[MS., Lenox Library; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, LenoxLibrary.]
PHILADELPHIA Octob 26 -78
Your several Letters dated as in the Margin,1 with the Inclosures came to my Hand. And although I have not hitherto acknowledgd to you the Receipt of them, I assure you I have been and am still improving the Intelligence you have given me, to the best of my Power, for the Advantage of this Country. From our former Correspondence you have known my Sentiments. I have not alterd them in a single Point, either with Regard to the great Cause we are engagd in or to you who have been an early, vigilant & active Supporter of it. While you honor me with your confidential Letters, I feel and will freely express to you my Obligation. To have answerd them severally would have led me to Subjects of great Delicacy, and the Miscarriage of my Letters might have provd detrimental to our important Affairs. It was needless for me to run this Risque for the sake of writing; for I presume you have been made fully acquainted with the State of our publick Affairs by the Committee, and as I have constantly communicated to your Brother R. H. the Contents of your Letters to me, it was sufficient on that Score, for him only to write, for he thinks as I do.
The Marquiss De la Fayette, who does me the Honor to take this Letter, is this Moment going, which leaves me Time only to add that I am and will be your Friend, because I know you love our Country and Mankind.
I beg you to write to me by every Opportunity.
Adieu my dear Sir,
1 1777: July 31. October 4, November 11, December 18, December 19; 1778: January 2, January 9, February 8, February 16, March 1, April 1, April 16.
[MS., Lenox Library.]
PHILAD Oct 26 -78
Mr Duncan yesterday brought me your very affectionate Letter of the Instant. I rejoyce that you have recoverd your usual State of Health and that my Family enjoy that invalueable Blessing.
Is it possible that M could make & propagate so barefaced a Story as you mention? Are you not misinformd? I lose every Sentiment of Regard for him as a Man of Truth. I have heard that my Enmity to G. W. was objected agt me on a late Occasion. I did not wonder that those who believd it were displeasd with me. My very worthy Friend & colleague Mr D satisfied the Minds of those who meant well and explaind some things relating to Mr —— which were new & surprising to them. I console myself that those who try to injure me (I must not call them Enemies) are obligd to fabricate malicious Falshoods for their purpose.
Tell my Friend M S. that I will answer his Letter the next post. In the mean time ask him whether a Christian is bound to confide in the Man who has attempted seven times (though in vain) to ruin him.
Adieu.
October 30, 1778.
[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams,1 vol. iii., pp. 46, 47.]
The United States having been driven to hostilities by the oppressive and tyrannous measures of Great Britain, having been compelled to commit the essential rights of men to the decision of arms, and having been at length forced to shake off a yoke which had grown too burdensome to bear, they declared themselves free and independent.
Confiding in the justice of their cause; confiding in Him who disposes of human events; although weak and unprovided, they set the power of their enemies at defiance.
In this confidence they have continued through the various fortunes of three bloody campaigns, unawed by the power, unsubdued by the barbarity of their foes. Their virtuous citizens have borne without repining the loss of many things which make life desirable. Their brave troops have patiently endured the hardships and dangers of a situation fruitful in both beyond former example.
The Congress, considering themselves bound to love their enemies as children of that Being who is equally the Father of all, and desirous, since they could not prevent, at least to alleviate the calamities of war, have studied to spare those who were in arms against them, and to lighten the chains of captivity.
The conduct of those serving under the King of Great Britain hath, with some few exceptions, been diametrically opposite. They have laid waste the open country, burned the defenceless villages, and butchered the citizens of America.
Their prisons have been the slaughter-houses of her soldiers, their ships of her seamen, and the severest injuries have been aggravated by the grossest insults.
Foiled in their vain attempts to subjugate the unconquerable spirit of freedom, they have meanly assailed the representatives of America with bribes, with deceit, and the servility of adulation. They have made a mock of religion by impious appeals to God, whilst in the violation of His sacred command. They have made a mock even of reason itself, by endeavoring to prove that the liberty and happiness of America could safely be intrusted to those who have sold their own, unawed by the sense of virtue or of shame.
Treated with the contempt which such conduct deserved, they have applied to individuals. They have solicited them to break the bonds of allegiance and imbue their souls with the blackest crimes. But fearing that none could be found through these United States equal to the wickedness of their purpose, to influence weak minds they have threatened more wide devastation.
While the shadow of hope remained that our enemies could be taught by our example to respect those laws which are held sacred among civilized nations, and to comply with the dictates of a religion which they pretend, in common with us, to believe and revere, they have been left to the influence of that religion and that example. But since their incorrigible dispositions cannot be touched by kindness and compassion, it becomes our duty by other means to vindicate the rights of humanity.
We, therefore, the Congress of the United States of America, do solemnly declare and proclaim that if our enemies presume to execute their threats, or persist in their present career of barbarity, we will take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a like conduct. We appeal to the God who searcheth the hearts of men for the rectitude of our intentions; and in his holy presence declare that, as we are not moved by any light or hasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so through every possible change of fortune we will adhere to this our determination.
Done in Congress by unanimous consent, the thirtieth day of October, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight.
1 Also attributed to Adams by Niles, Principles and Acts, pp. 476, 477.
[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 56, 57; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 1, 1778.
I duly received your favor of October—by the last post, and should have immediately answered it, had I not been that day exceedingly engaged. I do not keep copies of all my letters,—they are trifles. You were mistaken in supposing that I ascribed the independence of America to New England only. I never was so assuming as to think so. My words are, that America is obliged to New England, and this is an acknowledged truth. It is the opinion of others, as well as myself, that the principles and manners of New England, from time to time, led to that great event. I pray God she may ever maintain those principles which, in my opinion, are essentially necessary to support and perpetuate her liberty. You may see my sentiments of the patriotism of other States in a letter I lately wrote to Mrs. Adams (if it is in being), in which I relate a conversation which passed between Monsieur ———— and myself. But enough of this. I love my country. My fears concerning her are that she will ruin herself by idolatry.
A part of your letter, you tell me, is confidential. I always keep the secrets of my friends when I can do it honestly, though I confess I do not like to be encumbered with them. In this instance I will be your confidant. But let me ask you, can a difference between Mr. ———— and me, either real or imaginary, be of any consequence to the world? I think not. Tories, you say, triumph. They may make sport of it; but indeed, my friend, it is too unimportant a matter for a sensible Whig to weep and break his heart about. I am desirous of making you easy; and I do assure you that, so far from brooding in my heart an unfriendly disposition towards that man, I seldom think of him, unless I happen to take up a Boston newspaper or hear his name mentioned in chit-chat conversation. You call upon me by all that is sacred to forgive him. Do you think he has injured me? If he has, should he not ask for forgiveness? No man ever found me inexorable. I do not wish him to ask me to forgive him; this would be too humiliating. If he is conscious of having done or designed me an injury, let him do so no more, and I will promise to forgive and forget him too; or, I would add, to do him all the service in my power. But this is needless; it is not in my power to serve him. He is above it.
If you wish to know the foundation of this wonderful collision, ask my friend J. W., or another, whom you properly call my closest friend. To them I have related the trifling tale, and they can repeat it to you.
The precepts and examples you refer me to I shall always reverence most highly.
I am, with unfeigned sincerity,
Your obliged and affectionate friend,
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADA Novr 3 1778
In your last you ask me what we are doing? Many Things indeed. And if you will suppose some things to be done well, I will frankly confess to you that in my opinion others might have been done better. I think we do as well as we can considering the Pile of Business every Morning laid on our table. In order that the Affairs of the Treasury may be better attended than they possibly can be by Members of Congress who are obliged to give their Attendance in the House we have establishd a new Board to consist of a Treasurer Comptroller Auditor & two Chambers of Accots of three each. These officers are all chosen from without Doors. We are taking Measures for the Appretiation of the Currency. Every Adept in financiering is busily employd and I hope we shall before long agree in an effectual Plan. We have appointed Dr F. Minister Plenipo. at Versailes & written a Letter of Credence to our good & great Ally. The Situation of the general Affairs of Europe render it somewhat difficult to determine to which of the other Powers at present to make our Court. Every Cabinet will, I suppose, this winter be deeply engagd in making Arrangements and preparing for the opening a Campaign in Case of a general War which it is more than probable will happen. Our Friend A L is in Spain. Our other Friend J A will be employd somewhere. France must be our Pole Star & our Connection must be formd with hers. Holland whose Policy is always to be at Peace may be open to Negociation & the sooner we tempt her the better. Spain must joyn with France. But she is dilatory. I wish she would recollect how much she was injured by it the last War, when she sufferd the common Enemy to beat France & her self in Detail. The Spirit of Chatham is indeed extinguishd in Britain. His decisive Mind might have dictated the Seizure of their Float at Sea. Perhaps it is well the Great Man is no more. The Millions are safely arrivd & the Tone of Neutrality at Madrid is become languid. A formidable Fleet lies equip'd in Cadiz which operating with that of France at this Juncture might give a fatal Blow to the boasted Sovereignty of Britain on the Ocean. The Count D' Estaings Squadron I suppose will go to the West Indies. If so, must not the British follow with a great Part of their Troops, if they mean to keep Possession of their own Islands. They may leave Garrisons at N York & Newport, with a View of obliging us still to maintain a great Army, in hopes we shall be undone by Expences while they despair of subduing us by the Power of their Army. We must have a respectable Army in the Spring to put a good face on our Negociations or to fight. I hope we shall secure to the United States, Canada Nova Scotia & the Fishery by our Arms or by Treaty. Florida too is a tempting object in the South. Perhaps if you should show this Letter to some Folks, it may be thought to confirm an opinion from whence an objection was drawn against me on a late occasion "that I was averse to Reconciliation." We shall never be on a solid Footing till G B cedes to us what Nature designs we sh[ould] have or we wrest it from her.
The Marine Committee have obtaind a Warrant for 150,000 Dollars for your Department which will be forwarded speedily. Congress has increasd your Salaries to 3000 Dollars p Annum. I had this in View when I intreated you in my last, not to resign your Seat. Nothing would reconcile me to this but your having one here. I am determind to make Room for you by a Resignation next Spring. I flatter my self I can yet be in some Degree useful to my Country in a narrow Sphere. I wish for Retirement & covet Leisure as a Miser does money.
Adieu,
November 3, 1778.
[MS., Papers of The Continental Congress.]
It having pleased Almighty God through the Course of the present year, to bestow great & manifold Mercies on the People of these United States; And it being the indispensible Duty of all Men gratefully to acknowledge their obligations to Him for Benefits receivd.
Resolvd, That it be and hereby is recommended to the legislative or executive Authority of each of the said States, to appoint Wednesday the 30th day of December next to be observd as a Day of publick Thanksgiving and Praise. That all the People may with united Hearts on that Day express a just Sense of His unmerited Favors:—Particularly in that it hath pleased Him, by His over ruling Providence to support us in a just and necessary War for the Defence of our Rights and Liberties;—By affording us seasonable Supplys for our Armies—by disposing the Heart of a powerful Monarch to enter into Alliance with us and aid our Cause—by defeating the Councils and evil Designs of our Enemies, and giving us Victory over their Troops—and by the Continuance of that Union among these States, which by his Blessing, will be their future Strength & Glory.
And it is further recommended, that together with devout Thanksgivingsmay be joined a penitent Confession of our Sins, and humbleSupplication for Pardon through the Merits of our Savior. So that underthe Smiles of Heaven, our publick Councils may be directed—our Arms byLand and Sea prosperd—our Liberty and Independence secur'd—our Schools &Seminaries of Learning flourish—our Trade be revivd—our Husbandry andManufactures increasd, and the Hearts of all impressd with undissembledPiety, with Benevolence, and Zeal for the publick Good.
And it is also recommended that Recreations unsuitable to the Purpose of such a Solemnity may be on that Day—
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILAD Novr 10th 1778
I am at present in great Haste; but as a Supplement to my last I will ask you, Who among the Sons of America ought to enforce the Example of the illustrious young Foreigner? Who is substituting other Means of Dissipation in my native Town in Lieu of Theatrical Entertainments &c &c? Who has mixed the Grave and the Vain, the Whigs and the Tories in Scenes of Amusement totally incompatible with the present serious Times? Who among the Grave and Who among the Whigs, I mean such Whigs as have a feeling for their distressd Country and the Multitudes of distressd Individuals in it, are present at such Entertainmts? Is there a Man among them to whom our Country has entrusted her Independence, her Virtue, her Liberty? What can be the Views and Designs of such a Man, but to establish a Popularity by forming a Coalition of Parties and confounding the Distinction between Whigs and Tories, Virtue & Vice? When I was last in Boston, I seizd an Opportunity to advise my Fellow Citizens to beware of their popular Men—to penetrate their Views and Designs. There was comparatively no great Danger from a great Man set over them by the British Tyrant. When the People set up a Great Man of their own, their Jealousy is asleep, & they are in Danger of a Master. I have no personal Prejudices or Attachments. Many things I have to say to you if I had Leisure.
My due Regards to your Lady, to Mr S and his Family.
Adieu,
P. S.—I am not inattentive to what you said in my last relating to my Friend Mrs M. I will endeavor to serve her in the Instance she mentions, but she must not depend upon Success.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in HistoricalMagasine, 1st ser., vol ii., pp. 196, 197.]
PHILADELPHIA Decr 1, 1778
I did myself the Honor a few Days ago, of Joyning with my Colleagues in an Answer to your Letter to us of the fifth of November last, so far as it related to the Distribution of a Quantity of Flour purchasd on Account of the State of Massachusetts Bay. I beg Leave to refer you to our Letter, which will be forwarded by this opportunity. The five hundred Dollars therein mentiond as receivd by me, were carried to the Credit of the State in my Account settled the last Winter. Since my Arrival here in July, I have availd my self of the Practice of the Delegates of every State, by applying to Congress for a Warrant on their Treasury for a Sum of Money to pay the extravagant, though necessary Expence of living. I purpose to repeat this Application, as there may be occasion for it, until I shall be directed differently or to the Contrary; and shall credit the Sums so receivd in my next Account.
I am informd that the General Assembly have been pleased to appoint me one of their Delegates in Congress for the year 1779. This repeated Mark of Confidence in me is indeed flattering. The Duties of the Department are arduous and pressing. I will never decline the Service of our Country; but my Health requires Relaxation, and at this Period of my Life my Inclination would lead me to wish to be employd in a more limitted Sphere. I will nevertheless continue to act in Congress to the utmost of my Ability in Pursuance of the Powers and Instructions with which I am honord, in hopes, that as the Month of April will complete another full Year of my Residence here, I shall then be relievd by one of my absent Colleagues or some other Gentleman, and permitted to return to my Family.
I am with every Sentiment of Duty & Regard to the General Assembly,
Sir
Your Honors
most obedient
& very humble servant,
1 President of the Council of Massachusetts.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a portion of the text is inW. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 57, 58.]
PHILADELPHIA Decr 13 1778
Captn. Johnson will deliver you this Letter, which incloses a Publication in the last Tuesdays Paper. You will easily guess which of the Massachusetts Delegates it is intended for. The Design of it is to represent Mr Temple as a British Emissary and that Delegate as listening to his Proposals of Accommodation with Great Britain, and thus to beget a Suspicion of him in the Mind of the Minister of France, with whom he has the Honor of being on friendly Terms. That Delegate has been so used to the low Arts of Tories in his own Country, as to have learnd long ago to treat them, wherever he sees them, with ineffable Contempt. He does not think it worth his while to satisfy the Curiosity of the Writer, but he can assure his Friends, that he had never called on Mr T but once and that was to show him the way to Mr President Laurens' House, to whom he had Letters to deliver, one of which was from the Council of Massachusets Bay. As a Delegate from that State, he could do no less than show such a Piece of Civility to Mr T, and he is determind, notwithstanding the apparently friendly Hint, to treat him as he thinks proper. Indeed he has been told by a real Friend, that there are Persons in Pay to watch his Words and Actions. He thankd his Friend, and told him that such kind of Intimations were not new to him. It might be well or ill grounded, & he was perfectly indifferent about it. He had a private Conversation a few Days ago with Monsieur ————, in which the Subject of the Hint beforementiond was brought up. That Personage was pleasd to say, that he well knew the Character of the Delegate before his Arrival in America, and that there was no Reason to doubt of his Attachment to the joynt Interest of France & America— that he had sufficient Proofs of it to prevent any ill Impressions being made on his own Mind; with other Expressions of Friendship & Confidence. —— —— Between our selves, I can not say I am not embarrassd with Mr Ts Arrival here; He is highly recommended, and I believe him to be an honest American. But the Time & Manner of his leaving England fix a Suspicion in the Minds of well disposd Men, which cannot easily be removd; and his Residence at the Court of America, if I might so express it, gives bad Men a Sort of Occasion, to say that Congress, notwithstanding all they have publickly given out, are secretly treating with the Ministers of Great Britain through their Emissaries in America, than which Nothing can be more contrary to Truth. I do not care therefore how soon Mr T thinks of returning to New England.
It is diverting enough to hear the different Language held forth concerning me, by a kind of Men whom I despise beyond Expression. In New England they say I am averse to an Accommodation with Great Britain, and make that an Exception against me. In Philadelphia I am chargd, indirectly at least, with a frequent Exchange of Visits with the Companion of Berkenhout, Lord Lindsay, Governor Johnston & the Son of Lord Bute, with a View of secretly bringing about an Accommodation with that King and Nation which I have solemnly abjurd. What is there which Malice joynd with a small Share of Wit will not suggest! I am not apt to conceal my Sentiments. They are far from being problematical. They are well known here & at Boston; and I can trust my Consistency in the Judgment of every honest and sensible Man that is acquainted with me. The Censure of Fools or Knaves is Applause.
Mr Silas Dean has lately publishd a Paper here filled with Insinuations and Assertions without any Evidence to support them, against Dr Lee. I have long ago formd my Opinion of both those Gentlemen, and have never yet seen Reason to alter it. I have sent the Paper to my Friend General Warren. I wish you would invite him to a Dish of Tea, and desire him to let you see it and my Letter which inclosd it. You may read this Letter to him and other Confidential Friends, but dont let it go out of your own Hands.
I never was in better Spirits than at present.—My Love to my Daughter,Sister Polly & the Rest of our Family & Friends. Adieu my dear Betsy,
Your very affectionate,
I forgot to tell you that last Friday Mr President Laurens havingdischargd the Duties of his Station for more than one year withFidelity & to the Acceptance of the Members, resignd the Chair, andJohn Jay Esqr a Delegate from New York was chosen in his Room. To thisGentleman I chearfully gave my Vote.
Mrs Clark and her Sister Miss Daily in whose house the Massachusetts Delegates are agreably scituated present their respectful Compliments to you.
[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., p. 59; a draft is in theSamuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
MARINE COMMITTEE, PHILADELPHIA, December 15, 1778.
Pursuant to the direction of Congress and the request of the Minister Plenipotentiary of France, I have the honor of transmitting to the Council of Massachusetts Bay a declaration under the hand and seal of that Minister, promising a reward to every vessel that shall take or destroy a vessel of the enemy loaded with masts or spars, and destined to the ports of Halifax, Newport, or New York. It is the particular desire of the Minister that this declaration may be addressed to that Honorable Board, to the end that the same may be made known in such a manner as their wisdom shall direct.
I am, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,1
1 Signed by Adams as chairman of the Marine Committee of the Continental Congress.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADE Decr 19th 1778
Mr Temple1 was so obliging as to deliver me your Letter of the —— of November. The Day after his Arrival in this City, I offerd him my Service and introduc'd him to Mr President Laurens, to whom he had Letters of high Recommendation, and among others from the Council of Massachusetts Bay. The President read these Letters publickly in Congress. I did not fail to communicate the Contents of those which I was honord with to individual Members. But the Time of his leaving England, his coming in a Packet, the Company which came with him, and the greater Indulgencies granted to him in New York than had been allowd to others fixed a suspicion of him in the Minds of well disposd Persons which could not be removd. Those of a different Character took Occasion to insinuate that whatever Congress might give out publickly to the Contrary, they were secretly listening to Terms of Accommodation offerd by the British Ministers through their Emissaries in America. The Minister Plenipotentiary of France could not but be attentive to these Suggestions. In a private Conversation with him at his House the other Day, when no one was present with us, Mr Temples Name was mentiond. He said he knew not his personal Character—he understood that he was well recommended, but as he was under the violent Suspicions of the People here, his Residence so near the Congress might make improper Impressions on the Minds of Persons abroad. It may reasonably be supposd that he is determind to merit the Character at his own Court, of a vigilant & faithful Minister. Mr Dean who appears to be inimical to my truly patriotick Friend A Lee Esqr has endeavord to raise the like Suspicions of him that he has a predilection for the Court of London because he showed Civilities to his Friend Ld Shelburne in France. Such is the force of prejudice in the Minds of some Men or their total Want of political Understanding. I was my self, pointedly, though not by Name, called upon in a publick Newspaper, to be cautious of making too frequent Exchanges of Visits with J T Esqr. You know much I have been used to despise Publications of this Kind & I despise them still. But in the present Instance I confess I was embarrassd, being under the Necessity of violating my own Inclination to pay all due Respect to a Gentleman, whose personal Merit I had formerly been acquainted with, and who was so honorably mentiond by some of my most virtuous & dignified fellow Citizens, or on the other hand of prejudicing the Character which as a publick Man I ought to maintain in the Minds of Congress, of the Minister of France and of the People. I have done Mr Temple the most substantial Acts of Friendship in my Power, though I could not have the Pleasure of so much Conversation with him as I wishd & intended to have. He leaves this City suddenly. I am inclind to believe that the President of this State as well as the Chief Justice, with both of whom I have this day had the pleasure of dining, are satisfied in the Uprightness of Mr Temples Intentions. Having given you a candid State of things, I conclude with assuring you that I am with every Sentiment of Regard,
Your affectionate Friend
& very humble Servant,
1 Cf. page 54.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILAD Decr 21 1778
Your obliging Letter of the [9th] of November was deliverd to me by Mr Temple immediately after his Arrival here. I must candidly confess that when the Gentleman informd me by his Letter dated in New York, of his Intention then to pay a Visit to this City, I was disagreably impressd with it, and interrested my self, as far as I could do it with Decency, to prevent it. A certain Dr Berkenhout was here at that Time. He had formerly been a fellow Student with Dr Lee in Edinburgh; and although he brought no Letters from him, he made an Advantage of the old Connection, and addressd himself to Richard Henry Lee Esqr, the Doctors Brother & a Member of Congress, who from the Beginning of our Contest has been exceedingly obnoxious to our Enemies from his firm & invariable Attachment to our Cause. Dr Berkenhout was put into Prison by the Authority of this State on Suspicion, and afterwards dischargd for Want of Evidence against him. Perhaps he sufferd the more, from a certain Set of Men for valueing himself on Colo Lee; and the Colo himself has since sufferd the Reproach of an angry Writer and disappointed Man, for shewing Civility to a Person who was once acquainted with his Brother. So true is the Observation I have somewhere met with, that a Man hardly ever speaks with another, but sooner or later he finds that he has receivd Good or Harm from it.
Had Mr Temple arrivd at that Juncture, I do verily believe he would have shared the Fate of Berkenhout. And the Testimonials he has since brought with him, added to the warm Recommendations of some of my most virtuous and honorable Fellow Citizens have not been sufficient to obtain for him a welcome Reception. The Time & Manner of his leaving England, the Company he came with and the favorable Treatment he met with in New York, were judgd to be Grounds of Suspicion which more than balanced the Recommendations of his Friends & Countrymen, who, though acknowledgd to be very respectable, it was supposd, might possibly be partial in their Judgments of him. His Connections in Boston, & the Character he had sustaind there before he left that Place, it was said, made him the fittest Instrument to carry into Effect the Purposes of the British Ministers. The honest and zealous Whigs clamord against him because they imagind him to be a British Emissary; and the artful Tories, who would cordially receive such a Character into the Bosom of their Councils, if they could be sure of keeping him among themselves, joynd in the Clamor, either because they believd him to be a true American, or, if they judged him to be a Spy, as they pretended, they did not chuse to trust him in the Hands of those who might possibly draw from him the Secrets of his Employers and detect him. The Tories appeard to be the most acute Politicians, as in my Opinion, I am sorry to say it, they too often are. Thus Mr T has had the Misfortune to be spoken ill of both by the Friends and Enemies of the Publick. A very grievous Misfortune, when the People scrutinize and decide upon Characters with Candor & Moderation, which perhaps does not take Place at all Times in any Country.
I have shown Mr Temple the most substantial Acts of Friendship in my Power; yet I must own to you I have been somewhat embarassd. A Delegate of the Massachusetts Bay who has been heard to say that "Jealousy is the best Security of publick Liberty," has been called upon in a publick News Paper "to be cautious of too frequently exchanging Visits with J T Esqr who is suspected to be a Spy" &c. I have no Reason to think it was a friendly Caution; but rather that it was designd to bring an odious Suspicion on the Delegate himself. But though he feels a Contempt of such Kind of Publications, he has learnd that it is Wisdom to receive Instruction even from an Enemy. I have said that Jealousy is the best Security of publick Liberty. I have expressd my Fears that America is too unsuspecting long to preserve Republican Liberty. I do not suspect Mr Temple; but I have been under the Necessity of violating my own Inclination to pay every kind of Respect due to that Gentleman, or risque the consistent Character which a Delegate of that State ought to support in the Opinion of Congress, of the Minister of France and the People of America. I have converst with that Minister on this Occasion; and I have Reason to think we concur in opinion, that however pure the Views & Intentions of any Gentleman may be, yet if a Suspicion generally prevails that he is secretly employd by the British Court his continuing to reside near the Congress may make improper Impressions on the Minds of our Friends abroad. Mr Temple left this City yesterday.
I congratulate you my dear Sir on our Countrys having thus far sustaindthe glorious Conflict. Our Independence, I think, is secured. WhetherAmerica shall long preserve her Freedom or not, will depend on herVirtue.
I cannot conclude this tedious Epistle without expressing an ardent Wish for the full Recovery of your Health and bespeaking another & another of your Favors.
I am with most respectful Compliments to your Lady & Family,
Your very affectionate Friend
& humble Servt,
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADELPHIA Decr 25 1778
I have receivd your Favors of the 7th & 20th of November, the former of which was deliverd to me by the Honble Mr Temple. That Gentleman is intitled to my Esteem from the opinion I entertain of his personal Merit, and from your Recommendations and those of some others of my virtuous Fellow Citizens. I have done him every Act of Friendship in my Power; but Circumstances, of which he is not unapprized, have prevented my having so much Conversation with him as I could have wishd for. The Time and Manner of his leaving England, the Company he came with, the favor granted him at New York of writing a Letter to Mr President Laurens requesting Permission to pay his Respects to Congress, and another to myself, neither of which, it was presumd, could have passd without the Inspection of General Clinton, nor sufferd by him to pass unless they had been adapted to his Views—These were made the Grounds of Suspicion of him then; and they were afterwards judgd sufficient to overbalance the Letters he brought from his Friends & Countrymen, respectable as they were acknowledgd to be by all, who might be supposd possibly to have judgd partially in his Favor. I am sorry our Friend has been thus unfortunate because I believe his Motives in coming here were pure; and yet we must allow those, who never were acquainted with him to give all that Weight to Circumstances which in other Instances we mt our selves be inclind to think reasonable. I am satisfied there is a Design among them to leave no Method untried to raise a popular Clamor against those who took an early active Part & have continued consistent in Support of the Liberties of America. They are at this time endeavoring to stimulate a Persecution against my patriotick Friend Dr Lee, who from the Knowledge I have of his publick Conduct since he has been employd by Congress and a constant political Correspondence with him for near ten years past, I am well assured, deserves the highest Esteem and Gratitude of these United States and Massachusetts Bay in particular. It concerns those who are determin'd to persevere in this glorious Contest till the Liberty and Independence of America shall be firmly establishd to be exceedingly circumspect lest their Conduct should be misrepresented by designing Men and misunderstood by others. An angry Writer has lately insinuated in a publick Newspaper among other injurious things, that Arthur Lee Esqr communicated the secret Negociations of France & America to the British Ministers, because he showd Civility to Lord Shelburne in Paris. Had Mr Temples Friends appeard to be very intimate with him here, the like Insinuation might have been thrown out, & with a similar View, to draw an odious Suspicion on them. Indeed such an Attempt was made as you will observe in the inclosd Paragraph taken from Dunlaps Paper.1 You who know much of my Heart will easily guess which of your Delegates the Hint was intended for. I leave it to your Conjecture. I have openly declared my Opinion that Jealousy is a good Security of Publick Liberty. I have expressd my Fears that America is too unsuspecting long to continue free. These I know are the sentiments of Dr Lee. When Men hold these Sentiments & honestly act up to the Spirit of them they must necessarily become exceedingly obnoxious to those who are watching every Opportunity to turn the good or ill Fortune of their Country, and they care not which to their own private Advantage. Such Men there are in this Country, in France & indeed in all Countries & at all times. Some of them you & I have known. Such Men there always have been & always will be, till human Nature itself shall be substantially meliorated. Whether such a Change will ever happen and when, is more within your Province than mine to predict or ascertain. A Politician must take men as he finds them and while he carefully endeavors to make their Humours & Prejudices, their Passions & Feelings, as well as their Reason & Understandings subservient to his Views of publick Liberty & Happiness, he must frequently observe among the many if he has any Sagacity, some who having gaind the Confidence of their Country, are sacrilegiously employing their Talents to the Ruin of its Affairs, for their own private Emolument. Upon such Men he stamps the Stigma Hic niger est, and if he thinks them capable of doing great Mischief to prevent it, he ventures to hold them up to the publick Eye. This he does at the Risque of his own Reputation; for it is a thousand to one but those whose Craft he puts at Hazard, will give him the odious Epithets of suspicious dissatisfiable peevish quarrelsome &c, and honest, undiscerning Men may be indued for a time to believe them pertinent; but he solaces himself in a conscious Rectitude of Heart, trusting that it will sooner or later be made manifest; perhaps in this World, but most assuredly in that Day when the secret Thoughts of all Men shall be unfolded. I have many things to say to you particularly of Arthur Lee & Silas Dean Esqrs. Of both these Gentlemen I long ago made up my opinion, and I have never seen Reason to alter it. But I will relieve you by putting an End to this tedious Epistle. I intend to get myself excusd from further publick Service here, and hope before long to think aloud with you & my other Confidential Friends in Boston. I do not mean however to quit the Service of our Country altogether while I am capable of rendering myself in the least Degree serviceable. I earnestly wish for more Retirement & Leisure. Esto perpetua! is my most ardent Prayer for this rising Republick. That will depend upon the Principles and Manners of the People. Publick Liberty will not long survive the LOSS of publick Virtue. Favor me, my dear Sir, with your Letters frequently while I remain here, and be assured of the warmest Sentiments of Friendship & Esteem in the Breast of
your very affectionate,
1 The Pennsylvania Packet.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILAD Decr 25 1778
REVEREND & MUCH ESTEEMED SIR
I am greatly indebted to you for your very acceptable Letter of the 7th of Novr by Mr Temple. That Gentleman, in my Opinion took an unguarded Step on his late Arrival in New York. I mean his writing a Letter to the late President Mr Laurens requesting Permission to pay his Respects to Congress, and another Letter to myself. This excited a Suspicion in the Minds of the true Friends of our Cause, that what they had before seen in the English News papers, viz that he & Dr Berkenhout were sent to America by the British Ministry might not be without Grounds. This Desire of paying a respectful Visit to Congress was judgd to be a Reason merely ostensible; and the Time & Manner of his leaving England, the Company he came with and the Readiness with which the British General granted him the Liberty of sending his Letters, the Contents of which must most undoubtedly have been under his Inspection, it was said, afforded Reason to believe his real Design was to gain an honorable Admission into this City, & the Confidence of Members of Congress & others thereby the more easily to cooperate with the British Commissioners, and carry their Designs into Effect. The Jealousy of the People when it is properly directed or as some chuse to call it, a prudent Caution, is in my Opinion one of the best Securities of publick Liberty. And we must allow them to give all that Weight to a Train of Circumstances respecting our Friend, which in other Instances we shd ourselves judge to be reasonable. His Friends have given him high Recommendations. But say others, his Friends may be partial to him. His Connections are among the warmest Patriots. His Testimonials come from the most virtuous Citizens. They have a good Opinion of him. True, and this might be a strong Inducement to a politick Minister to make Choice of him, & may make him the fittest Instrument to answer his Purpose. For my own Part I know Mr Temples former Character Conduct & Sufferings & have also a good opinion of him. I have done him the most substantial Acts of Friendship in my Power. But so deep rooted were the Suspicions of him and so general, that I have been under a Necessity of forbearing to visit him so often as I otherwise should have done, lest I might lose that consistent Character and that Confidence which it is my Duty as far as I am able, to support, in the Minds of Congress, the Minister of our Ally & the People of America. I have Reason to believe that I am on Terms of Friendship with the Sieur Gerard. In private Conversation with him, I purposely mentiond Mr Temples Name, & I conclude we concur in Sentiment that however upright the Heart of any Gentleman may be yet if an Opinion prevails among the People that he is a secret Emissary from the Enemy, his Residence near the Congress, might, at this Juncture especially, make improper Impressions on the Minds of our Friends abroad. Mr Temple has lately taken his Leave of this City & I believe some Gentlemen of Character have since conceivd a more favorable Opinion of him than they did before.
You have my hearty Thanks for your Sermon lately publishd which I have read with pleasure. The Evil you therein mention is indeed alarming. Amidst the great Variety of pressing Affairs, Congress is devoting certain Hours of every Day to investigate a radical Cure; and I am in strong Hopes that an effectual Plan will shortly be laid before the General Assemblies of the several States.
When General Gates was orderd to Boston a considerable Embarkation of the Enemies Troops had been made at N York & it was apprehended they would attempt a Landing somewhere near that Place. His military Abilities and Experience, his political Principles & Attachments and the Confidence which the Troops and People of the Eastern States had in him, were the Considerations which indued his being sent thither. Had the Enemy turnd their whole Force that way of Course the Commander in Chief would have followd. General Heath has given entire Satisfaction to Congress during his Command there. The Change took Place on the Spur of the Occasion, and probably in the Spring a different Arrangemt may be made.
I am my dear Sir with the most cordial Esteem & Affectionate,
your Friend
& very humble Servt,
1779