[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Jan 14 1778
Yesterday I took the Liberty of writing to you by the Baron De Steuben a Native of Prussia who I doubt not will deliver the Letter into your Hand. He will previously wait on Genl Washington to whom he has Letters of warm Recommendation from the Commissioners of America in France. He has also Letters to Mr President Laurens and other Members of Congress from gentlemen of Note in that Country. He offers his Services to America as a Volunteer; wishing to give no Offence by interfering in Command. He appears to me to be a modest, candid & sensible Gentleman; and, I have Reason to think, from the Letters I have seen, he has great military Merit. Of this you will be able to form a decisive Judgment.
There is a certain Canadian Officer, by the Name of Laurens Olivier, a Captain, whose Character and warm Attachment to our Cause while he was an Inhabt of Canada, my Friend Mr Thos Walker a Gentn well known to Mr Gerry, speaks highly of. This Officer will make known certain Difficulties he is under to you. I am told he is a deserving Man; Such a Character I may with Confidence recommend to your patronage. You may rely upon it I will never willingly trouble my self or you with persons of a different sort.
I am &c,
[MS., Boston City Clerk's Office; the text, with variations, is inBoston Record Commissioners' Report, vol. xviii., p. 298.]
[January 21, 1778.]
The Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the several States now represented in the Continental Congress, having been laid before this Town, were distinctly and repeatedly read and maturely considerd, Whereupon; Resolvd, as the opinion of this Town, that the said Articles appear to be well adapted to cement the Union of the said States, to confirm their mutual Friendship, establish their Freedom and Independence, and promote their general Welfare: And the Representatives of the Town are hereby instructed, to give their Votes in the General Assembly, that the Delegates of this State may be authorizd to ratify the said Articles of Confederation in order that the same may become conclusive.
[MS., Public Record Office, London; a draft is in the Samuel AdamsPapers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Febry 6th, 1778.
I should not have failed yesterday to have returned an Answer to your Letter, which was brought to me the preceding Evening, had it not been for the violence of a Disorder which had seized me near a Week before. That Disorder still continues to afflict me much, and prevents my seeing any one but my physician, or doing any business even of the most trifling Nature.
Under such Circumstances, you will excuse me if I decline to engagewith you in Conversation, upon a subject in which you think the generalCause of Humanity and possibly the essential Interests of both ourCountries are concerned.
I have the Honor to be
Sir
Your most humble Servt
1 Lieutenant General in the English army.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
Feb 9 1778
I have not been unmindful of the favor you did me in writing to me some time ago. My not having returnd an Answer has been owing, I do assure you, altogether to many Avocations, and at last to a bodily disorder by which I have been confind to my House and great part of the time upon my bed for near a fortnight. I am now about my Room and gladly take the Opportunity to drop from my Pen an Expression of the honest Friendship which I feel for your self and your agreable Connections.
I find by the Letters I receive from Mr Lovell who is kind enough to write to me often, that Congress is reduced to a small Number present. This has not been unusual in the Winter Season. But you have a great Deal of Business and that of the arduous Kind. It would be a strong Inducement to me to leave domestick Enjoymt, that I might take as great a Share of the Burthen with you as my Shoulders would bear. It is no Satisfaction to me, you may rely upon it, to be able to plead the Want of Health sufficient to go through so long a Journey at this rigorous Season. My Brother Gerry can recollect with how much pleasure the few who were at Baltimore passed through the Fatigues of Business the last Winter, when our Affairs wore a more gloomy Aspect than they have ever yet done. We did it with Alacrity, because there was a Spirit of Union which leads to wise & happy Decisions. I hope the same Spirit now prevails and that Measures are taking to collect & support an Army and to introduce (Economy & Discipline among officers of Rank as well as private Soldiers, so as by Gods Blessing to insure us a successful Campaign. Your Resolution respecting Burgoyne I think must have nettled him. I have long with Pain suspected a perfidious Design. This Resolution must have crossd it. It will cause much Speculation in Europe. No Matter. The Powers there seem more inclind to speculate than to espouse the Rights of Man. Let them speculate. Our Business is to secure America against the Arts & the Arms of a treacherous Enemy. The former we have more to apprehend from than the latter.
Please to pay my due Regard to your Sisters & Family in which Mrs A desires to be joynd & be assured that I am
Yr unfeigned friend
1 Cf., Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON March 12th 1778
This Letter will be deliverd to you by Captn Romanet a young FrenchGentleman Nephew to General Grobouval Commander of the frenchArtillery. He is a modest well behaved youth, and is one of Monsr duCoudrays Corps many of whom I suppose are returnd to Francedissatisfied with the Determination of Congress against ratifying MrDean's Compact. The Necessity of doing this was disagreable to theMembers, but it could not have been otherwise, without causing a greatUneasiness in our Army at a very critical Juncture. I hope no illConsequences will result to our Country and Cause from the Complaintsof these Gentlemen. Mr Romanet ingenuously acknowledges to me that MrDu Coudrays Disappointment appears to him to have been necessary, andpossibly his Connections in France may give Weight to his opinion.
I have been favord with your acceptable Letter of the 31 July from Paris. From your not having noticed several Letters which I have written to you, I suspect they have miscarried. I know not that they would have servd any other good Purpose, than to have shown how desirous I was of reviving a Correspondence which heretofore…..
[MS., Massachusetts Archives; a text is in W. V. Wells, Life of SamuelAdams, vol. iii., pp. 7, 8,]
STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY BOSTON Mar 19 1778
I am to acquaint your Excellency in the Name & by order of the Council of this State, that your Letter of the 16th Instant directed to the President, relative to the Defence of Hudsons River has been receivd & read at that Board. The General Assembly is now under a short Adjournment, and the Council are not authorizd in their Executive Capacity & seperate from the House of Repts to order any Part of the Militia of this State beyond its Limits. The Assembly will meet on the first Day of the next Month. Your Excellencys Letter, together with another receivd this Day from Govr Clinton upon the same Subject, will then be laid before that Body; and altho the Government of this State are now under the Necessity of keeping up more than fifteen hundred of the Militia to guard the Troops of Convention & for other extraordinary Service in and about the Town of Boston, yet there can be no Doubt but a due Attention will be given to so interesting & important a Concern as the Defence of Hudsons river.
I have the Honor to be with the most cordial Esteem
Yr Excys most Humble Servt
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON March 27 1778
You cannot imagine how much I feel my self obligd to you for writing to me frequently. Your Letters however do not come to me in regular Order. HOW is it that I did not receive those of the 10th & 16th of Feby by the Post till yesterday? I am affraid there is some Deficiency in the Post office Department; but as I would fain hope our Friend Mr Hastings is not in Fault, I will beg you in his Behalf, to move to the Post Master General for an Addition to his Salary, for he assures me he cannot live upon what he now receives.
I am very sorry your Letter of the 10th did not come in Season, for I should have gladly interrested my self for so valueable a Citizen as Mr Leach at the late annual Meeting. I have long wishd that for the Reputation as well as substantial Advantage of this Town a military Academy was instituted. When I was in Philadelphia more than two years ago I mentiond the Importance I conceivd it to be of, in Letters to my Friends here. At least we might set up a publick School for military Mathematicks, and I know of no one better qualified for an Instructor than Mr Leach. I wish he had mentiond it to me. Perhaps he may have had Promises of Attention to him from some other Person upon whom he relies. I will consult with such Men of Influence in the Town as I am acquainted with, and will not be wanting in Endeavors to improve your Hints for the mutual Benefit of the Publick & Mr Leach.
I am pleasd to observe in your Letter of 28 Feby that Mr Burgoyne seems to be alterd in his Ideas of Congress. The Gentleman to whom you request me to communicate the Contents of that Letter, I am not in the least acquainted with, but shall comply with your Request whenever I shall find an opportunity of doing it.
I fear from what you mention in your Letter of the 7th of March that the Expectations of the People with Regard to Ty. & Independence will be baulkd. If they are, the Cause in my opinion will be injurd & the Confidence of the People in those who have the Mannagement of our Affairs civil & military lessend, which I should be very sorry to see. In the same Letter you tell me that Lt Colo Anstruthers Request to seek his own Release on Condition of his getting Colo Allens is granted. I now inclose a Letter which I had mislayed & omitted to send, relating to Lt Colo Campbells who I wish might be exchanged for Friend Ethan.1
I do not wonder that you have been mortified upon the Delay of a certain Affair to which you refer in your Letter of the 10th Instant. I wrote you the Opinion of this Town respecting that Affair above a Month ago. I shall only observe that in my opinion, every one who is intrusted with the Affairs of the Publick does not feel so sensibly for its Reputation as I think you do. I have inclosd the Instructions of the General Assembly to their Delegates in Congress upon the Confederation, and when I shall have the pleasure of seeing you I may perhaps give you the Causes why that important Matter was not determind sooner. I immediately after reading your last mentiond Letter communicated to the Council that part of it which relates to the Propriety & Necessity of making regular Returns of what is done here in Consequence of the Recommendations of Congress; and a Committee of that Board is now looking over the Journals & Papers for that Purpose. In the same Letter you mention your having receivd a Letter from Mr John Amory, with his Request that you wd put a memorial into Congress for him. In what Manner could Congress interpose for him if you should comply with his Request? His Residence in this State was deemd by the Genl Assembly to be dangerous to the State. Will Congress order or recommend that He should reside in it notwithstanding? "He was surprizd into an Oath of Allegiance!" He said upon his Examination here that he was not compelled to take the Oath. He did not recollect the Form or Tenor of the Oath he had taken—but desired to live peaceably in his Native town but could not in Conscience take up Arms against the British King. I will desire Mr Appleton to write to you on the Subject.
1 Allen. Cf. page 9.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
It was much longer than the usual time before your very acceptable Letter of the 22 Decr came to my hand. I receivd it as a singular Favor and felt the more thankful for it, because I knew that hardly anything could induce you to write a Letter but the urgent Affairs of our Country or the powerful feelings of private Friendship. I should have written you an Answer sooner but the peevish nominal Saint who scrap'd an Acquaintance with me at Baltimore the last Winter, has followd me even to this place. I think he is the most impertinent & troublesome Visitant I ever had. I am so thoroughly disgusted at the Creature that I have taken every Method that could be devisd to prevent my being ever plagud with him again. He seems at length to be about leaving me & he may depend upon it I shall deny all his Visits for the future.
The Spirit of Avarice, I am sorry to be obligd to say it, prevails too much in this Town; but it rages only among the few, because perhaps, the few only are concernd at present in trade. The old substantial Merchants have generally laid aside trade & left it to Strangers or those who from nothing have raisd fortunes by privateering. The Body of this Community suffer proportionably as much as the great continental Publick. It must be confessd that the Charges of Trade are enormous, and it is natural for men when they have at great Risque & Expence imported Commodities which are wanted by every body, if they must receive in payment for them what is valued by no body, to demand as much of it as they please, especially if it is growing daily into less Repute. This you know has been the Case. There is but one effectual Remedy; & that is to lessen the Quantity of circulating paper Money. This is now doing here. Our Assembly have laid on a very heavy Tax, & are determind to repeat it again and again. Besides which they have called in a large Quantity of their bills, for which they have issued Notes payble with Interest. The Effects are already felt & the prices of Goods have been for some time past gradually sinking.
You tell me we have a great many men now inlisted & that you hope Means will be found to collect them. I joyn with you in these hopes, and that we may keep them together when they are collected and make a good Use of them. Howe I understand has fortified himself by a Line of Redoubts from River to River. Has he more than 13 or 14 [sic] Men in America? If not why should we wait till he is reinforced before we make an Enterprize somewhere.
Your Resolution to stop the Embarkation here I fancy has nettled Burgoyne. He has since been soliciting Interviews with A & B & wishes for private Conversations upon a Matter in which "he thinks the General Cause of Humanity and possibly the essential Interests of both our Countries are concernd."1 He has not prevaild upon A to comply with his Request; for more Reasons than one which I think must be obvious upon a short Review of our History. The Resolutions of Congress will afford Matter of Speculation for the Politicians in Europe. But must they not all acknowledge that Burgoyne himself had made it necessary? After a solemn Declaration made to the very Officer with whom he had enterd into the Convention that it was broken on our Part, Does he, if he believes his own Declaration hold him self bound by it on his part? Would he not, if sufferd to go to Sea, most probably carry a Reinforcement to Genl Howe & laugh at us for puting it in his Power?
I have twenty things to say to you, but my ill state of Health prevents my adding more than that I am, with sincere Regards to Mrs Lee in which Mrs A very cordially joyns
Yr affectione
1 Cf. page 12.
[MS., American Philosophical Society.]
BOSTON April 20 1778
I most heartily congratulate you on the happy and important News from Europe which will be conveyd to Congress by Mr Dean the Brother of our late Commissioner who will be so kind as to deliver you this Letter. France has acted with Magnanimity; while Britain continues to discover that Meanness and Poverty of Spirit, which renders her still more than ever contemptible in the Eyes of all sensible People. The Moderation of France is such as becomes a great and powerful Nation. Britain forgetfull of her former Character, sinks into Baseness in the Extreme. The one is generously holding out the Arm of Protection to a People most cruelly oppressd while the other is practicing the Arts of Treachery and Deceit to subjugate and enslave them. This is a Contrast which an ancient Britain would have blushd to have had predicted to him. It is a true Contrast, and we will blush for them.
Commissioners we are again told are coming out to treat with us. This is what we had Reason to expect. Her only Design is to amuse us & thereby to retard our operations, till she can land her utmost Force in America. We see plainly what Part we are to take; to be before hand of her; and by an early Stroke to give her a mortal Wound. If we delay our vigorous Exertions till the Commissioners arrive, the People abroad may, many of them will be amusd with the flattering Prospect of Peace, and will think it strange if we do not consent to a Cessation of Arms till propositions can be made and digested. This carries with it an Air of Plausibility; but from the Moment we are brought into the Snare, we may tremble for the Consequence. As there [are] every where awful Tories enough, to distract the Minds of the People, would it not be wise for the Congress by a Publication of their own to set this important Intelligence in a clear Light before them, and fix in their Minds the first Impressions in favor of Truth? For I do assure you, it begins to be whisperd by the Tories & as soon as they dare to do it they will speak aloud, that this is but a french Finesse and that Britain is the only real Friend of America. Should not the People be informd with the Authority of Congress that Britain persists in claiming a Right to tax them and that the new or intended Act of Parliament, expressly declares her Intention to be only a Suspension of the Exercise of the Right till she shall please again to exercise it? that is till she shall have lulled them into a State of Security. That her Commissioners are not to be vested with full Powers to finish any Treatys, nor even to promise a Ratification of them. This will be left in great Uncertainty, till it shall be considerd in Parliament. They are allowed, as one of our Friends expresses it, to proclaim a Cessation of Hostilities, and revoke their Proclamation, as soon as in Confidence of it our Militia are allowd to go home. They may suspend the Operation of prohibitory Acts of Trade; and take off that Suspension where our Merchants in Consequence of it shall have been indued to send their Ships to Sea. In short they may do every thing that may tend to distract and divide us, but Nothing that can afford us Security. The British Court have Nothing in View but to divide by Means of their Commissioners. Of this they entertain sanguine Expectations; for I am well assured, that they say they have certain Advice, that they have a large Party in Congress, almost a Majority, who are for returning to their Dependency! This cannot be true—Dr Franklin in a Letter of the 2d of March informs me that America at present stands in the highest Light of Esteem thro' out Europe, and he adds, A Return to Dependence on England would sink her into Eternal Contempt.
Be pleasd to present my due Regards to all Friends, and acquaint my worthy Colleagues that Mr Deans great Haste prevents my writing to them. I intend to set out on my Journy to York Town next Week where I hope for the Pleasure of seeing you. In the mean time be assured that I am
Your affectionate,
I thank you for your
Favor of Mar 1st which
I recd three days ago—
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PALMER 84 Miles from Boston
May 5th 1778
I wrote to you by my kind Host Mr Greenleafe. Yesterday I left his House and slept the last Night at Colo Henshaws. He and his Lady treated me with great Hospitality & Friendship. This day I dined at Brookfield with Mr Ward a Minister in that Town. He married Miss Coleman Mr Pembertons Niece. I am much obligd to them for their kind Treatment of me. I made them promise to visit you when they go to Boston. This Afternoon I met my Son on the Road. I was sorry I could not have the Pleasure of conversing with him. I parted with him with great Regret. May Heaven bless him! Tell him I shall never think him too old to hearken to the Advice of his Father. Indeed I never had Reason to complain of him on that Account. He has hitherto made me a glad Father. This implys that I esteem him a wise Son. I have been the more sparing of Advice to him because I have thought he did not need it; but in these critical Times when Principles & Manners as well as the Liberties of his Country are in Danger he has need to be on his Guard. My Children cannot imagine how much Comfort I have in believing they are virtuous. I am not willing to admit of a Fear that they will ever deprive me of this Comfort. My warm Affections are due to my Family and Friends. Adieu my dear Betsy.
Your affectionate,
[W. V. Wells,1 Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 18-26; printed in the Massachusetts Spy, July 16, 1778.]
To the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Viscount Howe, Sir William Howe (or, in his absence, Sir Henry Clinton), William Eden, and George Johnstone.
Trusty and well-beloved servants of your sacred master, in whom he is well pleased.
As you are sent to America for the express purpose of treating with anybody and anything, you will pardon an address from one who disdains to flatter those whom he loves. Should you therefore deign to read this address, your chaste ears will not be offended with the language of adulation,—a language you despise.
I have seen your most elegant and most excellent letter "to his Excellency, Henry Laurens, the President, and other members of the Congress." As that body have thought your propositions unworthy their particular regard, it may be some satisfaction to your curiosity, and tend to appease the offended spirit of negotiation, if one out of the many individuals on this great continent should speak to you the sentiments of America,—sentiments which your own good sense hath doubtless suggested, and which are repeated only to convince you that, notwithstanding the narrow ground of private information on which we stand in this distant region, still a knowledge of our own rights, and attention to our own interests and a sacred respect for the dignity of human nature, have given us to understand the true principles which ought, and which therefore shall, sway our conduct.
You begin with the amiable expressions of humanity, the earnest desire of tranquillity and peace. A better introduction to Americans could not be devised. For the sake of the latter, we once laid our liberties at the feet of your Prince, and even your armies have not eradicated the former from our bosoms.
You tell us you have powers unprecedented in the annals of your history. And England, unhappy England, will remember with deep contrition that these powers have been rendered of no avail by a conduct unprecedented in the annals of mankind. Had your royal master condescended to listen to the prayer of millions, he had not thus have sent you. Had moderation swayed what we were proud to call "mother country" her full-blown dignity would not have broken down under her.
You tell us that all "parties may draw some degree of consolation, and even auspicious hope, from recollection." We wish this most sincerely for the sake of all parties. America, in the moment of subjugation, would have been consoled by conscious virtue, and her hope was, and is, in the justice of her cause and the justice of the Almighty. These are sources of hope and of consolation which neither time nor chance can alter or take away.
You mention "the mutual benefits and consideration of evils that may naturally contribute to determine our resolutions." As to the former, you know too well that we could derive no benefit from a union with you, nor will I, by deducing the reasons to evince this, put an insult upon your understandings. As to the latter, it were to be wished you had preserved a line of conduct equal to the delicacy of your feelings. You could not but know that men who sincerely love freedom disdain the consideration of all evils necessary to attain it. Had not your own hearts borne testimony to this truth, you might have learned it from the annals of your own history; for in those annals instances of this kind at least are not unprecedented. But should those instances be insufficient, we pray you to read the unconquered mind of America.
That the acts of Parliament you transmitted were passed with singular unanimity, we pretend not to doubt. You will pardon me, gentlemen, for observing that the reasons of that unanimity are strongly marked in the report of a committee of Congress agreed to on the 22d of April last, and referred to in a late letter from Congress to Lord Viscount Howe and Sir Henry Clinton.
You tell us you are willing "to consent to a cessation of hostilities both by sea and land." It is difficult for rude Americans to determine whether you are serious in this proposition or whether you mean to jest with their simplicity. Upon a supposition, however, that you have too much magnanimity to divert yourselves on an occasion of so much importance to America, and, perhaps, not very trivial in the eyes of those who sent you, permit me to assure you, on the sacred word of a gentleman, that if you shall transport your troops to England, where before long your Prince will certainly want their assistance, we shall never follow them thither. We are not so romantically fond of fighting, neither have we such regard for the city of London, as to commence a crusade for the possession of that holy land. Thus you may be certain hostilities will cease by land. It would be doing singular injustice to your national character to suppose you are desirous of a like cessation by sea. The course of the war, and the very flourishing state of your commerce, notwithstanding our weak efforts to interrupt it, daily show that you can exclude us from the sea,—the sea, your kingdom!
You offer "to restore free intercourse, to revive mutual affection, and renew the common benefits of naturalization." Whenever your countrymen shall be taught wisdom by experience, and learn from past misfortunes to pursue their true interests in the future we shall readily admit every intercourse which is necessary for the purposes of commerce and usual between different nations. To revive mutual affection is utterly impossible. We freely forgive you, but it is not in nature that you should forgive us. You have injured us too much. We might, on this occasion, give you some instances of singular barbarity committed, as well by the forces of his Britannic Majesty as by those of his generous and faithful allies, the Senecas, Onondagas, and Tuscaroras. But we will not offend a courtly ear by the recital of those disgusting scenes. Besides this, it might give pain to that humanity which hath, as you observe, prompted your overtures, to dwell upon the splendid victories obtained by a licentious soldiery over unarmed men in defenceless villages, their wanton devastations, their deliberate murders, or to inspect those scenes of carnage painted by the wild excesses of savage rage. These amiable traits of national conduct cannot but revive in our bosoms that partial affection we once felt for everything which bore the name of Englishman. As to the common benefits of naturalization, it is a matter we conceive to be of the most sovereign indifference. A few of our wealthy citizens may hereafter visit England and Rome to see the ruins of those august temples in which the goddess of Liberty was once adored. These will hardly claim naturalization in either of those places as a benefit. On the other hand, such of your subjects as shall be driven by the iron hand of Oppression to seek for refuge among those whom they now persecute will certainly be admitted to the benefits of naturalization. We labor to rear an asylum for mankind, and regret that circumstances will not permit you, gentlemen, to contribute to a design so very agreeable to your several tempers and dispositions.
But further, your Excellencies say, "We will concur to extend every freedom to trade that our respective interests can require." Unfortunately, there is a little difference in these interests which you might not have found it very easy to reconcile, had the Congress been disposed to risk their heads by listening to terms which I have the honor to assure you are treated with ineffable contempt by every honest Whig in America. The difference I allude to is, that it is your interest to monopolize our commerce, and it is our interest to trade with all the world. There is, indeed, a method of cutting this Gordian knot which, perhaps, no statesman is acute enough to untie. By reserving to the Parliament of Great Britain the right of determining what our respective interests require, they might extend the freedom of trade, or circumscribe it at their pleasure, for what they might call our respective interests. But I trust it would not be for our mutual satisfaction. Your "earnest desire to stop the effusion of blood and the calamities of war" will therefore lead you, on maturer reflection, to reprobate a plan teeming with discord, and which, in the space of twenty years, would produce another wild expedition across the Atlantic, and in a few years more some such commission as that "with which his Majesty hath been pleased to honor you." We cannot but admire the generosity of soul which prompts you "to agree that no military force shall be kept up in the different States of North America without the consent of the General Congress or particular Assemblies." The only grateful return we can make for this exemplary condescension is, to assure your Excellencies, and, on behalf of my countrymen, I do most solemnly promise and assure you, that no military force shall be kept up in the different States of North America without the consent of the General Congress and that of the Legislatures of those States. You will, therefore, cause the forces of your royal master to be removed; for I can venture to assure you that the Congress have not consented, and probably will not consent, that they be kept up.
You have also made the unsolicited offer of concurring "in measures calculated to discharge the debts of America, and to raise the credit and value of the paper circulation." If your Excellencies mean by this to apply for offices in the department of our finance, I am to assure you (which I do with "perfect respect") that it will be necessary to procure very ample recommendations. For, as the English have not yet pursued measures to discharge their own debt and raise the credit and value of their own paper circulation, but, on the contrary, are in a fair way to increase the one and absolutely destroy the other, you will instantly perceive that financiers from that nation would present themselves with the most awkward grace imaginable.
You propose to us a device to "perpetuate our union." It might not be amiss previously to establish this union, which may be done by your acceptance of the treaty of peace and commerce tendered to you by Congress. And such treaty I can venture to say would continue as long as your ministers could prevail upon themselves not to violate the faith of nations.
You offer, to use your language, the inaccuracy of which, considering the importance of the subject, is not to be wondered at, or at least may be excused, "in short, to establish the powers of the respective Legislatures in each particular State, to settle its revenue, its civil and military establishment, and to exercise a perfect freedom of legislation and internal government, so that the British States throughout North America, acting with us in peace and war, under one common sovereign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privilege that is short of a total separation of interests, or consistent with that total union of force on which the safety of our common religion and liberty depends." Let me assure you, gentlemen, that the power of the respective Legislatures in each particular State is most fully established, and on the most solid foundations. It is established on the perfect freedom of legislation and a vigorous administration of internal government. As to the settlement of the revenue and the civil and military establishment, these are the work of the day, for which the several Legislatures are fully competent. I have also the pleasure to congratulate your Excellencies that the country for the settlement of whose government, revenue, administration, and the like, you have exposed yourselves to the fatigues and hazards of a disagreeable voyage and more disagreeable negotiation, hath abundant resources wherewith to defend her liberties now, and pour forth the rich stream of revenue hereafter. As the States of North America mean to possess the irrevocable enjoyment of their privileges, it is absolutely necessary for them to decline all connection with a Parliament who, even in the laws under which you act, reserve in express terms the power of revoking every proposition which you may agree to. We have a due sense of the kind offer you make to grant us a share in your sovereign; but really, gentlemen, we have not the least inclination to accept of it. He may suit you extremely well, but he is not to our taste. You are solicitous to prevent a total separation of interests; and this, after all, seems to be the gist of the business. To make you as easy as possible on this subject, I have to observe, that it may, and probably will, in some instances, be our interest to assist you, and then we certainly shall. Where this is not the case, your Excellencies have doubtless too much good sense as well as good nature to require it. We cannot perceive that our liberty does in the least depend upon any union of force with you; for we find that after you have exercised your force against us for upwards of three years, we are now upon the point of establishing our liberties in direct opposition to it. Neither can we conceive that, after the experiment you have made, any nation in Europe will embark in so unpromising a scheme as the subjugation of America. It is not necessary that everybody should play the Quixote. One is enough to entertain a generation at least. Your Excellencies will, I hope, excuse me when I differ from you as to our having a religion in common with you; the religion of America is the religion of all mankind. Any person may worship in the manner he thinks most agreeable to the Deity; and if he behaves as a good citizen, no one concerns himself as to his faith or adorations, neither have we the least solicitude to exalt any one sect or profession above another.
I am extremely sorry to find in your letter some sentences which reflect upon the character of his most Christian Majesty. It certainly is not kind, or consistent with the principles of philanthropy you profess, to traduce a gentleman's character, without affording him an opportunity of defending himself; and that, too, a near neighbor, and not long since an intimate brother, who besides hath lately given you the most solid additional proofs of his pacific disposition, and with an unparalleled sincerity which would do honor to other princes, declared to your Court, unasked, the nature and effect of a treaty he had just entered into with these States. Neither is it quite according to the rules of politeness to use such terms in addressing yourselves to Congress, when you well knew that he was their good and faithful ally. It is indeed true, as you justly observe, that he hath at times been at enmity with his Britannic Majesty, by which we suffered some inconveniences; but these flowed rather from our connection with you than any ill-will towards us; at the same time it is a solemn truth, worthy of your serious attention, that you did not commence the present war,—a war in which we have suffered infinitely more than by any former contest, a fierce, a bloody, I am sorry to add, an unprovoked and cruel war,—that you did not commence this, I say, because of any connection between us and our present ally; but, on the contrary, as soon as you perceived that the treaty was in agitation, proposed terms of peace to us in consequence of what you have been pleased to denominate an insidious interposition. HOW, then, does the account stand between us? America, being at peace with the world, was formerly drawn into a war with France in consequence of her union with Great Britain. At present, America being engaged in a war with Great Britain, will probably obtain the most honorable terms of peace in consequence of her friendly connection with France. For the truth of these positions, I appeal, gentlemen, to your own knowledge. I know it is very hard for you to part with what you have accustomed yourselves from your earliest infancy to call your Colonies. I pity your situation, and therefore I excuse the little aberrations from truth which your letter contains. At the same time it is possible that you may have been misinformed. For I will not suppose that your letter was intended to delude the people of these States. Such unmanly, disingenuous artifices have of late been exerted with so little effect, that prudence, if not probity, would prevent a repetition. To undeceive you, therefore, I take the liberty of assuring your Excellencies, from the very best intelligence, that what you call "the present form of the French offers to America," in other words, the treaties of alliance and commerce between his most Christian Majesty and these States, were not made in consequence of any plans of accommodation concerted in Great Britain, nor with a view to prolong this destructive war. If you consider that these treaties were actually concluded before the draft of the bills under which you act was sent to America, and that much time must necessarily have been consumed in adjusting compacts of such intricacy and importance, and further, if you consider the early notification of this treaty by the Court of France, and the assurance given that America had reserved a right of admitting even you to a similar treaty, you must be convinced of the truth of my assertions. The fact is, that when the British minister perceived that we were treating with the greatest prince in Europe, he applied himself immediately to counteract the effect of these negotiations. And this leads me, with infinite regret, to make some observations which may possibly be by you considered in an offensive point of view.
It seems to me, gentlemen, there is something (excuse the word) disingenuous in your procedure. I put the supposition that Congress had acceded to your propositions, and then I ask two questions:— Had you full power from your commission to make these propositions? Possibly you did not think it worth your while to consider your commission, but we Americans are apt to compare things together and to reason. The second question I ask is, What security could you give that the British Parliament would ratify your compacts? You can give no such security; and therefore we should, after forfeiting our reputation as a people, after you had filched from us our good name, and persuaded us to give to the common enemy of man the precious jewel of our liberties,—after all this, I say, we should have been at the mercy of a Parliament which, to say no more of it, has not treated us with too great tenderness. It is quite needless to add that, even if that Parliament had ratified the conditions you proposed, still poor America was to lie at the mercy of any future Parliament, or to appeal to the sword, which certainly is not the most pleasant business men can be engaged in.
For your use I subjoin the following creed of every good American:—I believe that in every kingdom, state, or empire there must be, from the necessity of the thing, one supreme legislative power, with authority to bind every part in all cases the proper object of human laws. I believe that to be bound by laws to which he does not consent by himself, or by his representative, is the direct definition of a slave. I do therefore believe that a dependence on Great Britain, however the same may be limited or qualified, is utterly inconsistent with every idea of liberty, for the defence of which I have solemnly pledged my life and fortune to my countrymen; and this engagement I will sacredly adhere to so long as I shall live. Amen.
Now, if you will take the poor advice of one who is really a friend to England and Englishmen, and who hath even some Scotch blood in his veins,—away with your fleets and your armies, acknowledge the independence of America; and as ambassadors, and not commissioners, solicit a treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and alliance with the rising States of this Western world. Your nation totters on the brink of a stupendous precipice, and even delay will ruin her.
You have told Congress, "if, after the time that may be necessary to consider this communication and transmit your answer, the horrors and devastations of war should continue, we call God and the world to witness that the evils which must follow are not to be imputed to Great Britain." I wish you had spared your protestation. Matters of this kind may appear to you in a trivial light, as mere ornamental flowers of rhetoric, but they are serious things, registered in the high chancery of Heaven. Remember the awful abuse of words like those by General Burgoyne, and remember his fate. There is One above us who will take exemplary vengeance for every insult upon His majesty. You know that the cause of America is just. You know that she contends for that freedom to which all men are entitled,—that she contends against oppression, rapine, and more than savage barbarity. The blood of the innocent is upon your hands, and all the waters of the ocean will not wash it away. We again make our solemn appeal to the God of heaven to decide between you and us. And We pray that, in the doubtful scale of battle, we may be successful as we have justice on our side, and that the merciful Saviour of the world may forgive our oppressors.
I am, my Lords and Gentlemen, the friend of human nature, and one who glories in the title of
An American.
1 Also attributed to Adams in The Remembrancer, 1778, p. 306.
[MS., Emmet Collection, Lenox Library.]
YORK TOWN June 3d 1778
I very gratefully acknowledge the Receipt of your Favor of the 28th of May by Mr Ternant, as well as another which was deliverd to me in Boston. It affords me great Satisfaction to find that Congress, sensible of your Merit, have put it in your Power to do eminent Service to our Country in the Army, and that your Services are so acceptable there. This is the Fulfillment of my earnest Wishes when I had the Pleasure of conversing with you in Boston. May Heaven prosper you. Mr Ternants Haste prevents my adding more than that I am with very cordial Esteem
Your affectionate
very humble servt
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.]
YORK TOWN June 21 1778
Although we are exceedingly pressd with publick Business at this Juncture I cannot omit the Opportunity that now offers of writing to you. The general Scituation of Affairs, and the particular Transactions between the British Commissioners and the Congress will be transmited to you by this Conveyance, by the Committee for foreign Affairs. Since I last came to this Place from Boston, several Gentlemen have arrivd here from France viz Mr Simeon Dean, Mr Carmichael, Mr Stephenson, & Mr Holker. Mr Carmichael comes strongly recommend[ed] by Dr Franklin & Mr Silas Dean; but Dr Lee in his Letter gives Reasons why he cannot place a Confidence in him. From a long Correspondence with Dr Lee, I conceive so great an Opinion of his Candor as well as inflexible Integrity & Attachment to our Country, that I cannot entertain a Doubt that he would suffer partial Considerations to operate in his Mind to the Prejudice of any Man. Such a Difference of Sentiments concerning a Gentleman who I imagine must be of some Consequence, could not take Place without at least apparently good Grounds; and it may produce such Effects on this Side of the Water as may prove uncomfortable to us if not injurious to our Cause. Would it not then be doing some Service, to exercise your Prudence in endeavoring to investigate the real Grounds of it, in doing which possibly some things may open to View of Importance and at present not thought of.
Dr Lee is a Gentleman of a fair and generous Mind. I wish therefore that you would freely converse with him upon this Subject if you think you can do it with Propriety; and let him know that I have lately receivd many Letters from him, which I have duly attended to and would have acknowledgd to him by this Opportunity, if I had Leisure.
By the last Accounts I have had from Braintree your Lady & Family were in Health, though anxiously wishing to hear of your safe Arrival.
I shall write to you as often as I can & shall esteem my self happy in receiving your Favors.
I remain very affectionately
Your Friend,
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADE July 9 1778
Mr Mc Lean the Bearer of this Letter arrivd in this City yesterday, and tells me he saw you on the Day he left Boston, and that you were then in Health. He now returns in so great Haste as to afford me Time only to let you know that I still enjoy that inestimable Blessing. I now write at the Table in Congress, having just put my Hand to the Confederation with my Colleagues & the Delegates of seven other States. North Carolina and Georgia whose Members are absent have acceded to the Confederation. Mr H has just obtaind the Leave of Absence and is going home on Account of his ill State of Health & the Circumstances of his Family. He tells me his Wife is dangerously ill.
Adieu my dear,
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADE July — 1778
Capt Manley1 has obligd me with your favor of the 5th. He and McNeil are both here with different Views. The one to obtain another Ship, and the other to get the Sentence of the Court Martial by which he is censurd & broke, reversd. Perhaps both may be disappointed. I have receivd a Number of Letters by both. One from you. To this I shall pay a very particular Regard, because I am well satisfied you never suffer Prejudices to divert your Attention from the great object—the publick Good. "Manly is a blunt, honest and I believe brave officer.' I observe your Caution; and I admire it because I think it is a proof of your Integrity. Manlys Bravery is an Article of your Beliefe. His Bluntness& Honesty, of Certainty. I have not yet lookd into the Papers; but I recollect, when they were read in Congress, to have heard the Want of Experience imputed to him, and some thing that had the Appearance of blameing him for not giving out any Signals for the Direction of the Ships under his Command. This it must be ownd, strongly implys the Want if not the total Absense of Discretion. Now I would ask my Friend, whether the Character of a blunt & honest officer entitles him to the Command of one of our Capital Ships if he is "deficient in point of Experience & Discretion." The Characteristick of a Sailor is the blunt honest Tar. They carry this Character to an inimitable Height. But surely every honest blunt or even brave Tar is not fit for Command in our Navy. I some times fear there was an Error in the beginning. Thus much for Manly. "His Address (viz Mc Neils) is insinuating. His Assurance great. He may tell you fine Storys" &c. How contemptible does he appear. I should think he had taken a Lesson from Hutchinsons political Book, if I had not Reason to believe that he used to despise him most heartily. But I advert to a Letter from another of my Friends to whose upright opinions I have always given Weight; there I find "He is open & sincere'' Synonimous Terms with blunt & honest. "His Temper is naturally warm which he has sometimes indulgd in speaking his Mind freely of Persons in office"—This you know has always been deemd an unpardonable Sin, and I am affraid it always will be. To be sure it always will be so deemd by that Kind of Men in office who meet with none to hinder them from persisting in the most expensive Blunders but the open sincere and warm Friends of our Country. I am warrented in supposing this Character belongs to Capt Mc Neil, because my worthy Correspondent in whose Veracity & Judgment I have before told you I place a Confidence, has affirmd to me, that he knows his Sufferings for our glorious Cause. Has not Mc Neil struck upon this Rock? It is possible he has. Says my friendly Correspondent "We all know his Zeal & Sufferings for our glorious Cause." Such a Character commands my Friendship; but it has no Consideration in the present Appeal. Has he had a fair Trial? I pay a proper Regard to the Decisions of a Court martial, & shall not give my Vote for altering them in any Instance but when Error Fraud or partiality shall appear plainly to my own Satisfaction.
Our Navy officers must not expect to pick & chuse for themselves. They ought to be content with the Appointments given to them. It is true Appointments should be made with more Discretion than I think they can be by any Men at three or four hundred Miles Distance. For this Reason I moved that they should be made by the Navy Board, which obtaind in a certain Degree as you have seen or will see by a Letter from the Marine Committee. Had this been the Case before Olney would have remaind in the , Resistance & Bush must have waited for another. If the Queen of France is a better Vessel it will turn out not to the Disadvantage of Olney. While we have more officers in Commission than Ships, there must be Disappointments, Envy, & Suspicions (oftentimes unreasonable) of each other. This is the Make of Man, and we may as well think of stopping the Tide as altering it. The Appointment of Landais affords an ample Subject for the Observations of Speculatists and the Resentment of Navy officers. I think he is, as you observe an ingenuous & well behaved Man, and if he is an able & experiencd officer, as we are assured he is by those whose Duty it is to give us the best Intelligence, it is a pity that two very good Lieutenants shd have the Ship & the Service on that account. I hope others may be found to fill their places. "It is an opinion that I was Landais' chief Patron." On this occasion you discover your self, as you are disposd to do on every occasion, partial in my favor. If I was in any Degree instrumental in promoting Capt Landais, it was because I really thought he would be of eminent Use to our Navy. And I question whether it would not have been thought a well judgd Appointment, if there had not been a fanciful Predilection in favor of Another. Even the Name of the Ship may have given Disgust to some Men. I hope when Manly is provided with such a Ship as will please him the Difficulties or Obstructions in the Way of getting the Alliance manned will be removd. I am very sure your Exertions will not be wanting to promote the Service.
Adieu,
1 Recently of the Ship Hancock. The record of his court martial was laid before the Continental Congress on August 5, and ordered to be referred to the Marine Committee for filing among its papers.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PHILADA July 1778
It is but seldom I can find Leisure to write a long Letter. You must excuse me if I give you my Thoughts as I am able to recollect and adjust them into any Order. I find ———— to be an excellent Member of Congress. He is a thorough and zealous Republican, and an able Supporter of the publick Liberty. I am satisfied it would be for the great Benefit of our Country, if you and he were to form an intimate Connection with each other. This I am very desirous of, because I have no Idea of your being long secluded from the publick Councils. He will go home shortly.
I have not yet answerd your Letters of the 26th and 28th of June. I am in Pain about the Ship in your Harbour. Her Owners neglect to put her into Repair, and I fear a great Number of her Officers and Crew for Want of Skill or Experience will be at a LOSS what to do with her if she meets with a Storm. What a Pity is it, that an honest old Pilot has lately been dischargd, who used to steer successfully through Rocks & Quick sands! And that he should suffer this hard Usage, only because, unknown to him one who was a hearty Well wisher to the Voyage, and was anxious that Capacity & Merit might always govern Promotions, had venturd to declare him the fittest Man to take the Command. Ambition, or rather Vanity, and Avarice—an insatiable Thirst for Places and Preferment, without Ability or Intention to fulfil the Duties of them, tends to the Ruin of any Country, and if not eradicated, will soon effect it. It would be the Glory of this Age, to find Men having no ruling Passion but the Love of their Country, and ready to render her the most arduous and important Services with the Hope of no other Reward in this Life than the Esteem of their virtuous Fellow Citizens. But this, some tell us, is expecting more than it is in the Power of human Nature to give. Be it as it may. There are some Men to whom the publick Confidence most certainly ought to be refused. I mean those who in perilous Times have never dared to avow the publick Sentiments.
Last Saturday1 Congress recd another Letter from the British Commissioners. You have it inclosd with a short Resolution2 in Consequence of it. This shuts the Door until they will be pleased to open it. Governor Johnstone has acted so base a part as to hint the offer of Bribes not only to the President but every other Member of Congress, as you will see by the Inclosd Letter to Mr R. Morris. By this he has in my opinion forfeited the Character of an honest Man & justly exposd himself to Contempt. I hope some Strictures will be made in the Newspapers on this as well as the disrespectful & even insolent Language in the Commissioners Letter, not so proper to be noticed by Congress. I am assured that a Bribe of 10,000 Guineas has been offerd to a Gentleman of Station & Character here. He refusd it as you might suppose with suitable Resentment, telling the Lady who negociated this dirty Business, that the British King was not rich enough to purchase him.
Mr D3 of whom I may perhaps hereafter have much to say to you is arrivd with the Sieur Gerard. I have long ago formed my opinion of the American Commissioner & have not yet alterd it. That of the french Minister is, a sensible prudent Man, not wanting in political Finesse & therefore not to be listned to too implicitly. The french Squadron lies off Sandy Hook. I have inclosd the Names & Rates of the ships together with the Spanish Ships in N York as deliverd to us by a Prisoner lately escaped from thence. Their Force bears no proportion to each other. The Question in my Mind is whether the french Admiral will risque his large Ships to be workd, as they must be in an Engagement, in the Narrows —the Width of the Channel is and its Depth at low Water. I am told that this is a favorite Expedition of Count d'Estaing himself, proposd by him & not Mr D, to the french Court, and that his Reputation as a Politician as well as an Admiral is at Stake. From the Character I have recd of him, I make no Doubt he will answer the highest reasonable Expectations of the King his Master and of America. Mr Ds political Friends, some of whom I suppose are in Boston, are disposd to give him great Eclat on Account of the Aid afforded us in sending this Squadron. His interest with the french Ministry is represented as very forceable in procuring it and the Newspapers mention the favors conferd on him even by the King himself. The Truth as I conceive it is, the total overthrow of Burgoyns Army was an Event which it was thought would produce Overtures from Britain, and France was apprehensive of our listening to Terms & compromising Matters. Hence it was, more than from any other Cause or the Interest of any Individual that a Treaty was facilitated & agreed to and to secure us in their Alliance & support us in sending this Squadron, and the Purpose of M Gerards Mission. We are informd that Eleven Sail of Merchantmen & a Frigate have fallen into his Hands.
I have declind answering your Letter of the 26 of June till I could assure you that the Sum you wishd for was granted for the Use of your Department. I now have the Pleasure of informing you that it will be orderd as soon as it arrives from York Town. It is every hour expected. The Marine Committee have agreed that the Navy Board shall appoint Commanders for Vessels of War under Twenty Guns.
1 July 18; the letter was dated July 11.
2 "That no answer be given to the letter of the nth instant from the British commissioners."
3 Silas Deane; Congress on July 11 was notified by him of his arrival on the Languedoc.