[Historical Magazine, 1st ser., vol. i., p. 261.]
BOSTON, June 4th, 1782.
Last week the House of Representatives directed the attendance of the Secretary, and enquired of him whether he had forwarded the Impost Act to Congress. He answered he had not seen it since he left it on their table, in the last session. The House then sent a message to the Governor to the same purpose.
He returned a message acquainting them that he conceived the bill in the same light he had before, and could not send it to Congress as a law, or to that effect; adding, that if the House would signify their desire of having it, the Secretary would be directed to lay it before them. The House stated the matter, and sent it to the Senate with the Governor's message and a vote to join a committee to consider them, and the Senate concurred; the result of which is that the two houses have resolved, that the Governor did not return the bill to the late House of Representatives, where it had originated, within five days after it was presented to him by the late General Court, and therefore that it had passed all the forms prescribed by the Constitution to constitute it a law of the Commonwealth. What the next step will be, may, I think, be easily foreseen, that those who are against the law upon principle, or those who would wish to gratify the Govr, will move for a repeal of it, and have a new bill brought in. But it is difficult for me to conceive how a bill can be framed which will remove his doubts, and answer the end of Congress. You remember that matter was once tried. I must break off abruptly.
Your affectionate,
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 229, 230.1]
BOSTON, Nov. 21st, 1782.
MY DEAR SIR,—In the late session of our general court, and in the hurry of important business, a petition was presented signed William Burgess, praying to be naturalized. This gentleman very lately arrived from England, by way of Holland. The senate declined sustaining his petition, and gave him leave to withdraw it. A few days after, an authenticated resolution of congress came to hand, recommending it to the states not to admit any British subject whatever. Yet this man has had interest enough to prevail on the assembly to permit him to go to congress, to have it decided there whether he comes within the meaning of their resolution, because his arrival here was prior to the reception of the resolution by this government. If it should be thought there was in this instance a want of attention, it must be imputed to the circumstance I first mentioned. The general court had before directed his departure from the state; requesting the governor however, to allow him convenient time to prepare for his voyage, which appeared to me a sufficient indulgence. Some of our good citizens are disgusted at the favour shown to Mr. B. They say that being a partner with Messrs. Champion and Dickinson, the latter of whom is reported to have been always inimical to America by his residence here, he will probably be instrumental in the importation of as many English goods as he will be able to vend; or in other words, that the new house in Boston will be nearly if not quite as convenient in the time of war, as the old house in London was in time of peace. Whether there will be any danger, congress will judge. Jealousy is a necessary political virtue, especially in times like these. Such a plan would gratify those among us who are still hankering after the onions of Egypt, and would sacrifice our great cause to the desire of gain. What need is there of our admitting (to use the language of congress) any British subject whatever? Congress surely had some good reason when they so earnestly cautioned us against it. Our citizens are in more danger of being seduced by art, than subjugated by arms. I give you this notice that you may have an opportunity of conversing on the subject in your patriotic circles (if you think it worth while) in season. Mr. B. will set off next week in company with one of our new delegates, who I am satisfied will favour his cause. My friendly regards to Dr. Shippen, and my old friends in congress, if any such are there. Adieu.
Believe me to be very affectionately your friend,
1 A short note to Lee, also dated November 21, is in Ibid., p. 231.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 231, 232.]
BOSTON, Dec 2d, 1782.
MY DEAR SIR,—A friend of mine to whom I give entire credit, who lived many years in Canada, and was well acquainted with the bearer of this letter, requests me to introduce him to you. After a long confinement in prison in Quebec, where he was used with great severity, he found means to make his escape, and came to this town. He is a Frenchman by birth, and was a very respectable merchant in Canada. When the attempt was made to gain that country in 1775, he privately aided our forces; the suspicion of which rendered him obnoxious to the British government, and was the real cause of his suffering. He will inform you of the state and circumstances of British affairs there, and will tell you it is an easy thing to unite that province with these states. Possibly he may be influenced in some degree by a just resentment of the ill-treatment he has received; but other intelligent persons acquainted with the people of Canada, have zealously affirmed the same to me. If it be so, it is hoped that a favourable opportunity to effect it will be embraced, if any such should offer. I need not hint to you the importance of that object. Adieu,
Your friend,
1783
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 232-234, a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, Feb. 10th, 1783.
MY DEAR SIR,—It is a long time since I had the pleasure of a letter from you. I hope you have not struck my name from the list of your correspondents. Mr. Stephen Higginson, who will deliver you this letter, is appointed a delegate of this state. He is a sensible and very worthy man, and I think entertains sentiments like yours. I am persuaded you will find him a valuable member, if his great modesty and diffidence of himself will allow him to step forward as far as his good understanding would lead him.
I feel myself constrained to mention to you the present situation of Capt. Landais, though not at his request, or the smallest intimation from him. He resides in this town, and sometimes calls to see me. As he appears to be an injured man, I wish that justice may be done to him; and I am the more solicitous about it, as I was, with your worthy brother Mr. R. H. instrumental in his first appointment in the American navy. Congress granted him 12,000 livres as a compensation for services he had performed, and ordered that he should be paid by Dr. F. in France; but for some reason which is or ought to be known, he has never received that sum. Much the greater part of his wages as commander of the Alliance remains unpaid. A large sum due to him for prize-money is stopped in the hands of some person or persons in France; which indeed is too common a complaint among those continental officers and seamen who have carried prizes into ports in Europe. He made a journey to Philadelphia to obtain a settlement of his accounts, and was offered by Mr M.1 three months' pay, and a certificate for the balance, which he would not accept, because he really wanted the whole of his wages to supply him with the necessaries of life. I am sure that your own feelings of justice and humanity will plead an excuse for my troubling you with this detail. Perhaps his court-martial, by whose decree he was broken, were too severe. If his conduct in his last passage from France was blameable was not his mind to the greatest degree irritated by the treatment he met with there? and should not reasonable allowances have been made? He thinks it was an unrighteous decree. He may judge partially; I know nothing of the matter. If it was, is not the wound given to his honour sufficiently severe? But even if it was just, should not a discarded officer be immediately paid? Should not congress demand the reason why the prize-money has not been paid to those to whom it has been long due? Complaints of this kind have to my knowledge spread from Philadelphia to Boston. I am concerned for the honour of congress. These complaints may appear of little consequence; but I am afraid if they continue unattended to, they will cast a dark shade over the public character. The state of Landais' affairs will appear in his own memorial to congress, which was rejected, and perhaps may be on the files. You will oblige me if you will interest yourself (if leisure will admit of it) as far as you may think just, in his favour.
I have been applied to by some of the inhabitants of the island of Nantucket, and have promised them to write to my friend respecting the whale fishery. These people have been usually employed in that branch of business chiefly. They have greatly reduced the number of their vessels, since the commencement of the war, by which means they say they are reduced to great distress and wish for some indulgence from congress. Whether this can be consistently granted, and in what manner, you will judge. The delegates of this state, I believe, can inform you more particularly of this matter. You are sensible of the absolute dependence of this state upon the fishery for its trade, and how great an advantage will accrue from it to the United States, if they intend ever to have a navy. I hope our peacemakers are instructed by all means to secure a common right in it.
My respects to the Hon. Mr. Izard, if at Philadelphia, and other friends. Adieu, and believe me very affectionately yours,
1 Morns.
[MS., Chamberlain Collection, Boston Public Library.]
Having been just now made acquainted by your Messenger that the Freeholders and Inhabitants of Boston assembled in Town Meeting,1 have chosen me their Moderator, I beg the Favor of you to inform them, that I esteem my self greatly honourd by their Choice; but my Engagements in the Senate, which it is not in my Power to dispense with, lay me under a Necessity of praying that I may be excusd by the Town.——
With the warmest Wishes for their Prosperity, I am
Gentlemen
Your obedient hbl Servt
1 Boston Record Commissioners' Report, vol. xxvi., p. 292.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Apr 21 1783
I am indebted to you for several Letters which I have not acknowledged. The Anecdote you gave me in one of them relating to a Mr Mercer & Colo Griffin in Virginia was very diverting to me. The People in this part of the Continent would never have fixed upon the Names of La Le or A1 to hold up to a publick Assembly as the Heads of a British Interest in America. It would not have been sooner believed here than another Story I have heard, that a certain french Politician of Consideration in America had expressd his high Displeasure with Mr S A for stiring up his Countrymen to attend to the Importance of our retaining a Common Right to the Newfd Ld fishery. Many wonderful Tales are & will be told, some of which a Sight of the secret Journals of Congress would unravel. I think the sooner those Journals are publishd the better. The People at large ought to know what that illustrious Body has been doing for them and the Part each Member has acted. We are now at Peace, God be thanked, with all the World—and I hope we shall never intermeddle with the Quarrels of other Nations. Let the U S continue in peace & Union, & in order to this Let them do Justice to each other. Let there be no longer secret Journals or secret Comtees. Let the Debates in Congress be open and the whole of their transactions publishd weekly—this will tend to the speedy rectifying Mistakes & preserving mutual Confidence between the People & their Representatives. And let Care be taken to prevent Factions in America, foreign or domestick.
Will you suffer me to recommend to you my good friends & excellent fellow Citizens Mr Appleton the Bearer of this Letter & his fellow Traveller Mr Wendel. My Regards.
Adieu.
1 Laurens, Lee, Adams.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 1 1783
Collo John Allan will deliver you this Letter. This Gentleman soon after the Commencement of the late Hostilities, left his Connections in Nova Scotia which were respectable there & took a decided part with us against Great Britain. In the Winter of 77 Congress appointed him Superintendent or Agent for the Indians in Nova Scotia & the Tribes to the Northward & Eastward thereof, with a Salary of 900 Dollars p Annum, & afterwards requested this State to furnish him from time to time with needful Supplies. The State raised an Artillery Company for the Defence of the Post of Machias & gave him the Command with a Cols Commission. Congress in Feb 81 if I mistake not, empowerd our supreme Executive to enlarge that Compy to the Number of 65, officers included, & to officer the same with the express Nomination of Colo Allan to the Command. This Compy was by the Resolve to be raisd cloathed subsisted & paid as other officers & Soldiers of the US. I believe Colo A has executed the trusts reposed in him with Fidelity & to the Advantage of the Publick. As this State has supplied him at the Expence of the U S, I suppose that his Accots which remain to be settled, will as his former Accts have been, be settled in the first Instance by our Assembly when it meets. He takes the Oppty in the Interval (the War being finishd) to wait on Congress for their further Direction. Your Notice of him & Care that he may receive such Emoluments as he may be intitled to as an officer will oblige me. I think he has too much Republican Pride to expect more than is reasonable from Congress, & he is too much the Gentleman to be troublesome to you. I write this without his knowledge.
Another calls upon me. You will think me a Man of Importance! But this is one of my Days of Business. Is it not strange that an officer of the American Army should apply to the Friendship of one whom they have been led to look upon as their Enemy? But—I am informd that Colo Badlam was among the first who flew to Arms, that he has sustained the Character of a meritorious officer. If he has been unfortunate rather than faulty or if guilty of a Fault it was attended with Circumstances very alleviating why should an officer of Merit at the very close of the War be deprivd of the Benefits which are allotted to others? I think I know your feelings for that officer and perhaps your private Judgment of his Case from your Letter to him which I have seen. What Advantage can he expect from an Application to this State? Would not a Recommendation to Congress from Head Quarters in his favor answer a much better Purpose? This is only a Hint to you. Perhaps I am out of my Line. I will conclude this Epistle with congratulating you most heartily on the return of Peace with Liberty and Independence & assuring you that I am affectionately
Yours
[MS., Emmet Collection, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 2 1783
Our Friend Colo John Allan takes the Care of this Letter and will deliver it to you. The War being finishd, he is going to Philadelphia to receive such Directions as Congress shall think proper to give to him. You remember he was appointed in 77, Agent of the St Johns & Nova Scotia Indians, and he has since commanded an Artillery Company raised by this State for the Defence of the Post at Machias, adopted by Congress in Feb. 81 and cloathd subsisted & paid as other Officers & Soldiers of the United States. He has I doubt not, executed the Trusts reposed in him with Fidelity, and I think is entitled to the Emoluments given to Officers of his Rank. I have given him a Letter to the Secretary at War &c.
Your Recommendation first gaind him the Confidence of Congress and your repeated Favor will still be a substantial Advantage to him.
I most heartily congratulate you on the Return of Peace with Liberty & Independence.—Blessings for which Patriots have toiled & Heroes fought & bled. Our Country may now be happy if she is not wanting to her self. We have done our Duty. Future Generations can never curse the present for carelessly surrendering their Rights.
I beg you, my Friend, not to impute my long Silence to a faulty Cause. If you believe me to be a Man of Truth, be assured that I have constantly participated with you in good & ill Fortune. I shall ever rejoice that you was honord by Providence, in captivating Burgoyne & his whole Army—An Event which wrought the most happy Change in the Face of our Affairs in Europe, and which alone, in Spite of Envy, will give you a brilliant Page in History.
Mr Yancey is gone to South Carolina. I have written by him to my old Patriotick friend Gadsden and the stronger to enforce my Recommendation of Mr Yancey have mentiond him as one whom you regard.
Oblige me with your Letters for I am sincerely and affectionately
Your Friend
& very humble Servant,
[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 408-410; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, Sept. 9, 1783.
This is the first letter I have been able to write since I had the pleasure of seeing you, excepting a short one to our delegates, informing them that the general court had appointed a committee to correspond with them. Mr. Appleton and Mr. Rowe are my colleagues in this business. The correspondence is to be very extensive. "Any other important matter which relates to the being and welfare of the United States!" My bodily illness has prevented my engaging in it. I wish the delegates would begin. The welfare, and perhaps the being of the United States, in my opinion, depends much upon congress possessing the confidence of the people at large; that upon the administration of public affairs being manifestly grounded upon principles of equality and justice, or upon the people being assured that congress merit their confidence. The war is now over, and the people turn their eyes to the disposition of their money, a subject, which I hope congress will always have so clear a knowledge of, as to be able at any time to satisfy the rational enquiries of the people. To prevent groundless jealousies, it seems necessary not only that the principal in that department should himself be immaculate, but that care should be taken that no persons be admitted to his confidence but such as have the entire confidence of the people. Should a suspicion prevail that our high treasurer suffers men of bad principles or of no principles to be about him and employed by him, the fidelity of congress itself would be suspected, and a total loss of confidence would follow. I am much concerned for the reputation of congress, and have laboured to support it because that body is and must be the cement of the union of the states. I hope, therefore, they will always make it evident to reasonable men that their administration merits the public applause. Will they be able to do this, if they should cease to be very watchful over men whom they trust in great departments, especially those who have the disposition of the public moneys? Power will follow the possession of money, even when it is known that it is not the possessor's property. So fascinating are riches in the eyes of mankind! Were our financier, I was going to say, even an angel from heaven, I hope he will never have so much influence as to gain the ascendency over congress, which the first lord of the treasury has long had over the parliament of Britain; long enough to effect the ruin of that nation. These are the fears which I expressed in congress when the department was first instituted. I was told, that the breath of congress could annihilate the financier; but I replied, that the time might come, and if they were not careful it certainly would, when even congress would not dare to blow that breath. Whether these fears are the mere creatures of the imagination you will judge.
My regards to Dr. Holten and Mr. Higgenson, if he is still in Congress.Pray write to me often.
Adieu.
1 For a facsimile note by Adams to Gerry, dated September 11, 1783, see Brotherhead, Signers of the Declaration of Independence (1872), p. 172.
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; the text is also in John Adams, Works, vol. ix., pp. 519-521.]
BOSTON Novr 4 1783.
Colo John Trumbull, the Son of the worthy Governor of Connecticutt is the Bearer of this Letter. I give the Governor this Epithet, because I think his faithful Services to our Country entitle him to it. Yet even he has undergone the Suspicions of some, unsupported by any solid Reasons that I have heard of. We live in an Age of Jealousy, and it is well enough. I was led to believe in early Life, that Jealousy is a political Virtue. It has long been an Aphorism with me, that it is one of the greatest Securities of publick Liberty. Let the People keep a watchful Eye over the Conduct of their Rulers; for we are told that Great Men are not at all times wise. It would be indeed a Wonder if in any Age or Country they were always honest. There are however some Men among us, who under the Guise of watchful Patriots, are finding Fault with every publick Measure, with a Design to destroy that just Confidence in Government, which is necessary for the Support of those Liberties which we have so dearly purchas'd. Many of your Countrymen besides myself, feel very grateful to you and those of our Negociators who joyned you, in preventing the Tory Refugees from being obtruded upon us. These would certainly have increasd the Number of such Kind of Patriots as I have mentiond, and besides, their Return would have been attended with other mischievous Effects. Mutual Hatred and Revenge would have occasiond perpetual Quarrels between them & the people & perhaps frequent Bloodshed. Some of them, by Art and Address might gradually recover a Character & in time an Influence, and so become the fittest Instruments in forming Factions either for one foreign Nation or another. We may be in Danger of such Factions, and should prudently expect them. One might venture to predict that they will sooner or later happen. We should therefore guard against the evil Effects of them. I deprecate the most favord Nation predominating in the Councils of America, for I do not believe there is a Nation on Earth that wishes we should be more free or more powerful than is consistent with their Ideas of their own Interest. Such a disinterested Spirit is not to be found in National Bodies; The World would be more happy if it prevaild more in individual Persons. I will say it for my Countrymen, they are, or seem to be, very grateful. All are ready freely to acknowledge our Obligations to France for the Part she took in our late Contest. There are a few who consider the Advantage derivd to her, by a total Seperation of Britain & the Colonies, which so sagacious a Court doubtless foresaw & probably never lost Sight of. This Advantage was so glaring in the first Stages of our Controversy, that those who then ran the Risque of exciting even an Appeal to Heaven rather than a Submission to British tyranny, were well perswaded that the Prospect of such a Seperation would induce France to interpose, and do more than she has done if necessary. America with the Assistance of her faithful Ally has secured and establishd her Liberty & Independence. God be praisd! And some would think it too bold to assert, that France has thereby saved the Being of her great Importance.—But if it be true why may we not assert it? A punctual Fulfillment of Engagements solemnly enterd into by Treaty is the Justice, the Honor & Policy of Nations. If we, who have contracted Debts, were influenced only by Motives of sound Policy, we should pay them as soon as possible & provide sure & adequate Funds for the Payment of Interest in the mean time. When we have done this we shall have the Sense of Independence impressd on our Minds, no longer feeling that State of Inferiority which a wise King tells us the Borrower stands in to the Lender.
Your Negociation with Holland, as "my old Friend" observd, is all your own. The faithful Historian will do Justice to your Merits—Perhaps not till you are dead. I would have you reconcile yourself to this Thought. While you live you will probably be the Object of Envy. The leading Characters in this great Revolution will not be fairly marked in the present Age, It will be well if the leading Principles are rememberd long. You, I am sure, have not the Vanity, which Cicero betrayed, when he even urged his Friend Licinius to publish the History of the Detection of Cataline in his Life Time that he might enjoy it. I am far from thinking that Part of History redounds so much to the Honor of the Roman Consul, as the Treaty of Holland does to its American Negociator.
Decr 4th I intended to have committed the Care of the foregoing Letter to Mr Trumbull, but when he called on me I was confind to my Chamber by severe bodily Indisposition unable to attend even to the lightest Business. I am still kept at home, but hope soon to be abroad. Mr Jonn Jackson will deliver this to you if he meets you in London, otherwise he will convey it by some safe hand. When I shall be certain of your being appointed for London, I will write to you as often as I can. May Heaven bless you My Friend as I am
affectionately yours
1784
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.]
BOSTON Feb 4 1784
I had laid up in my mind many things to say to you, but an hours notice only of this opportunity and the hurry of business in the General Court now sitting prevents my communicating them to you at present. The Son of Mr Nathl Appleton will deliver to you this short epistle; written for the sake of recommending him to your notice. He is a young gentleman lately enterd into Business in the Commercial line. My Affection for a young fellow Citizen, and Regard for his Father an intimate friend & a Member of the old committee of Correspondence of this town are strong Inducements to me to take this method of availing the Son of your Advice & Patronage. I wrote to you the 4 Decr by Mr Jonathan Jackson & will write again by the next opportunity. Your Family was well a few Days ago. You will doubtless have heard, before this will reach you, of the Death of our good Friend Dr Cooper.
Adieu
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Feb 25 1784
When a Committee was appointed by the G C1 to correspond with the Delegates in Congress for this C W2 I proposd that the Correspondence shd be carried on in a liberal Manner; but it was apprehended that the Sentiments of the G C might be mistaken by the Come & the Delegates thereby misled & so the Idea was drop'd & nothing material was left for the Court to do but to forward such Letters or papers as shd be from time to time orderd by the Court. Had the Come pursued the first proposal, I could have had no Share in the Correspondence having been exceedingly sick the greatest part of the Time from June to January. This I hope will apologize for my not having written to you & my other Friends in Congress; which I mention because, not receiving your favors, I have been affraid you imputed my Omission to Neglect. In the September Session the Court thought fit to direct the Delegates officially to write to the Govr once a fortnight which of Course dissolved the Corresponding Come, & since that time no Letters from the Delegates have been laid before the G C.
Your Letter of Sept 11 directed to the Come was through mere forgetfulness omitted to be communicated in Season. This was attributed by some Persons of illiberal Minds & Party Spirit to an abominable Design to withhold from the Court the Sentiments of the Delegates respecting the Expediency of refusing to yield Supplys to the Continental Treasury till Justice should be done us with Regard to the Old money now in our publick Treasury & private hands. I could not help diverting my self with the Ebullitions of apparent Zeal for the publick Good on this Occasion, and upon its being said by a Gentn in Senate that it was the Subject of warm Conversation among the people without Doors I observed the Clamour wd undoubtedly subside on the Afternoon of the first Monday in April next. Your Letter has since been very prudently published by an unknown Person in Edes' Paper.
Inclosd is a Letter to your Self from Colo Scar Gridley. It seems he applied to this G C some time ago for Depretion of his pay while in the Service, upon which the Govr was requested to write to G W to make known to him the Rank held by Mr Gridley & . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .but the Letter has never been written. I advisd him to write you on the Subject, & hope you will excuse my giving you the Trouble. As you are now near the Place of Residence of General Washington, perhaps it may not be inconvenient to you to write to him, in doing which you will gratify & oblige Mr Gridley.
I shall esteem a Letter from you one of the greatest favors being your very affectionate Friend,
1 General Court.
2 Commonwealth.
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Lenox Library.]
BOSTON April 16 1784
I have not receivd a Letter from you of a later Date than the 10th of Septr last. Extracts of yours to D G of the same Date have been handed about, with a View, as I conceivd, of giving the Sanction of your Opinion to that of others respecting the Tories. It is often inconvenient, perhaps unsafe, to trust ones Confidential Letters to indiscrete, however honest, Friends. Detachd Parts of them being given out, they may be made to bear a different Construction from what was intended, and answer the Purpose of interrested & designing Men. When the Recommendations of Congress in Pursuance of the 5th Article of the Treaty were receivd here, they were treated with great Decency & very seriously considerd. They were construed differently by Men of Sense, who were above the Influence of old Prejudices or of Party or Family Connections. This Difference, I supposed, was owing to certain Ambiguities in the Treaty, which I afterwards found had been acknowledgd in a joynt Letter to Congress of the 18th July, in which it appeard that our Negociators had studiously avoided any Expressions in the Articles of the Treaty which shd amount to absolute Stipulations in Favor of the Tories. From the first Sight I had of the Articles, I have been of opinion that no such Construction could fairly be put upon them, but that it would finally lie with the several Legislatures of the States, how far it would be proper to show Lenity to them, and I was happy in being confirmd in this Opinion by an Expression in your joynt Letter to Congress Septr 10th—"it is much to be wishd that the Legislators may not involve all the Tories in Banishment and Ruin, but that such Discrimination may be made as to intitle the Decisions to the Approbation of disinterested Men and dispassionate Posterity." In this View I early inculcated Moderation and Liberality towards them, as far as could be consistent with that leading Principle of Nature which ought to govern Nations as it does Individuals, Self Preservation. I cannot think that all can be admitted consistently with the Safety of the Commonwealth. I gave you my Reasons in my Letter of Nov. 4th. Nor can I believe you intended to be understood universally in your private Letter above referrd to. Some of them would be useful & good Citizens; others, I believe highly dangerous. Our Act passed in the late Session of the General Court declares them all Aliens, and excludes those of them who in a former Act were called Conspirators from residing among us. It restores the Estates of others which have not been confiscated and refers their coming to reside within the Commonwealth in the first Instance to the Governor with Advice of Council. The Licenses he may give are to be valid if approvd of by the General Court at the Session next after such License shall be given. It is thought that this will be a difficult Task for the Governor & Council, but a constant Attention to the publick Safety without Respect to Persons will prevent Difficulties. "Much, says your joynt Letter, will depend upon our Negociations with England." The sooner a Commercial Treaty is settled with that Nation the better, as it appears to me. Our General Court, in the late Session, thought of making Retaliation on England for her prohibiting Importations from America into her West India Islands but in British Bottoms. They were sensible of the Difficulty in the Way of the United States coming into general Regulations of this Kind, & have written to their Delegates on the Subject. Should the States agree to give Congress a more extensive Power, it may yet be a great while before it is compleated; and Britain in the mean time seeing our Trade daily reverting to its old Channel, may think it needless and impolitick to enter into express Stipulations in favor of any Part of it while she promises her self the whole without them.
I am fully in the Sentiment expressd in your joynt Letter Sept 10th, that now we have regular & constitutional Governments, popular Committees and County Conventions are not only useless but dangerous. They served an excellent Purpose & were highly necessary when they were set up. I shall not repent the small Share I then took in them. But what think you of the District & State Conventions of the Cincinnati, & of the Cincinnati in Congress assembled? Do not these Assemblies convene expressly to deliberate & adopt Measures on great and National Concerns proper only for the Cognizance of the United States in Congress assembled, and the different Legislators & Officers of Government? And will they not, being an Order of Military Men, too soon proceed to enforce their Resolutions, not only to the lessening the Dignity of the States in the Eye of Europe, but the putting an End to their free Existence! The Order is very unpopular here. By the inclosd you will see the Sentiments of our Genl Court. The Governor of Sdeg. Carolina in a late Speech to his Assembly inveighs against them with the Vehemence of Luther.
Adieu
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Lenox Library.]
BOSTON April 17 1784
Several of my Fellow Citizens have desired me to mention to you certain Difficulties they labour under & to request that you would inform me whether it is probable they can obtain Reliefe, among whom are Dr Nath1 Noyes & Capt Saml Dashwood. Both of them I believe you knew. I inclose Mr Noyess Questions as he has stated them himself.—Capt Dashwoods Goods were taken from him by order of the Commanding officer of the British Troops when they left this Town in 1776. I need not trouble you to explain as I doubt not you well remember the Circumstances of these Matters. It will be hard for such Persons to pay the British Creditors for the same Goods which the British Nation took from them for its own necessary Use & if I mistake not with a Promise to compensate them, unless the Promise is complied with.
A few Lines on this Subject when you are at Leisure will very much oblige them as well as
Your Friend
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in J. T. Austin,Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 422-424.]
BOSTON April 19th 1784
Mr Higginson was so obliging as to show me your Letter to him dated the 4th of March. I was happy in having adopted an opinion of the Cincinnati so similar to what I found yours to be. I think I am as sensible as any Man ought to be of the important Services of our late Army, and am very desirous that their full Share of Merit may be gratefully acknowledgd & rewarded by the Country. This would have been done, (for the Prejudice of the People against the Gratuity of five years pay began to subside) had they not adopted a Plan so disgustfull to the Common Feeling. It appears wonderful that they could imagine a People who had freely spent their Blood & Treasure in Support of their equal rights & Liberties, could so soon be reconciled to the odious hereditary Distinction of Families. This Country must be humiliated & debased to a great Degree, before they will patiently bear to see Individuals stalking with their assumed honorary Badges, & proudly boasting "These are the Distinctions of our Blood." I cannot think that many of our Officers entertained such an Idea of haughty Pre-eminence; but the human Mind is so captivated with the Thought of being elevated above the ignoble Vulgar, that their Sons, if they should not themselves, when they perceive the Multitude grown giddy with gazing, may assume more than the mere Pageantry of Nobility. When Men begin to applaud themselves, they are not easily perswaded to believe they can take a greater Share of Honor than justly belongs to them. They will be pleasd with the Adulatory Addresses of other Men & flatter themselves that they are intitled to Power and Authority as well as the ostentatious Show of Superiority above their Equals. I confess I do not barely dislike the order. With you I think it dangerous & look upon it with the Eye of Jealousy. When the Pride of Family possesses the Minds of Men it is threatning to the Community in Proportion to the Good they have done. The unsuspecting People, when they are in a Mood to be grateful, will cry up the Virtues of their Benefactors & be ready to say, Surely those Men who have done such great things for us, will never think of setting up a Tyranny over us. Even Patriots & Heroes may become different Men when new & different Prospects shall have alterd their Feelings & Views; and the undiscerning People may too late repent that they have sufferd them to exalt themselves & their Family upon the Ruins of the Common Liberty. The Cincinnati are very unpopular here; you will wonder then that one of the Order has had a Majority of the Votes of this Town for a Senator for the County. I am affraid the Citizens are not so vigilant as they used and ought still to be. It was given out at the Moment of Election that he intended to withdraw himself from the Society. If he does, it may weaken their Influence—if not, he will probably destroy his own. You have doubtless seen the Sentiments of the General Court of the Order. The Reprobating Speech of the Governor of So Carolina has been publishd in our papers.
I had the Pleasure of receiving by the same Post your several Letters of the 15th, 20th and 24th Ulto. If I have a Seat in the General Court the ensuing year, (which is uncertain) I shall (tho very reluctantly) communicate your Intention to leave Congress, unless you will gratify the earnest Wishes of your Friends by altering your Determination. I assure you there is no Friend to our Country within my Circle who is not anxiously solicitous for your continuing there longer. I was in hopes when you was prevailed upon again to take a Seat you would have held it at least two years. Let me entreat you to release me from the obligation of complying with your Request.
I have written so much in Spite of my trembling hand, concerning the Cini, that I can at present only fulfill a Promise I gave our Navy officers, to inclose their Petition to Congress and to beg your Patronage of it. They appear to me to be injurd or at least neglected Men. It is certainly high time they should receive their Prize Money and Assurances of their Pay. I will write you by Mr Lowell (who sets off for Phila in a few Days & intends making you a Visit) or by the Post speedily. Mrs A desires her Complts
Adieu my Friend,
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with modifications is in J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 424-427.]
BOSTON April 23 1784
Mr Lowel thinks he shall not be able to make you a Visit at Annapolis as he intended, so I have not written by him. Is the Court of Appeals1 of which he is a Member to continue now the War is over? I should think it a needless Expence. If ever there should be Occasion for it, a new Court might at any time be constituted. I observe by the inclosd, that the Cincinnati in Congress assembled are to meet at Philadelphia on the 5th of May & that General Washington is to preside. That Gentleman has an idea of the Nature & Tendency of the Order very different from mine, otherwise I am certain he would never have given it his Sanction. I look upon it to be as rapid a Stride towards an hereditary Military Nobility as was ever made in so short a Time. My Fears may be ill grounded, but if they are not, it is impossible for me not to think it a very great Misfortune to these States that he is a Member; for the Reputation he has justly acquired by his Conduct while Commander in Chiefe of our Armies, and the Gratitude & warm Affection which his Countrymen do & ought to feel towards him will give Weight to any thing he patronizes, & Lustre to all who may be connected with him. It is a Tribute due to the Man who has servd his Country well, to esteem him highly & confide in him. We ought not however to think any Man incapable of Error. But so it is with the Bulk of Mankind & even in a free Country. They will reprobate the Idea of implicit Faith; and at the same time, while the Impression of Gratitude is deep in their Minds, they will not admit of a Benefactor, which must be said of every Man, "aliquando dormitat." I would never inculcate a mean & envious Suspicion of any Man especially of those who have renderd signal Services to their Country. But there is a Degree of Watchfulness over all Men possessd of Power or Influence upon which the Liberties of Mankind much depend. It is necessary to guard against the Infirmities of the best as well as the Wickedness of the worst of Men. Such is the Weakness of human Nature that Tyranny has oftener sprang from that than any other Source. It is this that unravels the Mystery of Millions being enslavd by a few. What was it that indued the Cincinnati Gentlemen who have undertaken to deliberate and act upon Matters which may essentially concern "the Happiness & future Dignity of the American Empire," to admit foreign Military Subjects into their Society? Was there not Danger before that a foreign Influence might prevail in America? Do not Foreigners wish to have Weight in our Councils? Can such a Junction of Subjects of different Nations (& those Nations widely different in their principles of Government) to Deliberate upon things which relate to the Union & national Honor, the Happiness & future Dignity of one consist with sound Policy? Are we sure that those foreign Nations will never have separate Views & very national & interrested ones too, because they once united in the same object & it was accidentally their mutual Interest to fight Side by Side? If the Cincinnati had a Right to erect themselves into an order for the national Purposes of their Institution, had they a Right to call in foreign Aid for those Purposes? It appears to me as impolitic, preposterous & dangerous as it would be for the United States to invite & admit a Delegation from that foreign Power into their Congress.
I take Notice that the Committee of Congress propose that the Govts of the ten new States to be formd shall be in Republican form & shall admit no Person to be a Citizen who holds any hereditary Title. I hope Congress will not fail to make this an indispensible Condition.
Your Letter of the 2d relating to Colo Gridleys Affair came to hand. I am obligd to you for the Care you have taken.
Believe me to be yr sincere & affectionate Friend,
1 Cf. J. F. Jameson, Essays in Constitutional History, pp. 32 et seq.
[MS., Ford Collection, Lenox Library; a draft is in the Samuel AdamsPapers, Lenox Library,]
BOSTON April 30th 1784
I was favord with your Letter of 24th March, but by a Multiplicity ofAffairs, which, as it happened I was at that Time engaged in, I wasprevented returning an Answer so speedily as you desired. For thisReason I afterwards thought an Answer would be of no Importance.Decency alone should, however, have induced me to have acknowledgd theFavor. I hope you will excuse the Omission.
Some time in the Month of September last, a Gentleman in Connecticutt requested me to give him my Opinion of a Subject, perhaps too much altercated in that State as well as this, The Commutation of half Pay granted by Congress to the Officers of the late Army for Life for full Pay during the Term of five years. I did not hesitate to say in Return, that in my Opinion Congress was, in the Nature of their Appointment, the sole Judge of the necessary Means of supporting the late Army raised for the Defence of our Common Rights against the Invasions of Great Britain; and if, upon their own deliberate Councils & the repeated Representations of the Commander in Chiefe of the Army, they judgd that the Grant of half Pay for Life was a Measure absolutely necessary for the Support of a disciplined Army for the Purpose before mentiond, they had an undoubted Right to make it; and as it was made in behalf of the United States by their Representative authorizd to do it, each State was bound in Justice & Honor to comply with it, even tho it should seem to any to have been an ill judgd Measure; because States & Individual Persons are equally bound to fulfill their Obligations, and it is given as Characteristick of an honest Man, that "though he sweareth (or promiseth) to his own hurt he changeth not." I moreover acquainted him, that although I was never pleasd with the Idea of half Pay for Life, for Reasons which appeard satisfactory to myself, some of which I freely explaind to him, yet I had always thought, that as the Opportunities of the Officers of the Army of acquiring moderate Fortunes or making such Provision for their Families as Men generally wish to make, were not equal to those of their Fellow Citizens at home, it would be but just & reasonable, that an adequate Compensation should be made to them at, or as soon as conveniently might be after, the End of the War; and that he might therefore conclude, that the Commutation, if it be an adequate Compensation had fully coincided with my Ideas of Justice & Policy.
Nothing was mentiond in his Letter to me, of the Nature or the Proceedings of County Conventions, & therefore I made no Observation upon them. I hope it will not be in the Power of any designing Men, by imposing upon credulous tho' well meaning Persons long to keep this Country, who may be happy if they will, long in a State of Discord & Animosity. We may see, from the present State of Great Britain, how rapidly such a Spirit will drive a Nation to destruction. It is prudent for the People to keep a watchful Eye over the Conduct of all those who are entrusted with Publick Affairs. Such Attention is the Peoples great Security.1 But there is Decency & Respect due to Constitutional Authority, and those Men, who under any Pretence or by any Means whatever, would lessen the Weight of Government lawfully exercised, must be Enemies to our happy Revolution & the Common Liberty. County Conventions & popular Committees servd an excellent Purpose when they were first in Practice. No one therefore needs to regret the Share he may then have had in them. But I candidly own it is my Opinion, with Deferrence to the Opinions of other Men, that as we now have constitutional & regular Governments and all our Men in Authority depend upon the annual & free Elections of the People, we are safe without them. To say the least, they are become useless. Bodies of Men, under any Denomination whatever, who convene themselves for the Purpose of deliberating upon & adopting Measures which are cognizable by Legislatures only will, if continued, bring Legislatures to Contempt & Dissolution. If the publick Affairs are illy conducted, if dishonest or incapable Men have crept unawares into Government, it is happy for us, that under our American Constitutions the Remedy is at hand, & in the Power of the great Body of the People. Due Circumspection & Wisdom at the next Elections will set all right, without the Aid of any self Created Conventions or Societies of Men whatever.2 While we retain those simple Democracies in all our Towns which are the Basis of our State Constitutions, and make a good Use of them, it appears to me we cannot be enslaved or materially injured. It must however be confessd, that Imperfection attends all human affairs.
I am
Sir
your very humble Servant
1 At this point the draft included the words: "for the wisest & best of Men are liable to Error & Misconduct."
2 At this point the draft included the words "The whole People will not probably mistake their own true Interests, nor err in their Judgment of the Men to whom they may safely commit the Care of them."
[MS, Adams Papers, Quincy]
BOSTON June 20 1784
The Hurry of the General Court which is now sitting prevents my writing a Letter at this Time.
Your amiable Lady who with her Daughter embarks this day will, I hope, deliver you this Note, which is only to express a fervent Wish that they may be favord in their Passage & shortly have a joyful Meeting with you.
It is a long time since I receivd a Letter from you.
Adieu—Believe me
Your affectionate friend
& humble servt
[MS., Adams Papers,1 Quincy.]
BOSTON 2d Decr 1784.
I received several of your Letters with Pleasure, particularly that of May, which I will answer at a Time of more Leisure. Captn Dashwood of this Town is going to London, to sollicit Payment of the British Crown, for Goods taken from him when the Troops left the Town, not as forfeited, but under the Apprehension that they would be of Use to our Army, & with an Express Promise that they should be paid for. It appears to me to be among the bona Fide Debts mention'd in the Treaty, and if there may be on the Part of the Crown itself a Failure of a Compliance with a positive stipulated Article, it will be difficult for the Governments in America to prevail with their Citizens to think it reasonable that they should pay the just Debts owing from them to British Subjects. Dashwood has my Promise to write to you again on the Subject & I must fulfill it. It is with reluctance that I give you this repeated Trouble, especially as I know you must be press'd with Affairs of greater National Importance. You are best able to say whether you can afford him Aid or not. I have ventured to assure him, that if it be in your Power consistantly to interpose your Influence, you will undoubtedly be disposd to do it. What aggravates the Misfortune of this Citizen if he should not obtain Justice in England is that his British Crediter now demands the Payment of his Debt with Interest, & tho' this Sum is very small in Comparison with the Value of the Goods taken from him, the Payment, as he says & I suppose truly, will compleatly ruin him.
your affectionate
1 Although the copy actually transmitted, no part of this letter is in the autograph of Adams except the subscription and signature.
[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society; a draft is in theSamuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in W. V. Wells, Life ofSamuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 214-217.]
BOSTON Decr 23 1784
I congratulate our Country on the Choice Congress has lately made of a President. He who fills that Chair is the most respected Citizen, and while he performs his Duty well, he adorns the most dignified Station in our Confederated Republick.
You observe in your Letter to me, that "at this Moment, Moderation,Wisdom, Firmness & Attention are the Principles proper for ourAdoption." I agree with you, and devoutly wish that every Man who has aShare in the Administration of publick Affairs may possess a largePortion of those & other great Qualities. They are in a particularManner necessary to him who presides in the important Councils of theAmerican Amphyction.
Congress has need to watch, lest the Commonwealth suffer Harm. I doubt not they will be assiduous in their Labours for the publick Wellfare; and I pray God they may be His honord Instruments in exalting to the highest Pitch of human Happiness that People, who have testified to the oppressed World, that by Patience, Fortitude & Perseverance the iron Rod can be wrested from the Arm of a Tyrant, and that all Nations may be free, if they will magnanimously contend for their Liberty.
By Gods Blessing on the Councils & the Arms of our Country, we are now rank'd with Nations. May He keep us from exulting beyond Measure! Great Pains are yet to be taken & much Wisdom is requisite that we may stand as a Nation in a respectable Character. Better it would have been for us to have fallen in our highly famed Struggle for our Rights, or even to have remaind in our ignoble State of Bondage hoping for better Times, than now to become a contemptible Nation. The World have given us an exalted Character, & thus have laid on us a heavy Tax! They have raised Expectations from us! HOW shall we meet those Expectations? They have attributed to us Wisdom! HOW shall we confirm them in their Opinion of us? Inexperiencd as we are in the Refinements of Nations, Can we expect to shine in the World as able Politicians? Shall we then be hacknied in the Path of Deception because some others famed for their Dexterity in Politicks have long trod that Path & thought they have gaind Advantage by it? Or, because it is said All Nations are selfinterested & that No Friendship in Treaties and National Transactions is almost as proverbial as No Friendship in Trade, shall we depart from that excellent Rule of Equity, the Observance of which should be characteristick of all Nations especially Republicks, as it is of all good Men, to do to others as we would have them do to us? Could we be indued thus to prostitute ourselves, HOW should we appear in the Eyes of the Virtuous & Wise? Should there be found a Citizen of the United States so unprincipled as to ask, What will become of us if we do not follow the corrupt Maxims of the World? I should tell him, that the Strength of a Republick is consolidated by its Virtues, & that Righteousness will exalt a Nation.
Was it true as some affirm, that the old World is absorbd in all kinds of Vice, unhumanizd & enslavd, it would indeed be a melancholly Subject to contemplate, and I should think that common Prudence would dictate to a Nation situated as we are, to have as little to do with them as possible. Such indiscriminate Censure, however, may spring from Ignorance of the World or unreasonable Prejudice. Nations as well as Individuals have different Characters. We should not forget the Friendship & Kindness of One because we have experiencd the Injustice & Cruelty of Another. But the Inconstancy of Friendship & even Infidelity has been seen often enough among Individuals to lead wise men to suppose it may happen in any Case & to exercise a kind of Circumspection, different from base Suspicion, consistent with the generous Sentiments of Friendship and, considering the Weakness of the human Mind, a necessary Guard.
Does not the true Policy, the Honor & Safety of our Country greatly depend upon a National Character consisting, among other Particulars, in Simplicity & Candor in all her Publick Transactions; shewing herself in reality friendly to those to whom she professes to be a Friend—A constant Regard to mutual Benefit in Commercial Treaties; suspecting the Honesty of those who will not deal with her on equitable Principles, & guarding her Trade against their selfish Designs by wise Commercial Laws—An exact & punctilious Fullfillment of Obligations on her Part to be performd by Virtue of all Treaties— and, An unalterable Determination to discharge her National Debts with all possible Speed.—If, my honord Friend, the leading Men in the United States would by Precept & Example disseminate thro' the lower Classes of People the Principles of Piety to God, Love to our Country & universal Benevolence, should we not secure the Favor of Heaven & the Honor & Esteem of the wise and virtuous Part of the World.
Great Britain, tho' she has concluded a Treaty of Peace with us, appears to be not a cordial Friend. She cannot forget her unparralled Injustice towards us & naturally supposes there can be no Forgiveness on our Part. She seems to have meant Nothing more than a Truce. A sensible Gentleman very lately from Canada informs me, that General Haldiman who is going to England, has orderd those Posts to be reinforcd, which by Treaty were to be deliverd to us. Encroachments are made, as I apprehend, on our Eastern Territories. Our Fishery may, under some frivolous Pretence be next interrupted. Should we not guard ourselves against British Intrigues & Factions. Her Emissaries, under the Guise of Merchants, Repenting Refugees, Schoolmasters, and other Characters, unless Care is taken, may effect another & fatal Revolution. The Commonwealth of England lasted twelve years, and then the exiled King was restored with all the Rage & Madness of Royalty!—A Caution to the Citizens of the United States zealously to counteract the Hopes our Enemies entertain of "Discord, Disunion, & Apathy on our Part," to watch over the publick Liberty & Safety with a jealous Eye, and to practice the moral and political Virtues upon which the very Existence of a Commonwealth depends.
Mrs. Adams desires me to present her respectful Compliments to you & your Connections. I am with great Esteem Your affectionate Friend
1785