make asgross mistakes in the pursuit of this as of other branches ofknowledge. I imagined, on setting out, a system of strict andimpartial investigation of the sources of history. I was inspiredwith the absurd ambition, not uncommon to youthful students, ofknowing as much as their masters. I imagined it necessary for me,stripling as I was, to study the authorities; and, imbued with thestrict necessity of judging for myself, I turned from the limpidpages of the modern historians to the notes and authorities at thebottom of the page. These, of course, sent me back to my monasticacquaintances, and I again found myself in such congenial company toa youthful and ardent mind as Florence of Worcester and Simeon ofDurham, the Venerable Bede and Matthew Paris; and so on to Gregoryand Fredegarius, down to the more modern and elegant pages ofFroissart, Hollinshed, Hooker, and Stowe. Infant as I was, Ipresumed to grapple with masses of learning almost beyond thestrength of the giants of history. A spendthrift of my time andlabor, I went out of my way to collect materials, and to build formyself, when I should have known that older and abler architects hadalready appropriated all that was worth preserving; that the edificewas built, the quarry exhausted, and that I was, consequently, onlydelving amidst rubbish.“This course of study was not absolutely without its advantages.The mind gained a certain proportion of vigor even by this exerciseof its faculties, just as my bodily health would have been improvedby transporting the refuse ore of a mine from one pit to another,instead of coining the ingots which lay heaped before my eyes.Still, however, my time was squandered. There was a constant wantof fitness and concentration of my energies. My dreams of educationwere boundless, brilliant, indefinite; but alas! they were onlydreams. There was nothing accurate and defined in my future courseof life. I was ambitious and conceited, but my aspirations werevague and shapeless. I had crowded together the most gorgeous andeven some of the most useful and durable materials for my woof, butI had no pattern, and consequently never began to weave.“I had not made the discovery that an individual cannot learn, norbe, everything; that the world is a factory in which each individualmust perform his portion of work:—happy enough if he can choose itaccording to his taste and talent, but must renounce the desire ofobserving or superintending the whole operation. . . .“From studying and investigating the sources of history with my owneyes, I went a step further; I refused the guidance of modernwriters; and proceeding from one point of presumption to another, Icame to the magnanimous conviction that I could not know history asI ought to know it unless I wrote it for myself. . . .“It would be tedious and useless to enlarge upon my various attemptsand various failures. I forbear to comment upon mistakes which Iwas in time wise enough to retrieve. Pushing out as I did, withoutcompass and without experience, on the boundless ocean of learning,what could I expect but an utter and a hopeless shipwreck?“Thus I went on, becoming more learned, and therefore more ignorant,more confused in my brain, and more awkward in my habits, from dayto day. I was ever at my studies, and could hardly be prevailedupon to allot a moment to exercise or recreation. I breakfastedwith a pen behind my ear, and dined in company with a folio biggerthan the table. I became solitary and morose, the necessaryconsequence of reckless study; talked impatiently of the value of mytime, and the immensity of my labors; spoke contemptuously of thelearning and acquirements of the whole world, and threw outmysterious hints of the magnitude and importance of my own project.“In the midst of all this study and this infant authorship theperusal of such masses of poetry could not fail to produce theireffect. Of a youth whose mind, like mine at that period, possessedsome general capability, without perhaps a single prominent andmarked talent, a proneness to imitation is sure to be the besettingsin. I consequently, for a large portion of my earlier life, neverread a work which struck my fancy, without planning a better oneupon its model; for my ambition, like my vanity, knew no bounds.It was a matter of course that I should be attacked by the poeticmania. I took the infection at the usual time, went through itsvarious stages, and recovered as soon as could be expected. Idiscovered soon enough that emulation is not capability, and he isfortunate to whom is soonest revealed the relative extent of hisambition and his powers.“My ambition was boundless; my dreams of glory were not confined toauthorship and literature alone; but every sphere in which theintellect of man exerts itself revolved in a blaze of light beforeme. And there I sat in my solitude and dreamed such wondrousdreams! Events were thickening around me which were soon to changethe world, but they were unmarked by me. The country was changingto a mighty theatre, on whose stage those who were as great as Ifancied myself to be were to enact a stupendous drama in which I hadno part. I saw it not; I knew it not; and yet how infinitelybeautiful were the imaginations of my solitude! Fancy shook herkaleidoscope each moment as chance directed, and lo! what new,fantastic, brilliant, but what unmeaning visions. My ambitiousanticipations were as boundless as they were various andconflicting. There was not a path which leads to glory in which Iwas not destined to gather laurels. As a warrior I would conquerand overrun the world. As a statesman I would reorganize and governit. As a historian I would consign it all to immortality; and in myleisure moments I would be a great poet and a man of the world.“In short, I was already enrolled in that large category of what arecalled young men of genius,—men who are the pride of their sistersand the glory of their grandmothers,—men of whom unheard-of thingsare expected, till after long preparation comes a portentousfailure, and then they are forgotten; subsiding into indifferentapprentices and attorneys' clerks.“Alas for the golden imaginations of our youth! They are bright andbeautiful, but they fade. They glitter brightly enough to deceivethe wisest and most cautious, and we garner them up in the mostsecret caskets of our hearts; but are they not like the coins whichthe Dervise gave the merchant in the story? When we look for themthe next morning, do we not find them withered leaves?”
The ideal picture just drawn is only a fuller portraiture of the youth whose outlines have been already sketched by the companions of his earlier years. If his hero says, “I breakfasted with a pen behind my ear and dined in company with a folio bigger than the table,” one of his family says of the boy Motley that “if there were five minutes before dinner, when he came into the parlor he always took up some book near at hand and began to read until dinner was announced.” The same unbounded thirst for knowledge, the same history of various attempts and various failures, the same ambition, not yet fixed in its aim, but showing itself in restless effort, belong to the hero of the story and its narrator.
Let no man despise the first efforts of immature genius. Nothing can be more crude as a novel, nothing more disappointing, than “Morton's Hope.” But in no other of Motley's writings do we get such an inside view of his character with its varied impulses, its capricious appetites, its unregulated forces, its impatient grasp for all kinds of knowledge. With all his university experiences at home and abroad, it might be said with a large measure of truth that he was a self-educated man, as he had been a self-taught boy. His instincts were too powerful to let him work quietly in the common round of school and college training. Looking at him as his companions describe him, as he delineates himself 'mutato nomine,' the chances of success would have seemed to all but truly prophetic eyes very doubtful, if not decidedly against him. Too many brilliant young novel-readers and lovers of poetry, excused by their admirers for their shortcomings on the strength of their supposed birthright of “genius,” have ended where they began; flattered into the vain belief that they were men at eighteen or twenty, and finding out at fifty that they were and always had been nothing more than boys. It was but a tangled skein of life that Motley's book showed us at twenty-five, and older men might well have doubted whether it would ever be wound off in any continuous thread. To repeat his own words, he had crowded together the materials for his work, but he had no pattern, and consequently never began to weave.
The more this first work of Motley's is examined, the more are its faults as a story and its interest as a self-revelation made manifest to the reader. The future historian, who spared no pains to be accurate, falls into the most extraordinary anachronisms in almost every chapter. Brutus in a bob-wig, Othello in a swallow-tail coat, could hardly be more incongruously equipped than some of his characters in the manner of thought, the phrases, the way of bearing themselves which belong to them in the tale, but never could have belonged to characters of our Revolutionary period. He goes so far in his carelessness as to mix up dates in such a way as almost to convince us that he never looked over his own manuscript or proofs. His hero is in Prague in June, 1777, reading a letter received from America in less than a fortnight from the date of its being written; in August of the same year he is in the American camp, where he is found in the company of a certain Colonel Waldron, an officer of some standing in the Revolutionary Army, with whom he is said to have been constantly associated for some three months, having arrived in America, as he says, on the 15th of May, that is to say, six weeks or more before he sailed, according to his previous account. Bohemia seems to have bewitched his chronology as it did Shakespeare's geography. To have made his story a consistent series of contradictions, Morton should have sailed from that Bohemian seashore which may be found in “A Winter's Tale,” but not in the map of Europe.
And yet in the midst of all these marks of haste and negligence, here and there the philosophical student of history betrays himself, the ideal of noble achievement glows in an eloquent paragraph, or is embodied in a loving portrait like that of the professor and historian Harlem. The novel, taken in connection with the subsequent developments of the writer's mind, is a study of singular interest. It is a chaos before the creative epoch; the light has not been divided from the darkness; the firmament has not yet divided the waters from the waters. The forces at work in a human intelligence to bring harmony out of its discordant movements are as mysterious, as miraculous, we might truly say, as those which give shape and order to the confused materials out of which habitable worlds are evolved. It is too late now to be sensitive over this unsuccessful attempt as a story and unconscious success as a self-portraiture. The first sketches of Paul Veronese, the first patterns of the Gobelin tapestry, are not to be criticised for the sake of pointing out their inevitable and too manifest imperfections. They are to be carefully studied as the earliest efforts of the hand which painted the Marriage at Cana, of the art which taught the rude fabrics made to be trodden under foot to rival the glowing canvas of the great painters. None of Motley's subsequent writings give such an insight into his character and mental history. It took many years to train the as yet undisciplined powers into orderly obedience, and to bring the unarranged materials into the organic connection which was needed in the construction of a work that should endure. There was a long interval between his early manhood and the middle term of life, during which the slow process of evolution was going on. There are plants which open their flowers with the first rays of the sun; there are others that wait until evening to spread their petals. It was already the high noon of life with him before his genius had truly shown itself; if he had not lived beyond this period, he would have left nothing to give him a lasting name.