Chapter 25

FOOTNOTES:[1]A certain MS. of Harvey’s, frequently referred to as bearing the date of 1616, and containing the heads of his first course of Lectures at the College of Physicians on the Heart and Blood, is not now in existence, or at all events is not now to be found. At the present time there are only two MSS. at the British Museum which bear Harvey’s name. Of these, one contains notes on the Muscles, Vessels, and Nerves, and on the Locomotion of Animals; the other may be characterized as a book of Receipts or Prescriptions, and though partly the work of a contemporary, contains notes of cases that occurred after Harvey’s death. The former MS. is as certainly in Harvey’s handwriting as the latter is not. In Dr. Lawrence’s[2]time there must have been a third MS. entitled ‘De Anatomia Universa,’ and it was here, in the index viz. which referred to the principal facts in the anatomy of the heart and of the circulation of the blood, that the dates April 16, 17, 18, an. 1616, were encountered. Mr. Pettigrew (Portrait Gallery, vol. iv, Harvey, p. 8), with the assistance of Sir Fred. Madden, made search for this MS. a few years ago, but failed to meet with it. A renewed search for this important document has been attended with no better success.[2]Vide his Life of Harvey, prefixed to the edition by the College of Physicians p. xxxi.[3]The birthday in some of the lives is stated to be the 2d of April, for no better reason apparently than that All-fools’ Day should not lose its character by giving birth to a great man. William Harvey, I believe, was born on the 1st of April.[4]In the register of William Harvey’s matriculation at Cambridge his father is styled Yeoman Cantianus—Kentish yeoman.[5]Prefixed to the Latin edition of Harvey’s Works published by the Royal College of Physicians, in two vols. 4to, 1766.[6]To show the esteem in which the Brothers Harvey were held, I may mention among other things that Ludovic Roberts dedicates his excellent and comprehensive work entitled ‘The Merchant’s Mapp of Commerce’ (Folio, London, 1638) to “The thrice worthy and worshipful William Harvey, Dr. of Physic, John Harvey, Esq., Daniel Harvey, Mercht., Michael Harvey, Mercht., Mathew Harvey, Mercht., Brethren, and John Harvey, Mercht., onely sonne to Mr. Thomas Harvey, Mercht., deceased.” The dedication is quaint, in the spirit of the times, but full of right-mindedness, respectfulness, and love for his former masters and present friends; in which relations the Harveys stood to Roberts. Thomas Harvey died in 1622, as appears by his monumental tablet in St. Peter-le-Poore’s church, in the city of London. Eliab and Daniel lived rich and respected, the former near Chigwell, co. Essex, the latter at Combe, near Croydon, co. Surrey. Michael Harvey retired to Longford, co. Essex. Matthew Harvey died in London.[7]“Gul. Harvey, Filius Thomæ Harvey, Yeoman Cantianus, ex Oppido Folkston, educatus in Ludo Literario Cantuar.; natus annos 16, admissus pensionarius minor in commeatum scholarium ultimo die Mai, 1593.” (Regist. Coll. Caii Cantab. 1593.)[8]Vide On Generation, p. 186. That Harvey outlived his wife is certain from his Will, in which she is affectionately mentioned as his “deare deceased loving wife.” She must have been alive in 1645, the year in which Harvey’s brother John died, and left her £50.[9]Exercitatio Anatomica de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis, 4to, Francof. ad Mœn., 1628.[10]Aubrey, Lives of Eminent Persons, 8vo, London, 1813.[11]Ib., vol. ii, p. 383.[12]Vide Records of Harvey from the Journals of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, pub. by James Paget, 8vo, London, 1846. Harvey, on his appointment to attend the Duke of Lennox, applied to have Dr. Smith chosen his substitute; but the governors proved recusant: “It was thought fit that they should have further knowledge and satisfaction of the sufficiency of the said Mr. Smith;” and they very shortly afterwards gave Dr. Andrews, first, the reversion of Harvey’s office, and by and by they formally appointed him Harvey’s deputy or substitute.[13]Vide Mr. Paget’s publication already quoted, p. 13.[14]Vide his procedure for the removal of a sarcocele, ‘On Generation,’ p. 254. “My Lady Howard had a cancer in her breast, which he did cut off and seared.” (Aubrey, Lives, p. 386.) He speaks of having been called to a young woman in labour in a state of coma (On Generation, p. 534); and in another place (Ib. p. 437) he says, in connexion with the subject of labour, ‘Haud inexpertus loquuor,’—I speak not without experience. Vide also p. 545, where he passes his fingers into the uterus and brings away “a mole of the size of a goose’s egg;” and p. 546, where he dilates the uterine orifice with an iron instrument, and uses a speculum, &c.[15]The embassy left England the 7th of April, and returned about Christmas of the same year. Vide Crowne’s ‘True Relation,’ &c., 4to, London, 1637.[16]Slegel (P. M.) De Sanguinis Motu Comment., 4to, Hamb. 1650, informs us in his Preface, that, whilst living with Hofmann in 1638, he had sedulously tried to bring him to admit the circulation; Slegel goes on to say, however, that it was in vain, and indeed that Harvey himself had failed to convince him: “Neque tantum valuit Harveus,vel coram(i. e. in his presence) cum salutaret Hofmannum in itinere Germanico, vel literis,” &c. The old man, nevertheless, seems not to have been altogether deaf to reason; Slegel had hopes of him at last had he but lived: “Nec dubito quin concessisset tandem in nostra castra.”[17]Lives, &c., vol. ii, p. 379.[18]The author of the life of Harvey in the ‘General Dictionary, Historical and Critical’ (folio, Lond. 1738), the original of all our other lives of Harvey, is certainly in error when he recognizes Harvey as the type of the Physician who takes part in the Dialogue of Hy. Neville’s Plato Redivivus, and assumes that he “relieved his abstruser studies by conversations in politics.” In a third edition of Neville’s work I find it stated that the physician who did so was Dr. Lower.[19]Feb. 12, an. 164-3/4. “A motion this day made for Dr. Mieklethwayte to be recommended to the warden and masters of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, to be physician, in the place of Dr. Harvey, who hath withdrawn himself from his charge, and is retired to the party in arms against the Parliament.” (Journals of the House of Commons, iii, 397.)[20]I find a kind of obloquy commonly thrown on the memory of Nathaniel Brent for what is styled his desertion of Charles; but he never deserted Charles; he never belonged to him. Brent, forsooth, had received knighthood at the royal hands in former years; but knighthoods were sometimes forced upon men in those days for the sake of the fees, and often as means of attaching men of mark and likelihood. The truth is that Brent, who was a profound lawyer and scholar, as well as a traveller, was greatly attached to Archbishop Abbott, who had patronized and advanced him through the whole course of his life. In the differences that took place between Abbott, in common with all moderate men, and Archbishop Laud, Brent naturally sided with his friend, led to do so, however, not by blind attachment only, but by natural constitution of mind, which appears to have abhorred the notion of a theocracy in the civil government of England, and to have been unfitted to comprehend the divinity that some conceive to inhere in despotism. Brent was, in fact, a man of such note, that Charles had tried to win him to his party many years before by various attentions and the free gift of knighthood; but this was in times when men were not required to take a side, when they stood naturally neutral. When the time came that it behoved him to show under what flag he meant to fight, Brent was not wanting to his natural bias and to independence. He therefore left Oxford when it was taken possession of by the royal forces, among other adherents of the popular cause, and was simply true to his principles, in nothing false to a patron or benefactor.[21]“Prithee leave off thy gunning and stay here; I will bring thee into practice.” (Aubrey, Op. cit. p. 381.)[22]On the monumental tablet of Thomas, the first of the brothers who died, in the church of St. Peter’s-le-Poore, the mottos, doubtless supplied by a surviving member of the family, show this feeling. The inscription is as follows:As in a Sheafe of Arrows.Vis unita fortior.The band of LoveThe Unitor of Brethren.Here Lyeth the body of Thomas Harvey,Of London, Merchant,Who departed this lifeThe 2nd of Feby. An. Dom.1622.(Stow’s London, third edit., fol. Lond. 1633.)John Harvey, Esq., who died in 1645, left his brother William’s wife £50. Eliab Harvey attended particularly to his brother William’s interests; and William at his death returned Eliab’s kindness by leaving him his residuary legatee.[23]This rather arduous undertaking in those days was accomplished, according to Aubrey, about the year 1649. But I have found so much to excite doubt in Aubrey’s Notes, that I greatly suspect the accuracy of his statement about the journey to Italy.[24]De Generatione Animalium, 4to, London, 1651.[25]This statue perished with the building, in the great fire of London in 1666, and seems never to have been replaced. The hall of the present College of Physicians is not graced as was the old one in Harvey’s time. The only sculptures of Harvey that I know of are busts, in the theatre of the College of Physicians and on his monument in Hempstead church, but of dates posterior to their subject, that at the College of Physicians being apparently after the portrait by Jansen in the library, and, as I am informed, by a sculptor of the name of Seemacher.[26]Aubrey, l. c. p. 378.[27]There is much information on the life of Harvey in the inscription upon the copper-plate which was attached to his portrait in the old College of Physicians. I give it entire, anxious to set before the reader every authentic word of his times that was uttered of Harvey. This inscription, but, unless I mistake, abbreviated, may be found in printed letters under the bust of Harvey in the theatre of the Royal College of Physicians:GULIELMUS HARVÆUS,Anglus natus, Galliæ, Italiæ, Germaniæ hospes,Ubique Amor et Desiderium,Quem omnis terra expetisset Civem,Medicinæ Doctor, Coll. Med. Lond. Socius et Consiliarius,Anatomes, Chirurgiæque Professor,Regis Jacobi Familiæ, Caroloque Regi Medicus,Gestis clarus, omissisque honoribus,Quorum alios tulit, oblatos renuit alios,Omnes meruit.Laudatis priscorum ingeniis par;Quos honoravit maxime imitando,Docuitque posteros exemplo.Nullius lacessivit famam,Veritatis studens magis quam gloriæ,Hanc tamen adeptusIndustria, sagacitate, successu nobilisPerpetuos sanguinis æstusCirculari gyro fugientis, seque sequentis,Primus promulgavit mundo.Nec passus ultrà mortales sua ignorare primordia,Aureum edidit de ovo atque pullo librum,Albæ gallinæ filium.Sic novis inventis Apollineam ampliavit artem,Atque nostrum Apollinis sacrarium augustius esseTandem voluit;Suasu enim et cura D. D. Dⁿⁱ. Francisci Prujeani PræsidisEt Edmundi Smith ElectorisAn.MDCLIII,Senaculum, et de nomine suo Musæum horto superstruxit,Quorum alterum plurimis libris et Instrumentis Chirurgicis,Alterum omnigena supellectile ornavit et instruxit,Medicinæ Patronus simul et Alumnus.Non hic anhela substitit Herois Virtus, impatiens vinciAccessit porro Munificentiæ decus:Suasu enim et consilio Dⁿⁱ. Dʳⁱˢ. Edv. Alstoni Præsidis,AnnoMDCLVIRem nostram angustam prius, annuo LVI. l. reditu auxit,Paterni Fundi ex asse hæredem collegium dicens;Quo nihil Illi charius Nobisve honestius.Unde ædificium sartum tectum perennare,Unde Bibliothecario honorarium suum, suumque OratoriQuotannis pendi;Unde omnibus sociis annuum suum convivium,Et suum denique (quot menses) conviviolum censoribus parari,Jussit.Ipse etiam pleno theatro gestiens se hæreditate exuere,In manus Præsidis syngrapham tradidit.Interfuitque Orationi veterum Benefactorum novorumque Illicio,Et Philotesio Epulo;Illius auspicium et pars maxima;Hujus conviva simul et convivator.Sic postquam satis sibi, satis nobis, satis gloriæ,Amicis solum non satis, nec satis patriæ, vixerat,Cœlicolûm atria subiitJun. iii,MDCLVII.Quem pigebat superis reddere, sed pudebat negare:Ne mireris igitur Lector,Si quem marmoreum illic stare vides,Hic totam implevit tabulam.Abi et merere alteram.[28]The Novum Organum appeared in 1620. Though Harvey’s work was not published till 1628, he had developed his subject in 1616, and there is every reason to believe, actually written the ‘Exercit. de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis’ before 1619.[29]Malpighi, born at Crevalcuore, Bologna, the 10th of March, 1628.[30]Entitled ‘Exercitationes et Animadversiones in Librum Harvei de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis,’ 4to, London, 1630.[31]In his work entitled ‘Lapis Lydius de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis,’ folio, Venet. 1635.[32]Vide Siegel, De Sang. Motu in Præf.[33]Veslingius’s letters may be found in his Observationes Anatomicæ et Epist. Med. ex schedis pothumis, 12mo, Hafn. 1664. It is much to be regretted that the replies which Harvey doubtless wrote to these epistles have not been preserved.[34]Animadversiones in J. Walæi (Drake) Disputationem quam pro Circulatione Sanguinis proposuit, 4to, Amst. 1639. Animad. in Theses quas pro Circulat. Sang. Hen. Regius proposuit, 4to, Leidæ, 1640.[35]Spongia qua eluuntur sordes Animad. quas Jac. Primirosius advers. Theses, &c., edidit., 4to, Leidæ, 1640.[36]Antidotum adversus Spongiam Venenatam Hen. Regii, 4to, Leidæ, 1640.[37]Epist. duæ ad Th. Bartholinum de Motu Chyli et Sanguinis, 8vo, Leid. 1641.[38]Epist. Cartesii, 4to, Amst. 1668.[39]Apologia pro Circuitione Sanguinis, qua respondetur Æmylio Parisano, 8vo, Lond. 1641.[40]Harvei vita, ad cap. Operum, London, 1766.[41]De Corde, Amst. 1649; in English, 12mo, Lond. 1653.[42]A candour for which he was by and by summoned by an adherent of the old school to resign his chair.[43]De Sanguinis Motu Commentarius, 4to, Hamb. 1650.[44]Vide p. 596.[45]Experimenta nova Anatomica. Acced. de Motu Sanguinis Diss., 8vo, Paris, 1651.[46]Anatomia ex Casp. Bartholini Parent. Institut. ad Sanguinis Circulationem, tertium Reformata, 8vo, Leid. 1651.[47]Plempius, Fundamenta Medicinæ, fol. Lovan. 1652, p. 128.[48]Sanguinis a dextro in sinistrum Cordis Ventriculum defluentis facilis reperta via, fol. Venet. 1639.[49]Gassendi, ‘De Septo Cordis pervio,’ published in a collection by Severinus Pinæus, 12mo, Leid. 1640.[50]D. de Marchettis, Anatomia, 8vo, Padova, 1652.[51]Elementa Philosophiæ in Præfat.[52]Thomas Nimmo, Esq., of New Amsterdam, Berbice: “On a passage in Shakespeare’s Julius Cæsar.” The Shakespeare Society’s Papers, vol. ii, p. 109.[53]Shakespeare died in 1616, the year when Harvey began to lecture at the College of Physicians. Harvey and Shakespeare may very well have been acquainted,—let us hope that they were,—but there is no authority for saying that they were friends.[54]Comment. super Anatomiam Mundini, 4to, Bonon. 1521.[55]De Re Anatomica, fol. Venet. 1559.[56]Quæstiones Peripateticæ, fol. Florent. 1569; Quæst. Medicinales, fol. Venet. 1593; De Plantis, Florent. 1583.[57]Qua autem ratione fiat alimenti attractio, &c. De Plantis, lib. i, cap. 2, p. 3, 4to, Florent. 1583.[58]Sprengel, Geschichte der Arzneikunde, ii Abschnitt, 4 Kapitel.[59]I pass by unnoticed in my text several names that have been very gratuitously associated with the discovery of the circulation, such as that of Father Paul the Venetian, Walter Warner and Mr. Prothero, Honoratus Faber, &c. The claims of Father Paul have been satisfactorily explained by Dr. Ent in his ‘Apology,’ who has shown that instead of Harvey borrowing from the Monk, the Monk, through the Venetian ambassador to London, who was Harvey’s friend, had borrowed from Harvey. The others do not require serious mention. Dr. Freind has given an excellent summary of the entire doctrine of the circulation in his Harveian Oration, to which it is with much pleasure that I refer the reader for other information. I also pass by the still-recurring denials by obtuse and ill-informed individuals of the truth, or of the sufficiency of the evidence of the truth, of the Harveian circulation. Those whocannot see, must, contrary to the popular adage, be admitted to be still blinder than those whowillnot see.[60]Dr. William Hunter. Introductory Lectures, p. 59, (4to. Lond. 1784,) to which the reader is referred for a singularly inconsistent and extraordinary string of passages.[61]On the Arteries, Introduction, p. ix.[62]On Generation, p. 530.[63]A True Relation, &c., p. 46.[64]Aubrey, Op. cit. p. 384. In the printed work the phrase runs thus: “Not only danger of thieves, but of wild beasts.” Crowne’s anecdote suggests the proper reading.[65]De Venis Lacteis. 4to, Milan, 1622.[66]First Letter to J. D. Horst.[67]Letters and Lives of Eminent Persons, 2 vols. 8vo, London, 1813.[68]Vide Aubrey, Op. cit. p. 381.[69]On Generation, p. 529.[70]Ib. p. 182.[71]Aubrey, 1. c. p. 383.[72]Epistle Dedicatory to the work on Generation.[73]Aubrey, p. 383.[74]Ibid., p. 384.[75]On Generation, p. 425.[76]Op. cit. p. 384.[77]Aubrey, ib. p. 386.[78]Aubrey gives a positive denial to “the scandall that ran strongly against him (Harvey), viz. that he made himself away, to put himself out of his paine, by opium.” Aubrey proceeds: “The scandall aforesaid is from Sir Charles Scarborough’s saying that he (Harvey) had, towards his latter end, a preparation of opium and I know not what, which he kept in his study to take if occasion should serve, to put him out of his paine, and which Sir Charles promised to give him. This I believe to be true; but do not at all believe that he really did give it him. The palsey did give him an easie passeport.” (1. c. p. 385.)Harvey, if he meditated anything of the kind above alluded to, would not be the only instance on record of even a strong-minded man shrinking from a struggle which he knows must prove hopeless, from which there is no issue but one. Nature, as the physician knows, does often kill the body by a very lingering and painful process. In his practice he is constantly required to smooth the way for the unhappy sufferer. In his own case he may sometimes wish to shorten it. Such requests as Harvey may be presumed to have made to Scarborough, are frequently enough preferred to medical men: it is needless to say that they are never granted.[79]On the Tablet placed in Hempstead church to Harvey’s memory are inscribed these words:GULIELMUS HARVEIUS,Cui tam colendo Nomini assurgunt omnes Academiæ;Qui diuturnum sanguinis motumPost tot annorum Millia,Primus invenit;Orbi salutem, sibi immortalitatemConsequutus.Qui ortum et generationem Animalium solus omniumA Pseudo-philosophiâ liberavit.Cui debetQuod sibi innotuit humanum Genus, seipsam Medicina.Sereniss. Majestat. Jacobi et Carolo BritanniarumMonarchis Archiatrus et charissimus.Collegii Med. Lond. Anatomes et Chirurgiæ ProfessorAssiduus et felicissimus:Quibus illustrem construxit Bibliothecam,Suoque dotavit et ditavit Patrimonio.TandemPost triumphalesContemplando, sanando, inveniendoSudores,Varias domi forisque statuas,Quum totum circuit Microcosmum,Medicinæ Doctor et Medicorum,Improles obdormivit,III Junii anno salutisCIƆIƆCLVII, Ætat. LXXX.Annorum et Famæ satur.[80]The will of Harvey is without date. But was almost certainly made some time in the course of 1652. He speaks of certain deeds of declaration bearing date the 10th of July, 1651; and he provides money for the completion of the buildings which he has “already begun to erect within the College of Physicians.” Now these structures were finished in the early part of 1653. The will was, therefore, written between July 1651, and Febraury 1653. The codicil is also undated: but we may presume that it was added shortly before Sunday the 28th of December 1656, the day on which Harvey reads over the whole document and formally declares and publishes it as his last will and testament in the presence of his friend Henneage Finch, and his faithful servant John Raby.[81]Lib. ix, cap. xi, quest. 12.[82]De Locis Affectis., lib. vi, cap. 7.[83]De Animal. iii, cap. 9.[84]De Respirat. cap. 20.[85]Bauhin, lib. ii, cap. 21. Riolan, lib. viii, cap. 1.[86][The reader will observe that Harvey, when he speaks of theheart, always means the ventricles or ventricular portion of the organ.—Ed.][87]De Motu Animal. cap. 8.[88][The Editor begs here to be allowed to remark on Harvey’s obvious perception of the correspondence between that permanent condition of an organ in the lower, and its transitory condition in the higher animals.—Ed.][89][At the period Harvey indicates, a rudimentary auricle and ventricle exist, but are so transparent that unless with certain precautions their parietes cannot be seen. The filling and emptying of them, therefore, give the appearance of a speck of blood alternately appearing and disappearing.—Ed.][90]De Placitis Hippocratis et Platonis, vi.[91]Lib. de Spiritu, cap. v.[92]De Usu partium, lib. vi, cap. 10.[93]See the Commentary of the learned Hofmann upon the Sixth Book of Galen, ‘De Usu partium,’ a work which I first saw after I had written what precedes.[94]Aristoteles De Respiratione, lib. ii et iii: De Part. Animal. et alibi.[95]De Part. Animal. iii.[96]i. e. Not having red blood.—Ed.[97]De Part. Animal. lib. iii.[98]In the book, de Spiritu, and elsewhere.[99]Encheiridium Anatomicum et Pathologicum. 12mo, Parisiis, 1648.[100]Enchiridion, lib. iii, cap. 8.[101]Enchiridion, lib. ii, cap. 21.[102]Ib. lib. iii, cap. 8.[103]Vide Chapter III.[104]Enchiridion, lib. ii, cap. 18.[105]Ibid.[106]Enchiridion, lib. iii, cap. 8: “The blood incessantly and naturally ascends or flows back to the heart in the veins, as in the arteries it descends or departs from the heart.”[107]Enchirid. lib. iii, cap. 8.[108]Lib. iii, cap. 6.[109]Lib. iii, cap. 6.[110]Lib. iii, cap. 9.[111]Lib. iv. cap. 2.[112][To those who hesitated to visit him in his kiln or bakehouse (Ὶπνω, which some have said should be Ὶππω, rendered a dunghill) Heraclitus addressed the words in the text. Aristotle, who quotes them, has been defending the study of the lower animals.—Ed.]

FOOTNOTES:

[1]A certain MS. of Harvey’s, frequently referred to as bearing the date of 1616, and containing the heads of his first course of Lectures at the College of Physicians on the Heart and Blood, is not now in existence, or at all events is not now to be found. At the present time there are only two MSS. at the British Museum which bear Harvey’s name. Of these, one contains notes on the Muscles, Vessels, and Nerves, and on the Locomotion of Animals; the other may be characterized as a book of Receipts or Prescriptions, and though partly the work of a contemporary, contains notes of cases that occurred after Harvey’s death. The former MS. is as certainly in Harvey’s handwriting as the latter is not. In Dr. Lawrence’s[2]time there must have been a third MS. entitled ‘De Anatomia Universa,’ and it was here, in the index viz. which referred to the principal facts in the anatomy of the heart and of the circulation of the blood, that the dates April 16, 17, 18, an. 1616, were encountered. Mr. Pettigrew (Portrait Gallery, vol. iv, Harvey, p. 8), with the assistance of Sir Fred. Madden, made search for this MS. a few years ago, but failed to meet with it. A renewed search for this important document has been attended with no better success.

[2]Vide his Life of Harvey, prefixed to the edition by the College of Physicians p. xxxi.

[3]The birthday in some of the lives is stated to be the 2d of April, for no better reason apparently than that All-fools’ Day should not lose its character by giving birth to a great man. William Harvey, I believe, was born on the 1st of April.

[4]In the register of William Harvey’s matriculation at Cambridge his father is styled Yeoman Cantianus—Kentish yeoman.

[5]Prefixed to the Latin edition of Harvey’s Works published by the Royal College of Physicians, in two vols. 4to, 1766.

[6]To show the esteem in which the Brothers Harvey were held, I may mention among other things that Ludovic Roberts dedicates his excellent and comprehensive work entitled ‘The Merchant’s Mapp of Commerce’ (Folio, London, 1638) to “The thrice worthy and worshipful William Harvey, Dr. of Physic, John Harvey, Esq., Daniel Harvey, Mercht., Michael Harvey, Mercht., Mathew Harvey, Mercht., Brethren, and John Harvey, Mercht., onely sonne to Mr. Thomas Harvey, Mercht., deceased.” The dedication is quaint, in the spirit of the times, but full of right-mindedness, respectfulness, and love for his former masters and present friends; in which relations the Harveys stood to Roberts. Thomas Harvey died in 1622, as appears by his monumental tablet in St. Peter-le-Poore’s church, in the city of London. Eliab and Daniel lived rich and respected, the former near Chigwell, co. Essex, the latter at Combe, near Croydon, co. Surrey. Michael Harvey retired to Longford, co. Essex. Matthew Harvey died in London.

[7]“Gul. Harvey, Filius Thomæ Harvey, Yeoman Cantianus, ex Oppido Folkston, educatus in Ludo Literario Cantuar.; natus annos 16, admissus pensionarius minor in commeatum scholarium ultimo die Mai, 1593.” (Regist. Coll. Caii Cantab. 1593.)

[8]Vide On Generation, p. 186. That Harvey outlived his wife is certain from his Will, in which she is affectionately mentioned as his “deare deceased loving wife.” She must have been alive in 1645, the year in which Harvey’s brother John died, and left her £50.

[9]Exercitatio Anatomica de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis, 4to, Francof. ad Mœn., 1628.

[10]Aubrey, Lives of Eminent Persons, 8vo, London, 1813.

[11]Ib., vol. ii, p. 383.

[12]Vide Records of Harvey from the Journals of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, pub. by James Paget, 8vo, London, 1846. Harvey, on his appointment to attend the Duke of Lennox, applied to have Dr. Smith chosen his substitute; but the governors proved recusant: “It was thought fit that they should have further knowledge and satisfaction of the sufficiency of the said Mr. Smith;” and they very shortly afterwards gave Dr. Andrews, first, the reversion of Harvey’s office, and by and by they formally appointed him Harvey’s deputy or substitute.

[13]Vide Mr. Paget’s publication already quoted, p. 13.

[14]Vide his procedure for the removal of a sarcocele, ‘On Generation,’ p. 254. “My Lady Howard had a cancer in her breast, which he did cut off and seared.” (Aubrey, Lives, p. 386.) He speaks of having been called to a young woman in labour in a state of coma (On Generation, p. 534); and in another place (Ib. p. 437) he says, in connexion with the subject of labour, ‘Haud inexpertus loquuor,’—I speak not without experience. Vide also p. 545, where he passes his fingers into the uterus and brings away “a mole of the size of a goose’s egg;” and p. 546, where he dilates the uterine orifice with an iron instrument, and uses a speculum, &c.

[15]The embassy left England the 7th of April, and returned about Christmas of the same year. Vide Crowne’s ‘True Relation,’ &c., 4to, London, 1637.

[16]Slegel (P. M.) De Sanguinis Motu Comment., 4to, Hamb. 1650, informs us in his Preface, that, whilst living with Hofmann in 1638, he had sedulously tried to bring him to admit the circulation; Slegel goes on to say, however, that it was in vain, and indeed that Harvey himself had failed to convince him: “Neque tantum valuit Harveus,vel coram(i. e. in his presence) cum salutaret Hofmannum in itinere Germanico, vel literis,” &c. The old man, nevertheless, seems not to have been altogether deaf to reason; Slegel had hopes of him at last had he but lived: “Nec dubito quin concessisset tandem in nostra castra.”

[17]Lives, &c., vol. ii, p. 379.

[18]The author of the life of Harvey in the ‘General Dictionary, Historical and Critical’ (folio, Lond. 1738), the original of all our other lives of Harvey, is certainly in error when he recognizes Harvey as the type of the Physician who takes part in the Dialogue of Hy. Neville’s Plato Redivivus, and assumes that he “relieved his abstruser studies by conversations in politics.” In a third edition of Neville’s work I find it stated that the physician who did so was Dr. Lower.

[19]Feb. 12, an. 164-3/4. “A motion this day made for Dr. Mieklethwayte to be recommended to the warden and masters of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, to be physician, in the place of Dr. Harvey, who hath withdrawn himself from his charge, and is retired to the party in arms against the Parliament.” (Journals of the House of Commons, iii, 397.)

[20]I find a kind of obloquy commonly thrown on the memory of Nathaniel Brent for what is styled his desertion of Charles; but he never deserted Charles; he never belonged to him. Brent, forsooth, had received knighthood at the royal hands in former years; but knighthoods were sometimes forced upon men in those days for the sake of the fees, and often as means of attaching men of mark and likelihood. The truth is that Brent, who was a profound lawyer and scholar, as well as a traveller, was greatly attached to Archbishop Abbott, who had patronized and advanced him through the whole course of his life. In the differences that took place between Abbott, in common with all moderate men, and Archbishop Laud, Brent naturally sided with his friend, led to do so, however, not by blind attachment only, but by natural constitution of mind, which appears to have abhorred the notion of a theocracy in the civil government of England, and to have been unfitted to comprehend the divinity that some conceive to inhere in despotism. Brent was, in fact, a man of such note, that Charles had tried to win him to his party many years before by various attentions and the free gift of knighthood; but this was in times when men were not required to take a side, when they stood naturally neutral. When the time came that it behoved him to show under what flag he meant to fight, Brent was not wanting to his natural bias and to independence. He therefore left Oxford when it was taken possession of by the royal forces, among other adherents of the popular cause, and was simply true to his principles, in nothing false to a patron or benefactor.

[21]“Prithee leave off thy gunning and stay here; I will bring thee into practice.” (Aubrey, Op. cit. p. 381.)

[22]On the monumental tablet of Thomas, the first of the brothers who died, in the church of St. Peter’s-le-Poore, the mottos, doubtless supplied by a surviving member of the family, show this feeling. The inscription is as follows:As in a Sheafe of Arrows.Vis unita fortior.The band of LoveThe Unitor of Brethren.Here Lyeth the body of Thomas Harvey,Of London, Merchant,Who departed this lifeThe 2nd of Feby. An. Dom.1622.(Stow’s London, third edit., fol. Lond. 1633.)John Harvey, Esq., who died in 1645, left his brother William’s wife £50. Eliab Harvey attended particularly to his brother William’s interests; and William at his death returned Eliab’s kindness by leaving him his residuary legatee.

As in a Sheafe of Arrows.Vis unita fortior.The band of LoveThe Unitor of Brethren.Here Lyeth the body of Thomas Harvey,Of London, Merchant,Who departed this lifeThe 2nd of Feby. An. Dom.1622.

(Stow’s London, third edit., fol. Lond. 1633.)

John Harvey, Esq., who died in 1645, left his brother William’s wife £50. Eliab Harvey attended particularly to his brother William’s interests; and William at his death returned Eliab’s kindness by leaving him his residuary legatee.

[23]This rather arduous undertaking in those days was accomplished, according to Aubrey, about the year 1649. But I have found so much to excite doubt in Aubrey’s Notes, that I greatly suspect the accuracy of his statement about the journey to Italy.

[24]De Generatione Animalium, 4to, London, 1651.

[25]This statue perished with the building, in the great fire of London in 1666, and seems never to have been replaced. The hall of the present College of Physicians is not graced as was the old one in Harvey’s time. The only sculptures of Harvey that I know of are busts, in the theatre of the College of Physicians and on his monument in Hempstead church, but of dates posterior to their subject, that at the College of Physicians being apparently after the portrait by Jansen in the library, and, as I am informed, by a sculptor of the name of Seemacher.

[26]Aubrey, l. c. p. 378.

[27]There is much information on the life of Harvey in the inscription upon the copper-plate which was attached to his portrait in the old College of Physicians. I give it entire, anxious to set before the reader every authentic word of his times that was uttered of Harvey. This inscription, but, unless I mistake, abbreviated, may be found in printed letters under the bust of Harvey in the theatre of the Royal College of Physicians:GULIELMUS HARVÆUS,Anglus natus, Galliæ, Italiæ, Germaniæ hospes,Ubique Amor et Desiderium,Quem omnis terra expetisset Civem,Medicinæ Doctor, Coll. Med. Lond. Socius et Consiliarius,Anatomes, Chirurgiæque Professor,Regis Jacobi Familiæ, Caroloque Regi Medicus,Gestis clarus, omissisque honoribus,Quorum alios tulit, oblatos renuit alios,Omnes meruit.Laudatis priscorum ingeniis par;Quos honoravit maxime imitando,Docuitque posteros exemplo.Nullius lacessivit famam,Veritatis studens magis quam gloriæ,Hanc tamen adeptusIndustria, sagacitate, successu nobilisPerpetuos sanguinis æstusCirculari gyro fugientis, seque sequentis,Primus promulgavit mundo.Nec passus ultrà mortales sua ignorare primordia,Aureum edidit de ovo atque pullo librum,Albæ gallinæ filium.Sic novis inventis Apollineam ampliavit artem,Atque nostrum Apollinis sacrarium augustius esseTandem voluit;Suasu enim et cura D. D. Dⁿⁱ. Francisci Prujeani PræsidisEt Edmundi Smith ElectorisAn.MDCLIII,Senaculum, et de nomine suo Musæum horto superstruxit,Quorum alterum plurimis libris et Instrumentis Chirurgicis,Alterum omnigena supellectile ornavit et instruxit,Medicinæ Patronus simul et Alumnus.Non hic anhela substitit Herois Virtus, impatiens vinciAccessit porro Munificentiæ decus:Suasu enim et consilio Dⁿⁱ. Dʳⁱˢ. Edv. Alstoni Præsidis,AnnoMDCLVIRem nostram angustam prius, annuo LVI. l. reditu auxit,Paterni Fundi ex asse hæredem collegium dicens;Quo nihil Illi charius Nobisve honestius.Unde ædificium sartum tectum perennare,Unde Bibliothecario honorarium suum, suumque OratoriQuotannis pendi;Unde omnibus sociis annuum suum convivium,Et suum denique (quot menses) conviviolum censoribus parari,Jussit.Ipse etiam pleno theatro gestiens se hæreditate exuere,In manus Præsidis syngrapham tradidit.Interfuitque Orationi veterum Benefactorum novorumque Illicio,Et Philotesio Epulo;Illius auspicium et pars maxima;Hujus conviva simul et convivator.Sic postquam satis sibi, satis nobis, satis gloriæ,Amicis solum non satis, nec satis patriæ, vixerat,Cœlicolûm atria subiitJun. iii,MDCLVII.Quem pigebat superis reddere, sed pudebat negare:Ne mireris igitur Lector,Si quem marmoreum illic stare vides,Hic totam implevit tabulam.Abi et merere alteram.

GULIELMUS HARVÆUS,Anglus natus, Galliæ, Italiæ, Germaniæ hospes,Ubique Amor et Desiderium,Quem omnis terra expetisset Civem,Medicinæ Doctor, Coll. Med. Lond. Socius et Consiliarius,Anatomes, Chirurgiæque Professor,Regis Jacobi Familiæ, Caroloque Regi Medicus,Gestis clarus, omissisque honoribus,Quorum alios tulit, oblatos renuit alios,Omnes meruit.Laudatis priscorum ingeniis par;Quos honoravit maxime imitando,Docuitque posteros exemplo.Nullius lacessivit famam,Veritatis studens magis quam gloriæ,Hanc tamen adeptusIndustria, sagacitate, successu nobilisPerpetuos sanguinis æstusCirculari gyro fugientis, seque sequentis,Primus promulgavit mundo.Nec passus ultrà mortales sua ignorare primordia,Aureum edidit de ovo atque pullo librum,Albæ gallinæ filium.Sic novis inventis Apollineam ampliavit artem,Atque nostrum Apollinis sacrarium augustius esseTandem voluit;Suasu enim et cura D. D. Dⁿⁱ. Francisci Prujeani PræsidisEt Edmundi Smith ElectorisAn.MDCLIII,Senaculum, et de nomine suo Musæum horto superstruxit,Quorum alterum plurimis libris et Instrumentis Chirurgicis,Alterum omnigena supellectile ornavit et instruxit,Medicinæ Patronus simul et Alumnus.Non hic anhela substitit Herois Virtus, impatiens vinciAccessit porro Munificentiæ decus:Suasu enim et consilio Dⁿⁱ. Dʳⁱˢ. Edv. Alstoni Præsidis,AnnoMDCLVIRem nostram angustam prius, annuo LVI. l. reditu auxit,Paterni Fundi ex asse hæredem collegium dicens;Quo nihil Illi charius Nobisve honestius.Unde ædificium sartum tectum perennare,Unde Bibliothecario honorarium suum, suumque OratoriQuotannis pendi;Unde omnibus sociis annuum suum convivium,Et suum denique (quot menses) conviviolum censoribus parari,Jussit.Ipse etiam pleno theatro gestiens se hæreditate exuere,In manus Præsidis syngrapham tradidit.Interfuitque Orationi veterum Benefactorum novorumque Illicio,Et Philotesio Epulo;Illius auspicium et pars maxima;Hujus conviva simul et convivator.Sic postquam satis sibi, satis nobis, satis gloriæ,Amicis solum non satis, nec satis patriæ, vixerat,Cœlicolûm atria subiitJun. iii,MDCLVII.Quem pigebat superis reddere, sed pudebat negare:Ne mireris igitur Lector,Si quem marmoreum illic stare vides,Hic totam implevit tabulam.Abi et merere alteram.

[28]The Novum Organum appeared in 1620. Though Harvey’s work was not published till 1628, he had developed his subject in 1616, and there is every reason to believe, actually written the ‘Exercit. de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis’ before 1619.

[29]Malpighi, born at Crevalcuore, Bologna, the 10th of March, 1628.

[30]Entitled ‘Exercitationes et Animadversiones in Librum Harvei de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis,’ 4to, London, 1630.

[31]In his work entitled ‘Lapis Lydius de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis,’ folio, Venet. 1635.

[32]Vide Siegel, De Sang. Motu in Præf.

[33]Veslingius’s letters may be found in his Observationes Anatomicæ et Epist. Med. ex schedis pothumis, 12mo, Hafn. 1664. It is much to be regretted that the replies which Harvey doubtless wrote to these epistles have not been preserved.

[34]Animadversiones in J. Walæi (Drake) Disputationem quam pro Circulatione Sanguinis proposuit, 4to, Amst. 1639. Animad. in Theses quas pro Circulat. Sang. Hen. Regius proposuit, 4to, Leidæ, 1640.

[35]Spongia qua eluuntur sordes Animad. quas Jac. Primirosius advers. Theses, &c., edidit., 4to, Leidæ, 1640.

[36]Antidotum adversus Spongiam Venenatam Hen. Regii, 4to, Leidæ, 1640.

[37]Epist. duæ ad Th. Bartholinum de Motu Chyli et Sanguinis, 8vo, Leid. 1641.

[38]Epist. Cartesii, 4to, Amst. 1668.

[39]Apologia pro Circuitione Sanguinis, qua respondetur Æmylio Parisano, 8vo, Lond. 1641.

[40]Harvei vita, ad cap. Operum, London, 1766.

[41]De Corde, Amst. 1649; in English, 12mo, Lond. 1653.

[42]A candour for which he was by and by summoned by an adherent of the old school to resign his chair.

[43]De Sanguinis Motu Commentarius, 4to, Hamb. 1650.

[44]Vide p. 596.

[45]Experimenta nova Anatomica. Acced. de Motu Sanguinis Diss., 8vo, Paris, 1651.

[46]Anatomia ex Casp. Bartholini Parent. Institut. ad Sanguinis Circulationem, tertium Reformata, 8vo, Leid. 1651.

[47]Plempius, Fundamenta Medicinæ, fol. Lovan. 1652, p. 128.

[48]Sanguinis a dextro in sinistrum Cordis Ventriculum defluentis facilis reperta via, fol. Venet. 1639.

[49]Gassendi, ‘De Septo Cordis pervio,’ published in a collection by Severinus Pinæus, 12mo, Leid. 1640.

[50]D. de Marchettis, Anatomia, 8vo, Padova, 1652.

[51]Elementa Philosophiæ in Præfat.

[52]Thomas Nimmo, Esq., of New Amsterdam, Berbice: “On a passage in Shakespeare’s Julius Cæsar.” The Shakespeare Society’s Papers, vol. ii, p. 109.

[53]Shakespeare died in 1616, the year when Harvey began to lecture at the College of Physicians. Harvey and Shakespeare may very well have been acquainted,—let us hope that they were,—but there is no authority for saying that they were friends.

[54]Comment. super Anatomiam Mundini, 4to, Bonon. 1521.

[55]De Re Anatomica, fol. Venet. 1559.

[56]Quæstiones Peripateticæ, fol. Florent. 1569; Quæst. Medicinales, fol. Venet. 1593; De Plantis, Florent. 1583.

[57]Qua autem ratione fiat alimenti attractio, &c. De Plantis, lib. i, cap. 2, p. 3, 4to, Florent. 1583.

[58]Sprengel, Geschichte der Arzneikunde, ii Abschnitt, 4 Kapitel.

[59]I pass by unnoticed in my text several names that have been very gratuitously associated with the discovery of the circulation, such as that of Father Paul the Venetian, Walter Warner and Mr. Prothero, Honoratus Faber, &c. The claims of Father Paul have been satisfactorily explained by Dr. Ent in his ‘Apology,’ who has shown that instead of Harvey borrowing from the Monk, the Monk, through the Venetian ambassador to London, who was Harvey’s friend, had borrowed from Harvey. The others do not require serious mention. Dr. Freind has given an excellent summary of the entire doctrine of the circulation in his Harveian Oration, to which it is with much pleasure that I refer the reader for other information. I also pass by the still-recurring denials by obtuse and ill-informed individuals of the truth, or of the sufficiency of the evidence of the truth, of the Harveian circulation. Those whocannot see, must, contrary to the popular adage, be admitted to be still blinder than those whowillnot see.

[60]Dr. William Hunter. Introductory Lectures, p. 59, (4to. Lond. 1784,) to which the reader is referred for a singularly inconsistent and extraordinary string of passages.

[61]On the Arteries, Introduction, p. ix.

[62]On Generation, p. 530.

[63]A True Relation, &c., p. 46.

[64]Aubrey, Op. cit. p. 384. In the printed work the phrase runs thus: “Not only danger of thieves, but of wild beasts.” Crowne’s anecdote suggests the proper reading.

[65]De Venis Lacteis. 4to, Milan, 1622.

[66]First Letter to J. D. Horst.

[67]Letters and Lives of Eminent Persons, 2 vols. 8vo, London, 1813.

[68]Vide Aubrey, Op. cit. p. 381.

[69]On Generation, p. 529.

[70]Ib. p. 182.

[71]Aubrey, 1. c. p. 383.

[72]Epistle Dedicatory to the work on Generation.

[73]Aubrey, p. 383.

[74]Ibid., p. 384.

[75]On Generation, p. 425.

[76]Op. cit. p. 384.

[77]Aubrey, ib. p. 386.

[78]Aubrey gives a positive denial to “the scandall that ran strongly against him (Harvey), viz. that he made himself away, to put himself out of his paine, by opium.” Aubrey proceeds: “The scandall aforesaid is from Sir Charles Scarborough’s saying that he (Harvey) had, towards his latter end, a preparation of opium and I know not what, which he kept in his study to take if occasion should serve, to put him out of his paine, and which Sir Charles promised to give him. This I believe to be true; but do not at all believe that he really did give it him. The palsey did give him an easie passeport.” (1. c. p. 385.)Harvey, if he meditated anything of the kind above alluded to, would not be the only instance on record of even a strong-minded man shrinking from a struggle which he knows must prove hopeless, from which there is no issue but one. Nature, as the physician knows, does often kill the body by a very lingering and painful process. In his practice he is constantly required to smooth the way for the unhappy sufferer. In his own case he may sometimes wish to shorten it. Such requests as Harvey may be presumed to have made to Scarborough, are frequently enough preferred to medical men: it is needless to say that they are never granted.

Harvey, if he meditated anything of the kind above alluded to, would not be the only instance on record of even a strong-minded man shrinking from a struggle which he knows must prove hopeless, from which there is no issue but one. Nature, as the physician knows, does often kill the body by a very lingering and painful process. In his practice he is constantly required to smooth the way for the unhappy sufferer. In his own case he may sometimes wish to shorten it. Such requests as Harvey may be presumed to have made to Scarborough, are frequently enough preferred to medical men: it is needless to say that they are never granted.

[79]On the Tablet placed in Hempstead church to Harvey’s memory are inscribed these words:GULIELMUS HARVEIUS,Cui tam colendo Nomini assurgunt omnes Academiæ;Qui diuturnum sanguinis motumPost tot annorum Millia,Primus invenit;Orbi salutem, sibi immortalitatemConsequutus.Qui ortum et generationem Animalium solus omniumA Pseudo-philosophiâ liberavit.Cui debetQuod sibi innotuit humanum Genus, seipsam Medicina.Sereniss. Majestat. Jacobi et Carolo BritanniarumMonarchis Archiatrus et charissimus.Collegii Med. Lond. Anatomes et Chirurgiæ ProfessorAssiduus et felicissimus:Quibus illustrem construxit Bibliothecam,Suoque dotavit et ditavit Patrimonio.TandemPost triumphalesContemplando, sanando, inveniendoSudores,Varias domi forisque statuas,Quum totum circuit Microcosmum,Medicinæ Doctor et Medicorum,Improles obdormivit,III Junii anno salutisCIƆIƆCLVII, Ætat. LXXX.Annorum et Famæ satur.

[79]On the Tablet placed in Hempstead church to Harvey’s memory are inscribed these words:

GULIELMUS HARVEIUS,Cui tam colendo Nomini assurgunt omnes Academiæ;Qui diuturnum sanguinis motumPost tot annorum Millia,Primus invenit;Orbi salutem, sibi immortalitatemConsequutus.Qui ortum et generationem Animalium solus omniumA Pseudo-philosophiâ liberavit.Cui debetQuod sibi innotuit humanum Genus, seipsam Medicina.Sereniss. Majestat. Jacobi et Carolo BritanniarumMonarchis Archiatrus et charissimus.Collegii Med. Lond. Anatomes et Chirurgiæ ProfessorAssiduus et felicissimus:Quibus illustrem construxit Bibliothecam,Suoque dotavit et ditavit Patrimonio.TandemPost triumphalesContemplando, sanando, inveniendoSudores,Varias domi forisque statuas,Quum totum circuit Microcosmum,Medicinæ Doctor et Medicorum,Improles obdormivit,III Junii anno salutisCIƆIƆCLVII, Ætat. LXXX.Annorum et Famæ satur.

[80]The will of Harvey is without date. But was almost certainly made some time in the course of 1652. He speaks of certain deeds of declaration bearing date the 10th of July, 1651; and he provides money for the completion of the buildings which he has “already begun to erect within the College of Physicians.” Now these structures were finished in the early part of 1653. The will was, therefore, written between July 1651, and Febraury 1653. The codicil is also undated: but we may presume that it was added shortly before Sunday the 28th of December 1656, the day on which Harvey reads over the whole document and formally declares and publishes it as his last will and testament in the presence of his friend Henneage Finch, and his faithful servant John Raby.

[81]Lib. ix, cap. xi, quest. 12.

[82]De Locis Affectis., lib. vi, cap. 7.

[83]De Animal. iii, cap. 9.

[84]De Respirat. cap. 20.

[85]Bauhin, lib. ii, cap. 21. Riolan, lib. viii, cap. 1.

[86][The reader will observe that Harvey, when he speaks of theheart, always means the ventricles or ventricular portion of the organ.—Ed.]

[87]De Motu Animal. cap. 8.

[88][The Editor begs here to be allowed to remark on Harvey’s obvious perception of the correspondence between that permanent condition of an organ in the lower, and its transitory condition in the higher animals.—Ed.]

[89][At the period Harvey indicates, a rudimentary auricle and ventricle exist, but are so transparent that unless with certain precautions their parietes cannot be seen. The filling and emptying of them, therefore, give the appearance of a speck of blood alternately appearing and disappearing.—Ed.]

[90]De Placitis Hippocratis et Platonis, vi.

[91]Lib. de Spiritu, cap. v.

[92]De Usu partium, lib. vi, cap. 10.

[93]See the Commentary of the learned Hofmann upon the Sixth Book of Galen, ‘De Usu partium,’ a work which I first saw after I had written what precedes.

[94]Aristoteles De Respiratione, lib. ii et iii: De Part. Animal. et alibi.

[95]De Part. Animal. iii.

[96]i. e. Not having red blood.—Ed.

[97]De Part. Animal. lib. iii.

[98]In the book, de Spiritu, and elsewhere.

[99]Encheiridium Anatomicum et Pathologicum. 12mo, Parisiis, 1648.

[100]Enchiridion, lib. iii, cap. 8.

[101]Enchiridion, lib. ii, cap. 21.

[102]Ib. lib. iii, cap. 8.

[103]Vide Chapter III.

[104]Enchiridion, lib. ii, cap. 18.

[105]Ibid.

[106]Enchiridion, lib. iii, cap. 8: “The blood incessantly and naturally ascends or flows back to the heart in the veins, as in the arteries it descends or departs from the heart.”

[107]Enchirid. lib. iii, cap. 8.

[108]Lib. iii, cap. 6.

[109]Lib. iii, cap. 6.

[110]Lib. iii, cap. 9.

[111]Lib. iv. cap. 2.

[112][To those who hesitated to visit him in his kiln or bakehouse (Ὶπνω, which some have said should be Ὶππω, rendered a dunghill) Heraclitus addressed the words in the text. Aristotle, who quotes them, has been defending the study of the lower animals.—Ed.]

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