TO MR. JAY.Paris, November 29, 1788.Sir,—In the hurry of making up my letter of the 19th inst., I omitted the enclosed printed paper, on the subject of whale oil. That omission is now supplied by another conveyance, by the way of London. The explanatoryArretis not yet come out. I still take for granted, it will pass, though there be an opposition to it in the Council. In the meantime, orders are given to receive our oils which may arrive. The apprehension of a want of corn, has induced them to turn their eyes to foreign supplies; and to show their preference of receiving them from us, they have passed the enclosedArret, giving a premium on wheat and flour from the United States, for a limited time. This, you will doubtless think proper to have translated and published. The Notables are still in session; the votes of the separatebureaux, have not yet been reduced to a joint act, in an assembly of the whole. I see no reason to suppose they will change the separate votes relative to the representation of the Tiers Etat, in the States General. In the meantime, the stream of public indignation, heretofore directed against the court, sets strongly against the Notables. It is not yet decided when the States will meet; but certainly they cannot till February or March. The Turks haveretired across the Danube. This movement indicates their going into winter quarters, and the severity of the weather must hasten it. The thermometer was yesterday at eight degrees of Fahrenheit, that is, twenty-four degrees below freezing; a degree of cold equal to that of the year 1740, which they count here among their coldest winters. This having continued many days, and being still likely to continue, and the wind from northeast, render it probable, that all enterprize must be suspended between the three great belligerent powers. Poland is likely to be thrown into great convulsions. The Empress of Russia has peremptorily demanded such aids from Poland as might engage in the war. The King of Prussia, on the other hand, threatens to march an army on their borders. The vote of the Polish confederacy for one hundred thousand men, was a coalition of the two parties, in that single act only. The party opposed to the King, have obtained a majority, and have voted that this army shall be independent of him. They are supported by Prussia, while the King depends on Russia. Authentic information from England, leaves not a doubt, that the King is lunatic; and that, instead of the effect, is the cause of the illness, under which he has been so near dying. I mention this, because the English newspapers, speaking by guess on that as they do on all other subjects, might mislead you as to his true situation; or rather, might mislead others, who know less than they do, that a thing is not rendered the more probable by being mentioned in those papers.I enclose those of Leyden to the present date with the gazettes of France, and have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
Paris, November 29, 1788.
Sir,—In the hurry of making up my letter of the 19th inst., I omitted the enclosed printed paper, on the subject of whale oil. That omission is now supplied by another conveyance, by the way of London. The explanatoryArretis not yet come out. I still take for granted, it will pass, though there be an opposition to it in the Council. In the meantime, orders are given to receive our oils which may arrive. The apprehension of a want of corn, has induced them to turn their eyes to foreign supplies; and to show their preference of receiving them from us, they have passed the enclosedArret, giving a premium on wheat and flour from the United States, for a limited time. This, you will doubtless think proper to have translated and published. The Notables are still in session; the votes of the separatebureaux, have not yet been reduced to a joint act, in an assembly of the whole. I see no reason to suppose they will change the separate votes relative to the representation of the Tiers Etat, in the States General. In the meantime, the stream of public indignation, heretofore directed against the court, sets strongly against the Notables. It is not yet decided when the States will meet; but certainly they cannot till February or March. The Turks haveretired across the Danube. This movement indicates their going into winter quarters, and the severity of the weather must hasten it. The thermometer was yesterday at eight degrees of Fahrenheit, that is, twenty-four degrees below freezing; a degree of cold equal to that of the year 1740, which they count here among their coldest winters. This having continued many days, and being still likely to continue, and the wind from northeast, render it probable, that all enterprize must be suspended between the three great belligerent powers. Poland is likely to be thrown into great convulsions. The Empress of Russia has peremptorily demanded such aids from Poland as might engage in the war. The King of Prussia, on the other hand, threatens to march an army on their borders. The vote of the Polish confederacy for one hundred thousand men, was a coalition of the two parties, in that single act only. The party opposed to the King, have obtained a majority, and have voted that this army shall be independent of him. They are supported by Prussia, while the King depends on Russia. Authentic information from England, leaves not a doubt, that the King is lunatic; and that, instead of the effect, is the cause of the illness, under which he has been so near dying. I mention this, because the English newspapers, speaking by guess on that as they do on all other subjects, might mislead you as to his true situation; or rather, might mislead others, who know less than they do, that a thing is not rendered the more probable by being mentioned in those papers.
I enclose those of Leyden to the present date with the gazettes of France, and have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.Paris, December 4, 1788.Sir,—Your favor of August the 31st came to hand yesterday; and a confidential conveyance offering, by the way of London, I avail myself of it, to acknowledge the receipt.I have seen, with infinite pleasure, our new Constitution accepted by eleven States, not rejected by the twelfth; and that the thirteenth happens to be a State of the least importance. It is true, that the minorities in most of the accepting States have been very respectable; so much so as to render it prudent, were it not otherwise reasonable, to make some sacrifice to them. I am in hopes, that the annexation of a bill of rights to the Constitution will alone draw over so great a proportion of the minorities as to leave little danger in the opposition of the residue; and that this annexation may be made by Congress and the Assemblies, without calling a convention, which might endanger the most valuable parts of the system. Calculation has convinced me that circumstances may arise, and probably will arise, wherein all the resources of taxation will be necessary for the safety of the State. For though I am decidedly of opinion we should take no part in European quarrels, but cultivate peace and commerce with all, yet who can avoid seeing the source of war, in the tyranny of those nations, who deprive us of the natural right of trading with our neighbors? The produce of the United States will soon exceed the European demand; what is to be done with the surplus, when there shall be one? It will be employed, without question, to open, by force, a market for itself, with those placed on the same continent with us, and who wish nothing better. Other causes, too, are obvious, which may involve us in war; and war requires every resource of taxation and credit. The power of making war often prevents it, and in our case would give efficacy to our desire of peace. If the new government wears the front which I hope it will, I see no impossibility in the availing ourselves of the wars of others, to open the other parts of America to our commerce, as the price of our neutrality.The campaign between the Turks and the two empires, has been clearly in favor of the former. The Emperor is secretly trying to bring about a peace. The alliance between England, Prussia, and Holland (and some suspect Sweden also), renders their mediation decisive wherever it is proposed. They seemedto interpose it so magisterially between Denmark and Sweden, that the former submitted to its dictates, and there was all reason to believe that the war in the north-western parts of Europe would be quieted. All of a sudden, a new flame bursts out in Poland. The King and his party are devoted to Russia. The opposition rely on the protection of Prussia. They have lately become the majority in the confederated diet, and have passed a vote for subjecting their army to a commission independent of the King, and propose a perpetual diet, in which case he will be a perpetual cipher. Russia declares against such a change in their constitution, and Prussia has put an army into readiness for marching, at a moment's warning, on the frontiers of Poland. These events are too recent to see, as yet, what turn they will take, or what effect they will have on the peace of Europe. So is that also of the lunacy of the King of England, which is a decided fact, notwithstanding all the stuff the English papers publish about his fevers, his deliriums, &c. The truth is, that the lunacy declared itself almost at once, and with as few concomitant complaints as usually attend the first development of that disorder. I suppose a regency will be established, and if it consists of a plurality of members, it will probably be peaceable. In this event, it will much favor the present wishes of this country, which are so decidedly for peace, that they refused to enter into the mediation between Sweden and Russia, lest it should commit them. As soon as the convocation of the States General was announced, a tranquillity took place through the whole kingdom; happily, no open rupture has taken place in any part of it. The parliaments were reinstated in their functions at the same time. This was all they desired; and they had called for the States General only through fear that the crown could not otherwise be forced to reinstate them. Their end obtained, they began to foresee danger to themselves in the States General. They began to lay the foundation for cavilling at the legality of that body, if its measures should be hostile to them. The court, to clear itself of the dispute, convened the Notables, who had acted with general approbation on the former occasion, and referredto them the forms of calling and organizing the States General. These Notables consist principally of Nobility and Clergy; the few of the Tiers Etat among them being either parliament men, or other privileged persons. The court wished that, in the future States General, the members of the Tiers Etat should equal those of both the other orders, and that they should form but one House, all together, and vote by persons, not by orders. But the Notables, in the true spirit of Priests and Nobles, combining together against the people, have voted, by fivebureauxout of six, that the people, or Tiers Etat, shall have no greater number of deputies than each of the other orders separately, and that they shall vote by orders: so that two orders concurring in a vote, the third will be overruled; for it is not here as in England, where each of the three branches has a negative on the other two. If this project of theirs succeeds, a combination between the two Houses of Clergy and Nobles, will render the representation of the Tiers Etat merely nugatory. Thebureauxare to assemble together, to consolidate their separate votes; but I see no reasonable hope of their changing this. Perhaps the King, knowing that he may count on the support of the nation, and attach it more closely to him, may take on himself to disregard the opinion of the Notables in this instance, and may call an equal representation of the people, in which, precedents will support him. In every event, I think the present disquiet will end well. The nation has been awaked by our Revolution, they feel their strength, they are enlightened, their lights are spreading, and they will not retrograde. The first States General may establish three important points, without opposition from the court: 1, their own periodical convocation; 2, their exclusive right of taxation (which has been confessed by the King); 3, the right of registering laws, and of previously proposing amendments to them, as the parliaments have, by usurpation, been in the habit of doing. The court will consent to this, from its hatred to the parliaments, and from the desire of having to do with one, rather than many legislatures. If the States are prudent, they will not aim at more than this at first, lest theyshould shock the dispositions of the court, and even alarm the public mind, which must be left to open itself by degrees to successive improvements. These will follow, from the nature of things; how far they can proceed, in the end, towards a thorough reformation of abuse, cannot be foreseen. In my opinion, a kind of influence which none of their plans of reform take into account, will elude them all; I mean the influence of women, in the government. The manners of the nation allow them to visit, alone, all persons in office, to solicit the affairs of the husband, family, or friends, and their solicitations bid defiance to laws and regulations. This obstacle may seem less to those who, like our countrymen, are in the precious habit of considering right, as a barrier against all solicitation. Nor can such an one, without the evidence of his own eyes, believe in the desperate state to which things are reduced in this country from the omnipotence of an influence which, fortunately for the happiness of the sex itself, does not endeavor to extend itself in our country beyond the domestic line.Your communications to the Count de Moustier, whatever they may have been, cannot have done injury to my endeavors here, to open the West Indies to us. On this head, the ministers are invincibly mute, though I have often tried to draw them into the subject. I have, therefore, found it necessary to let it lie, till war, or other circumstances, may force it on. Whenever they are in war with England, they must open the islands to us, and perhaps, during that war, they may see some price which might make them agree to keep them always open. In the meantime, I have laid my shoulder to the opening the markets of this country to our produce, and rendering its transportation a nursery for our seamen. A maritime force is the only one, by which we can act on Europe. Our navigation law (if it be wise to have any) should be the reverse of that of England. Instead of confiningimportationsto home-bottoms, or those of theproducingnation, I think we should confineexportationsto home-bottoms, or to those of nationshaving treaties with us. Our exportations are heavy, and would nourish a great force of our own, or be atempting price to the nation to whom we should offer a participation of it, in exchange for free access to all their possessions. This is an object to which our government alone is adequate, in the gross; but I have ventured to pursue it here, so far as the consumption of our productions by this country extends. Thus, in our arrangements relative to tobacco, none can be received here, but in French or American bottoms. This is employment for near two thousand seamen, and puts nearly that number of British out of employ. By theArretof December, 1787, it was provided, that our whale oils should not be received here, but in French or American bottoms; and by later regulations, all oils, but those of France and America, are excluded. This will put one hundred English whale vessels immediately out of employ, and one hundred and fifty ere long; and call so many of French and American into service. We have had six thousand seamen formerly in this business, the whole of whom we have been likely to lose. The consumption of rice is growing fast in this country, and that of Carolina gaining ground on every other kind. I am of opinion, the whole of the Carolina rice can be consumed here. Its transportation employs two thousand five hundred sailors, almost all of them English at present; the rice being deposited at Cowes, and brought from thence here. It would be dangerous to confine this transportation to French and American bottoms, the ensuing year, because they will be much engrossed by the transportation of wheat and flour hither, and the crop of rice might lie on hand for want of vessels; but I see no objections to the extensions of our principle to this article also, beginning with the year 1790. However, before there is a necessity of deciding on this, I hope to be able to consult our new government in person, as I have asked of Congress a leave of absence for six months, that is to say, from April to November next. It is necessary for me to pay a short visit to my native country, first, to reconduct my family thither, and place them in the hands of their friends, and secondly, to place my private affairs under certain arrangements. When I left my own house, I expected to be absent but five months, and I have been led by events to anabsence of five years. I shall hope, therefore, for the pleasure of personal conferences with your Excellency, on the subject of this letter, and others interesting to our country; of getting my own ideas set to rights by a communication of yours, and of taking again the tone of sentiment of my own country, which we lose, in some degree, after a certain absence. You know, doubtless, of the death of the Marquis de Chastellux. The Marquis de La Fayette is out of favor with the court, but high in favor with the nation. I once feared for his personal liberty, but I hope he is on safe ground at present.On the subject of the whale fishery, I enclose you some observations I drew up for the ministry here, in order to obtain a correction of theirArretof September last, whereby they had involved our oils with the English, in a general exclusion from their ports. They will accordingly correct this, so that our oils will participate with theirs, in the monopoly of their markets. There are several things incidentally introduced, which do not seem pertinent to the general question; they were rendered necessary by particular circumstances, the explanation of which, would add to a letter already too long. I will trespass no further, than to assure you of the sentiments of sincere attachment and respect with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient humble servant.P. S. The observations enclosed, though printed, have been put into confidential hands only.
Paris, December 4, 1788.
Sir,—Your favor of August the 31st came to hand yesterday; and a confidential conveyance offering, by the way of London, I avail myself of it, to acknowledge the receipt.
I have seen, with infinite pleasure, our new Constitution accepted by eleven States, not rejected by the twelfth; and that the thirteenth happens to be a State of the least importance. It is true, that the minorities in most of the accepting States have been very respectable; so much so as to render it prudent, were it not otherwise reasonable, to make some sacrifice to them. I am in hopes, that the annexation of a bill of rights to the Constitution will alone draw over so great a proportion of the minorities as to leave little danger in the opposition of the residue; and that this annexation may be made by Congress and the Assemblies, without calling a convention, which might endanger the most valuable parts of the system. Calculation has convinced me that circumstances may arise, and probably will arise, wherein all the resources of taxation will be necessary for the safety of the State. For though I am decidedly of opinion we should take no part in European quarrels, but cultivate peace and commerce with all, yet who can avoid seeing the source of war, in the tyranny of those nations, who deprive us of the natural right of trading with our neighbors? The produce of the United States will soon exceed the European demand; what is to be done with the surplus, when there shall be one? It will be employed, without question, to open, by force, a market for itself, with those placed on the same continent with us, and who wish nothing better. Other causes, too, are obvious, which may involve us in war; and war requires every resource of taxation and credit. The power of making war often prevents it, and in our case would give efficacy to our desire of peace. If the new government wears the front which I hope it will, I see no impossibility in the availing ourselves of the wars of others, to open the other parts of America to our commerce, as the price of our neutrality.
The campaign between the Turks and the two empires, has been clearly in favor of the former. The Emperor is secretly trying to bring about a peace. The alliance between England, Prussia, and Holland (and some suspect Sweden also), renders their mediation decisive wherever it is proposed. They seemedto interpose it so magisterially between Denmark and Sweden, that the former submitted to its dictates, and there was all reason to believe that the war in the north-western parts of Europe would be quieted. All of a sudden, a new flame bursts out in Poland. The King and his party are devoted to Russia. The opposition rely on the protection of Prussia. They have lately become the majority in the confederated diet, and have passed a vote for subjecting their army to a commission independent of the King, and propose a perpetual diet, in which case he will be a perpetual cipher. Russia declares against such a change in their constitution, and Prussia has put an army into readiness for marching, at a moment's warning, on the frontiers of Poland. These events are too recent to see, as yet, what turn they will take, or what effect they will have on the peace of Europe. So is that also of the lunacy of the King of England, which is a decided fact, notwithstanding all the stuff the English papers publish about his fevers, his deliriums, &c. The truth is, that the lunacy declared itself almost at once, and with as few concomitant complaints as usually attend the first development of that disorder. I suppose a regency will be established, and if it consists of a plurality of members, it will probably be peaceable. In this event, it will much favor the present wishes of this country, which are so decidedly for peace, that they refused to enter into the mediation between Sweden and Russia, lest it should commit them. As soon as the convocation of the States General was announced, a tranquillity took place through the whole kingdom; happily, no open rupture has taken place in any part of it. The parliaments were reinstated in their functions at the same time. This was all they desired; and they had called for the States General only through fear that the crown could not otherwise be forced to reinstate them. Their end obtained, they began to foresee danger to themselves in the States General. They began to lay the foundation for cavilling at the legality of that body, if its measures should be hostile to them. The court, to clear itself of the dispute, convened the Notables, who had acted with general approbation on the former occasion, and referredto them the forms of calling and organizing the States General. These Notables consist principally of Nobility and Clergy; the few of the Tiers Etat among them being either parliament men, or other privileged persons. The court wished that, in the future States General, the members of the Tiers Etat should equal those of both the other orders, and that they should form but one House, all together, and vote by persons, not by orders. But the Notables, in the true spirit of Priests and Nobles, combining together against the people, have voted, by fivebureauxout of six, that the people, or Tiers Etat, shall have no greater number of deputies than each of the other orders separately, and that they shall vote by orders: so that two orders concurring in a vote, the third will be overruled; for it is not here as in England, where each of the three branches has a negative on the other two. If this project of theirs succeeds, a combination between the two Houses of Clergy and Nobles, will render the representation of the Tiers Etat merely nugatory. Thebureauxare to assemble together, to consolidate their separate votes; but I see no reasonable hope of their changing this. Perhaps the King, knowing that he may count on the support of the nation, and attach it more closely to him, may take on himself to disregard the opinion of the Notables in this instance, and may call an equal representation of the people, in which, precedents will support him. In every event, I think the present disquiet will end well. The nation has been awaked by our Revolution, they feel their strength, they are enlightened, their lights are spreading, and they will not retrograde. The first States General may establish three important points, without opposition from the court: 1, their own periodical convocation; 2, their exclusive right of taxation (which has been confessed by the King); 3, the right of registering laws, and of previously proposing amendments to them, as the parliaments have, by usurpation, been in the habit of doing. The court will consent to this, from its hatred to the parliaments, and from the desire of having to do with one, rather than many legislatures. If the States are prudent, they will not aim at more than this at first, lest theyshould shock the dispositions of the court, and even alarm the public mind, which must be left to open itself by degrees to successive improvements. These will follow, from the nature of things; how far they can proceed, in the end, towards a thorough reformation of abuse, cannot be foreseen. In my opinion, a kind of influence which none of their plans of reform take into account, will elude them all; I mean the influence of women, in the government. The manners of the nation allow them to visit, alone, all persons in office, to solicit the affairs of the husband, family, or friends, and their solicitations bid defiance to laws and regulations. This obstacle may seem less to those who, like our countrymen, are in the precious habit of considering right, as a barrier against all solicitation. Nor can such an one, without the evidence of his own eyes, believe in the desperate state to which things are reduced in this country from the omnipotence of an influence which, fortunately for the happiness of the sex itself, does not endeavor to extend itself in our country beyond the domestic line.
Your communications to the Count de Moustier, whatever they may have been, cannot have done injury to my endeavors here, to open the West Indies to us. On this head, the ministers are invincibly mute, though I have often tried to draw them into the subject. I have, therefore, found it necessary to let it lie, till war, or other circumstances, may force it on. Whenever they are in war with England, they must open the islands to us, and perhaps, during that war, they may see some price which might make them agree to keep them always open. In the meantime, I have laid my shoulder to the opening the markets of this country to our produce, and rendering its transportation a nursery for our seamen. A maritime force is the only one, by which we can act on Europe. Our navigation law (if it be wise to have any) should be the reverse of that of England. Instead of confiningimportationsto home-bottoms, or those of theproducingnation, I think we should confineexportationsto home-bottoms, or to those of nationshaving treaties with us. Our exportations are heavy, and would nourish a great force of our own, or be atempting price to the nation to whom we should offer a participation of it, in exchange for free access to all their possessions. This is an object to which our government alone is adequate, in the gross; but I have ventured to pursue it here, so far as the consumption of our productions by this country extends. Thus, in our arrangements relative to tobacco, none can be received here, but in French or American bottoms. This is employment for near two thousand seamen, and puts nearly that number of British out of employ. By theArretof December, 1787, it was provided, that our whale oils should not be received here, but in French or American bottoms; and by later regulations, all oils, but those of France and America, are excluded. This will put one hundred English whale vessels immediately out of employ, and one hundred and fifty ere long; and call so many of French and American into service. We have had six thousand seamen formerly in this business, the whole of whom we have been likely to lose. The consumption of rice is growing fast in this country, and that of Carolina gaining ground on every other kind. I am of opinion, the whole of the Carolina rice can be consumed here. Its transportation employs two thousand five hundred sailors, almost all of them English at present; the rice being deposited at Cowes, and brought from thence here. It would be dangerous to confine this transportation to French and American bottoms, the ensuing year, because they will be much engrossed by the transportation of wheat and flour hither, and the crop of rice might lie on hand for want of vessels; but I see no objections to the extensions of our principle to this article also, beginning with the year 1790. However, before there is a necessity of deciding on this, I hope to be able to consult our new government in person, as I have asked of Congress a leave of absence for six months, that is to say, from April to November next. It is necessary for me to pay a short visit to my native country, first, to reconduct my family thither, and place them in the hands of their friends, and secondly, to place my private affairs under certain arrangements. When I left my own house, I expected to be absent but five months, and I have been led by events to anabsence of five years. I shall hope, therefore, for the pleasure of personal conferences with your Excellency, on the subject of this letter, and others interesting to our country; of getting my own ideas set to rights by a communication of yours, and of taking again the tone of sentiment of my own country, which we lose, in some degree, after a certain absence. You know, doubtless, of the death of the Marquis de Chastellux. The Marquis de La Fayette is out of favor with the court, but high in favor with the nation. I once feared for his personal liberty, but I hope he is on safe ground at present.
On the subject of the whale fishery, I enclose you some observations I drew up for the ministry here, in order to obtain a correction of theirArretof September last, whereby they had involved our oils with the English, in a general exclusion from their ports. They will accordingly correct this, so that our oils will participate with theirs, in the monopoly of their markets. There are several things incidentally introduced, which do not seem pertinent to the general question; they were rendered necessary by particular circumstances, the explanation of which, would add to a letter already too long. I will trespass no further, than to assure you of the sentiments of sincere attachment and respect with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient humble servant.
P. S. The observations enclosed, though printed, have been put into confidential hands only.
TO JOHN ADAMS.Paris, December 5, 1788.Dear Sir,—I had the pleasure of writing to you on the 2d of August, and of adding a postscript of August the 6th.* * * * * * * * *You recollect well theArretof December the 29th, 1787, in favor of our commerce, and which, among other things, gave freeadmission to our whale oil, under a duty of about two louis a ton. In consequence of the English treaty, their oils flowed in, and overstocked the market. The light duty they were liable to under the treaty, still lessened by false estimates and aided by the high premiums of the British government, enabled them to undersell the French and American oils. This produced an outcry of the Dunkirk fishery. It was proposed to exclude all European oils, which would not infringe the British treaty. I could not but encourage this idea, because it would give to the French and American fisheries a monopoly of the French market. TheArretwas so drawn up; but, in the very moment of passing it, they struck out the wordEuropean, so that our oils became involved. This, I believe, was the effect of a single person in the ministry. As soon as it was known to me, I wrote to Monsieur de Montmorin, and had conferences with him and the other ministers. I found it necessary to give them information on the subject of the whale fishery, of which they knew little but from the partial information of their Dunkirk adventurers. I therefore wrote the observations (of which I enclose you a printed copy), had them printed to entice them to read them, and particularly developed the expense at which they are carrying on that fishery, and at which they must continue it, if they do continue it. This part was more particularly intended for Mr. Neckar, who was quite a stranger to the subject, who has principles of economy, and will enter into calculations. Other subjects are incidentally introduced; though little connected with the main question, they had been called for by other circumstances. An immediate order was given for the present admission of our oils, till they could form anArret; and, at a conference, the draught of anArretwas communicated to me, which re-established that of December 29th. They expressed fears, that, under cover of our name, the Nova Scotia oils would be introduced; and a blank was left in the draught, for the means of preventing that. They have since proposed, that the certificate of their consul shall accompany the oils, to authorize their admission, and this is what they will probably adopt. It was observed, that if our States would prohibitall foreign oils from being imported into them, it would be a great safeguard, and an encouragement to them to continue the admission. Still there remains an expression in theArret, that it is provisory only. However, we must be contented with it as it is, my hope being, that the legislature will be transferred to the National Assembly, in whose hands it will be more stable, and with whom it will be more difficult to obtain a repeal, should the ministry hereafter desire it. If they could succeed in drawing over as many of our Nantucket men as would supply their demands of oil, we might then fear an exclusion; but the presentArret, as soon as it shall be passed, will, I hope, place us in safety till that event, and that event may never happen. I have entered into all these details, that you may be enabled to quiet the alarm which must have been raised by theArretof September the 28th, and assure the adventurers that they may pursue their enterprises as safely as if that had never been passed, and more profitably, because we participate now of a monopolized, instead of an open market. The enclosed observations, though printed, have only been given to the ministers, and one or two other confidential persons. You will see that they contain matter which should be kept from the English, and will, therefore, trust them to the perusal only of such persons as you can confide in. We are greatly indebted to the Marquis de La Fayette for his aid on this, as on every other occasion. He has paid the closest attention to it, and combated for us, with the zeal of a native.The necessity of reconducting my family to America, and of placing my affairs there under permanent arrangements, has obliged me to ask of Congress a six months' absence, to wit, from April to November next. I hope, therefore, to have the pleasure of seeing you there, and particularly, that it will be at New York that I shall find you. Be so good as to present my sincere esteem to Mrs. Adams, and believe me to be, with very affectionate attachment, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
Paris, December 5, 1788.
Dear Sir,—I had the pleasure of writing to you on the 2d of August, and of adding a postscript of August the 6th.
* * * * * * * * *
You recollect well theArretof December the 29th, 1787, in favor of our commerce, and which, among other things, gave freeadmission to our whale oil, under a duty of about two louis a ton. In consequence of the English treaty, their oils flowed in, and overstocked the market. The light duty they were liable to under the treaty, still lessened by false estimates and aided by the high premiums of the British government, enabled them to undersell the French and American oils. This produced an outcry of the Dunkirk fishery. It was proposed to exclude all European oils, which would not infringe the British treaty. I could not but encourage this idea, because it would give to the French and American fisheries a monopoly of the French market. TheArretwas so drawn up; but, in the very moment of passing it, they struck out the wordEuropean, so that our oils became involved. This, I believe, was the effect of a single person in the ministry. As soon as it was known to me, I wrote to Monsieur de Montmorin, and had conferences with him and the other ministers. I found it necessary to give them information on the subject of the whale fishery, of which they knew little but from the partial information of their Dunkirk adventurers. I therefore wrote the observations (of which I enclose you a printed copy), had them printed to entice them to read them, and particularly developed the expense at which they are carrying on that fishery, and at which they must continue it, if they do continue it. This part was more particularly intended for Mr. Neckar, who was quite a stranger to the subject, who has principles of economy, and will enter into calculations. Other subjects are incidentally introduced; though little connected with the main question, they had been called for by other circumstances. An immediate order was given for the present admission of our oils, till they could form anArret; and, at a conference, the draught of anArretwas communicated to me, which re-established that of December 29th. They expressed fears, that, under cover of our name, the Nova Scotia oils would be introduced; and a blank was left in the draught, for the means of preventing that. They have since proposed, that the certificate of their consul shall accompany the oils, to authorize their admission, and this is what they will probably adopt. It was observed, that if our States would prohibitall foreign oils from being imported into them, it would be a great safeguard, and an encouragement to them to continue the admission. Still there remains an expression in theArret, that it is provisory only. However, we must be contented with it as it is, my hope being, that the legislature will be transferred to the National Assembly, in whose hands it will be more stable, and with whom it will be more difficult to obtain a repeal, should the ministry hereafter desire it. If they could succeed in drawing over as many of our Nantucket men as would supply their demands of oil, we might then fear an exclusion; but the presentArret, as soon as it shall be passed, will, I hope, place us in safety till that event, and that event may never happen. I have entered into all these details, that you may be enabled to quiet the alarm which must have been raised by theArretof September the 28th, and assure the adventurers that they may pursue their enterprises as safely as if that had never been passed, and more profitably, because we participate now of a monopolized, instead of an open market. The enclosed observations, though printed, have only been given to the ministers, and one or two other confidential persons. You will see that they contain matter which should be kept from the English, and will, therefore, trust them to the perusal only of such persons as you can confide in. We are greatly indebted to the Marquis de La Fayette for his aid on this, as on every other occasion. He has paid the closest attention to it, and combated for us, with the zeal of a native.
The necessity of reconducting my family to America, and of placing my affairs there under permanent arrangements, has obliged me to ask of Congress a six months' absence, to wit, from April to November next. I hope, therefore, to have the pleasure of seeing you there, and particularly, that it will be at New York that I shall find you. Be so good as to present my sincere esteem to Mrs. Adams, and believe me to be, with very affectionate attachment, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MR. SHORT.Paris, December 8, 1788.Dear Sir,—My last to you was of the 21st of November, addressed to Milan,poste restante, according to the desire expressed through Mrs. Paradise. I have lately received yours of the 19th of November, and sincerely felicitate you on your recovery. I wish you may have suffered this to be sufficiently established before you set out on your journey. The present letter will probably reach you amidst the classical enjoyments of Rome. I feel myself kindle at the reflection, to make that journey; but circumstances will oblige me to postpone it, at least. We are here under a most extraordinary degree of cold. The thermometer has been ten degrees of Reaumur below freezing; this is eight degrees of Fahrenheit above zero, and was the degree of cold here in the year 1740. The long continuance of this severity, and the snow now on the ground, give physical prognostications of a hard winter. You will be in a privileged climate, and will have had an enviable escape from this. The Notables are not yet separated, nor is their treasonable vote against the people yet consolidated; but it will be. The parliament have taken up the subject, and passed a very laudable vote in opposition. They have made it the occasion of giving sketches of what should be a bill of rights. Perhaps this opposition of authority may give the court an option between the two. Stocks are rising slowly, but steadily. The loan of 1784, is at thirteen loss; thecaisse d'escompte, four thousand and seventy-five. The Count de Bryenne has retired, and M. de Puy-segur succeeded to his place. Madame de Chambonois (sister of M. de Langear) is dead of the small-pox. Pio is likely to receive a good appointment in his own country, which will take him from us. Corn is likely to become extremely scarce in France, Spain and England. This country has offered a premium of forty sous the quintal on flour of the United States, and thirty sous the quintal on our wheat, to be brought here between February and June.General Washington writes me that industry and economybegin to take place of that idleness and extravagance which had succeeded to the close of the war. The Potomac canal is in great forwardness. J. M. writes me word that Mr. Jay and General Knox are talked of in the middle States for Vice Presidents, but he queries whether both will not prefer their present berths. It seems agreed that some amendments will be made to the new Constitution. All are willing to add a bill of rights; but they fear the power of internal taxation will be abridged. The friends of the new government will oppose the method of amendment by a federal convention, which would subject the whole instrument to change, and they will support the other method, which admits Congress, by a vote of two-thirds, to submit specific changes to the Assemblies, three-fourths of whom must concur to establish them.The enclosed letter is from Pallegrino, one of the Italian laborers established in our neighborhood. I fancy it contains one for his father. I have supposed it would not be unpleasant to you to have the delivery of it, as it may give you a good opportunity of conferring with one of that class as much as you please. I obey at the same time my own wishes to oblige the writer. Mazzei is at this time ill, but not in danger. I am impatient to receive further letters from you, which may assure me of the solidity of your recovery, being with great anxiety for your health and happiness, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
Paris, December 8, 1788.
Dear Sir,—My last to you was of the 21st of November, addressed to Milan,poste restante, according to the desire expressed through Mrs. Paradise. I have lately received yours of the 19th of November, and sincerely felicitate you on your recovery. I wish you may have suffered this to be sufficiently established before you set out on your journey. The present letter will probably reach you amidst the classical enjoyments of Rome. I feel myself kindle at the reflection, to make that journey; but circumstances will oblige me to postpone it, at least. We are here under a most extraordinary degree of cold. The thermometer has been ten degrees of Reaumur below freezing; this is eight degrees of Fahrenheit above zero, and was the degree of cold here in the year 1740. The long continuance of this severity, and the snow now on the ground, give physical prognostications of a hard winter. You will be in a privileged climate, and will have had an enviable escape from this. The Notables are not yet separated, nor is their treasonable vote against the people yet consolidated; but it will be. The parliament have taken up the subject, and passed a very laudable vote in opposition. They have made it the occasion of giving sketches of what should be a bill of rights. Perhaps this opposition of authority may give the court an option between the two. Stocks are rising slowly, but steadily. The loan of 1784, is at thirteen loss; thecaisse d'escompte, four thousand and seventy-five. The Count de Bryenne has retired, and M. de Puy-segur succeeded to his place. Madame de Chambonois (sister of M. de Langear) is dead of the small-pox. Pio is likely to receive a good appointment in his own country, which will take him from us. Corn is likely to become extremely scarce in France, Spain and England. This country has offered a premium of forty sous the quintal on flour of the United States, and thirty sous the quintal on our wheat, to be brought here between February and June.
General Washington writes me that industry and economybegin to take place of that idleness and extravagance which had succeeded to the close of the war. The Potomac canal is in great forwardness. J. M. writes me word that Mr. Jay and General Knox are talked of in the middle States for Vice Presidents, but he queries whether both will not prefer their present berths. It seems agreed that some amendments will be made to the new Constitution. All are willing to add a bill of rights; but they fear the power of internal taxation will be abridged. The friends of the new government will oppose the method of amendment by a federal convention, which would subject the whole instrument to change, and they will support the other method, which admits Congress, by a vote of two-thirds, to submit specific changes to the Assemblies, three-fourths of whom must concur to establish them.
The enclosed letter is from Pallegrino, one of the Italian laborers established in our neighborhood. I fancy it contains one for his father. I have supposed it would not be unpleasant to you to have the delivery of it, as it may give you a good opportunity of conferring with one of that class as much as you please. I obey at the same time my own wishes to oblige the writer. Mazzei is at this time ill, but not in danger. I am impatient to receive further letters from you, which may assure me of the solidity of your recovery, being with great anxiety for your health and happiness, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
[The annexed is here inserted in the Author's MS. To whom addressed, does not appear.]The Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States of America, finds himself under the necessity of declining to authenticate writings destined to be sent to the United States, for this main reason, that such authentication is not legal evidence there. After a reason so sufficient, it seems superfluous to add, that, were his authentication admissible in the courts of the UnitedStates, he could never give it to any seal or signature, which had not been put in his presence; that he could never certify a copy, unless both that and the original were in a hand-writing legible to him, and had been compared together by him, word by word: that so numerous are the writings presented, that their authentication alone, would occupy the greater part of his time, and withdrawing him from his proper duties, would change the nature of his office to that of a Notary. He observes to those who do him the honor of addressing themselves to him on this subject, that the laws for the authentication of foreign writings, are not the same through all the United States, some requiring an authentication under the seal of the Prevoté of a city, and others admitting that of a Notary; but that writings authenticated in both these manners, will, under the one or the other, be admitted in most, if not all, of the United States. It would seem advisable, then, to furnish them with this double authentication.
The Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States of America, finds himself under the necessity of declining to authenticate writings destined to be sent to the United States, for this main reason, that such authentication is not legal evidence there. After a reason so sufficient, it seems superfluous to add, that, were his authentication admissible in the courts of the UnitedStates, he could never give it to any seal or signature, which had not been put in his presence; that he could never certify a copy, unless both that and the original were in a hand-writing legible to him, and had been compared together by him, word by word: that so numerous are the writings presented, that their authentication alone, would occupy the greater part of his time, and withdrawing him from his proper duties, would change the nature of his office to that of a Notary. He observes to those who do him the honor of addressing themselves to him on this subject, that the laws for the authentication of foreign writings, are not the same through all the United States, some requiring an authentication under the seal of the Prevoté of a city, and others admitting that of a Notary; but that writings authenticated in both these manners, will, under the one or the other, be admitted in most, if not all, of the United States. It would seem advisable, then, to furnish them with this double authentication.
TO DOCTOR CURRIE.Paris, December 20, 1788.Dear Doctor,—"Procrastination is the thief of time," so says Young, and so I find it. It is the only apology, and it is the true one for my having been so long without writing to you. In the meantime I shall overtake the present epistle if it be as long getting to you as my letters are sometimes coming to me from America. I have asked of Congress a leave of five or six months' absence this year to carry my family back to America, and hope to obtain it in time to sail in April from Havre for James river directly. In this case I shall have the pleasure of seeing you at Richmond and Eppington a few days. This country is seriously meditating the establishment of a constitution, and the distress of the court for money with the real good intentions of the King, will produce their concurrence in it. All the world is occupied at present in framing, every one his own plan, of a bill of rights. The StatesGeneral will meet probably in March, (the day not being yet known.) They will probably establish their own periodical meetings, their right to participate of the legislation, their sole right to tax. So far the court will not oppose. Some will endeavor to procure, at the same time, a habeas corpus law and free press. I doubt if the latter can be obtained yet, and as for the former, I hardly think the nation itself ripe to accept it. Though they see the evil oflettres de cachet, they believe they do more good on the whole. They will think better in time. The right of taxation includes the idea of fixing a civil list for the King, and of equalizing the taxes on the clergy and nobility as well as the commons. The two former orders do not pay one-third of the proportionad valorum, which the last pay. This will be a great addition to their revenue. While engaged so much internally, you may be assured they wish for external peace. The insanity of the King of England will much befriend their desires in this respect. Regencies are generally peaceable. The war in the north appeared at one time likely to be quieted, but new dissensions in Poland threaten to embroil Russia and Prussia. In this case Prussia will previously make her peace with the Turks by ceding the Crimea to them. So much for political news. In the literary way we are like, after a very long dearth of good publications, to have something worth reading. The works of the late King of Prussia in sixteen volumes 8vo, appear now. They contain new and curious historical matter. A work on Grecian Antiquities, by the Abbé Barthelemi, of great classical learning, the produce of twenty years' labor, is now in the press, about eight volumes 8vo. A single small volume on government, by the Marquis de Condorcet, is struggling to get abroad in spite of the prohibition it is under. You have heard of the new chemical nomenclature endeavored to be introduced by Lavoisier, Fourcroy, &c. Other chemists of this country, of equal note, reject it, and prove, in my opinion, that it is premature, insufficient and false. These latter are joined by the British chemists; and upon the whole, I think the new nomenclature will be rejected, after doing more harm thangood. There are some good publications in it, which must be translated into the ordinary chemical language before they will be useful. A person lately discovered here a very simple method of bleaching yellow paper, or stained paper, (provided there be no grease on the stain,) by the fumes of the muriatic acid poured on magnesia. He showed it to me two or three days after the discovery. On mentioning it to M. Bertholet, we found that a process on the same principles had, for a year or two past, been adopted successfully for the bleaching linen. This is now effected in from eight hours to two or three days, without requiring the great bleaching fields which the ancient method does; and they say that the linen is less injured. There are two large bleacheries established in this country on this principle, and I believe they are beginning to try it in England. There is a vast improvement in the composition of gunpowder, not yet communicated to the public. We are now at the twenty-ninth livraison of the Encyclopedia. I shall bring to Mr. Hay what he has not yet received, and have then the pleasure of assuring you in person of the sentiments of sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
Paris, December 20, 1788.
Dear Doctor,—"Procrastination is the thief of time," so says Young, and so I find it. It is the only apology, and it is the true one for my having been so long without writing to you. In the meantime I shall overtake the present epistle if it be as long getting to you as my letters are sometimes coming to me from America. I have asked of Congress a leave of five or six months' absence this year to carry my family back to America, and hope to obtain it in time to sail in April from Havre for James river directly. In this case I shall have the pleasure of seeing you at Richmond and Eppington a few days. This country is seriously meditating the establishment of a constitution, and the distress of the court for money with the real good intentions of the King, will produce their concurrence in it. All the world is occupied at present in framing, every one his own plan, of a bill of rights. The StatesGeneral will meet probably in March, (the day not being yet known.) They will probably establish their own periodical meetings, their right to participate of the legislation, their sole right to tax. So far the court will not oppose. Some will endeavor to procure, at the same time, a habeas corpus law and free press. I doubt if the latter can be obtained yet, and as for the former, I hardly think the nation itself ripe to accept it. Though they see the evil oflettres de cachet, they believe they do more good on the whole. They will think better in time. The right of taxation includes the idea of fixing a civil list for the King, and of equalizing the taxes on the clergy and nobility as well as the commons. The two former orders do not pay one-third of the proportionad valorum, which the last pay. This will be a great addition to their revenue. While engaged so much internally, you may be assured they wish for external peace. The insanity of the King of England will much befriend their desires in this respect. Regencies are generally peaceable. The war in the north appeared at one time likely to be quieted, but new dissensions in Poland threaten to embroil Russia and Prussia. In this case Prussia will previously make her peace with the Turks by ceding the Crimea to them. So much for political news. In the literary way we are like, after a very long dearth of good publications, to have something worth reading. The works of the late King of Prussia in sixteen volumes 8vo, appear now. They contain new and curious historical matter. A work on Grecian Antiquities, by the Abbé Barthelemi, of great classical learning, the produce of twenty years' labor, is now in the press, about eight volumes 8vo. A single small volume on government, by the Marquis de Condorcet, is struggling to get abroad in spite of the prohibition it is under. You have heard of the new chemical nomenclature endeavored to be introduced by Lavoisier, Fourcroy, &c. Other chemists of this country, of equal note, reject it, and prove, in my opinion, that it is premature, insufficient and false. These latter are joined by the British chemists; and upon the whole, I think the new nomenclature will be rejected, after doing more harm thangood. There are some good publications in it, which must be translated into the ordinary chemical language before they will be useful. A person lately discovered here a very simple method of bleaching yellow paper, or stained paper, (provided there be no grease on the stain,) by the fumes of the muriatic acid poured on magnesia. He showed it to me two or three days after the discovery. On mentioning it to M. Bertholet, we found that a process on the same principles had, for a year or two past, been adopted successfully for the bleaching linen. This is now effected in from eight hours to two or three days, without requiring the great bleaching fields which the ancient method does; and they say that the linen is less injured. There are two large bleacheries established in this country on this principle, and I believe they are beginning to try it in England. There is a vast improvement in the composition of gunpowder, not yet communicated to the public. We are now at the twenty-ninth livraison of the Encyclopedia. I shall bring to Mr. Hay what he has not yet received, and have then the pleasure of assuring you in person of the sentiments of sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO THOMAS PAINE.Paris, December 23, 1788.Dear Sir,—It is true that I received, very long ago, your favors of September the 9th and 15th, and that I have been in daily intention of answering them, fully and confidentially; but you know, such a correspondence between you and me cannot pass through the post, nor even by the couriers of ambassadors. The French packet boats being discontinued, I am now obliged to watch opportunities by Americans going to London, to write my letters to America. Hence it has happened, that these, the sole opportunities by which I can write to you without fear, have been lost, by the multitude of American letters I had towrite. I now determine, without foreseeing any such conveyance, to begin my letter to you, so that when a conveyance occurs, I shall only have to add recent occurrences. Notwithstanding the interval of my answer which has taken place, I must beg a continuance of your correspondence; because I have great confidence in your communications, and since Mr. Adams' departure, I am in need of authentic information from that country.I will begin with the subject of your bridge, in which I feel myself interested; and it is with great pleasure that I learn, by your favor of the 16th, that the execution of the arch of experiment exceeds your expectations. In your former letter, you mention, that instead of arranging your tubes and bolts as ordinates to the cord of the arch, you had reverted to your first idea, of arranging them in the direction of the radii. I am sure it will gain, both in beauty and strength. It is true that the divergence of those radii recurs as a difficulty, in getting the rails on upon the bolts; but I thought this fully removed by the answer you first gave me, when I suggested that difficulty, to wit, that you should place the rails first, and drive the bolts through them, and not, as I had imagined, place the bolts first, and put the rails on them. I must doubt whether what you now suggest, will be as good as your first idea; to wit, to have every rail split into two pieces longitudinally, so that there shall be but the halves of the holes in each, and then to clamp the two halves together. The solidity of this method cannot be equal to that of the solid rail, and it increases the suspicious part of the whole machine, which, in a first experiment, ought to be rendered as few as possible. But of all this, the practical iron men are much better judges than we theorists. You hesitate between the catenary and portion of a circle. I have lately received from Italy, a treatise on the equilibrium of arches, by the Abbé Mascheroni. It appears to be a very scientific work. I have not yet had time to engage in it; but I find that the conclusions of his demonstrations are, that every part of the catenary is in perfect equilibrium. It is a great point, then, in a new experiment, to adopt the sole arch, where the pressure will be equally borne by every point of it.If any one point is pushed with accumulated pressure, it will introduce a danger foreign to the essential part of the plan. The difficulty you suggest, is, that the rails being all in catenaries, the tubes must be of different lengths, as these approach nearer or recede farther from each other, and therefore, you recur to the portions of concentric circles, which are equi-distant in all their parts. But I would rather propose, that you make your middle rail an exact catenary, and the interior and exterior rails parallels to that. It is true they will not be exact catenaries, but they will depart very little from it; much less than portions of circles will. Nothing has been done here on the subject since you went away. There is an Abbé D'Arnal at Nismes, who has obtained an exclusive privilege for navigating the rivers of this country, by the aid of the steam engine. This interests Mr. Rumsey, who had hoped the same thing. D'Arnal's privilege was published in a paper of the 10th of November. Probably, therefore, his application for it was previous to the delivery of Mr. Rumsey's papers to the Secretary of the Academy of Sciences, which was in the latter part of the month of August. However, D'Arnal is not a formidable competitor. He is not in circumstances to make any use, himself, of his privilege, and he has so illy succeeded with a steam mill he erected at Nismes, that he is not likely to engage others to venture in his projects. To say another word of the catenarian arch, without caring about mathematical demonstrations, its nature proves it to be in equilibrio in every point. It is the arch formed by a string fixed at both ends, and swaying loose in all the intermediate points. Thus at liberty, they must finally take that position, wherein every one will be equally pressed; for if any one was more pressed than the neighboring point, it would give way, from the flexibility of the matter of the string.* * * * * * * * *I am, with sentiments of sincere esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
Paris, December 23, 1788.
Dear Sir,—It is true that I received, very long ago, your favors of September the 9th and 15th, and that I have been in daily intention of answering them, fully and confidentially; but you know, such a correspondence between you and me cannot pass through the post, nor even by the couriers of ambassadors. The French packet boats being discontinued, I am now obliged to watch opportunities by Americans going to London, to write my letters to America. Hence it has happened, that these, the sole opportunities by which I can write to you without fear, have been lost, by the multitude of American letters I had towrite. I now determine, without foreseeing any such conveyance, to begin my letter to you, so that when a conveyance occurs, I shall only have to add recent occurrences. Notwithstanding the interval of my answer which has taken place, I must beg a continuance of your correspondence; because I have great confidence in your communications, and since Mr. Adams' departure, I am in need of authentic information from that country.
I will begin with the subject of your bridge, in which I feel myself interested; and it is with great pleasure that I learn, by your favor of the 16th, that the execution of the arch of experiment exceeds your expectations. In your former letter, you mention, that instead of arranging your tubes and bolts as ordinates to the cord of the arch, you had reverted to your first idea, of arranging them in the direction of the radii. I am sure it will gain, both in beauty and strength. It is true that the divergence of those radii recurs as a difficulty, in getting the rails on upon the bolts; but I thought this fully removed by the answer you first gave me, when I suggested that difficulty, to wit, that you should place the rails first, and drive the bolts through them, and not, as I had imagined, place the bolts first, and put the rails on them. I must doubt whether what you now suggest, will be as good as your first idea; to wit, to have every rail split into two pieces longitudinally, so that there shall be but the halves of the holes in each, and then to clamp the two halves together. The solidity of this method cannot be equal to that of the solid rail, and it increases the suspicious part of the whole machine, which, in a first experiment, ought to be rendered as few as possible. But of all this, the practical iron men are much better judges than we theorists. You hesitate between the catenary and portion of a circle. I have lately received from Italy, a treatise on the equilibrium of arches, by the Abbé Mascheroni. It appears to be a very scientific work. I have not yet had time to engage in it; but I find that the conclusions of his demonstrations are, that every part of the catenary is in perfect equilibrium. It is a great point, then, in a new experiment, to adopt the sole arch, where the pressure will be equally borne by every point of it.If any one point is pushed with accumulated pressure, it will introduce a danger foreign to the essential part of the plan. The difficulty you suggest, is, that the rails being all in catenaries, the tubes must be of different lengths, as these approach nearer or recede farther from each other, and therefore, you recur to the portions of concentric circles, which are equi-distant in all their parts. But I would rather propose, that you make your middle rail an exact catenary, and the interior and exterior rails parallels to that. It is true they will not be exact catenaries, but they will depart very little from it; much less than portions of circles will. Nothing has been done here on the subject since you went away. There is an Abbé D'Arnal at Nismes, who has obtained an exclusive privilege for navigating the rivers of this country, by the aid of the steam engine. This interests Mr. Rumsey, who had hoped the same thing. D'Arnal's privilege was published in a paper of the 10th of November. Probably, therefore, his application for it was previous to the delivery of Mr. Rumsey's papers to the Secretary of the Academy of Sciences, which was in the latter part of the month of August. However, D'Arnal is not a formidable competitor. He is not in circumstances to make any use, himself, of his privilege, and he has so illy succeeded with a steam mill he erected at Nismes, that he is not likely to engage others to venture in his projects. To say another word of the catenarian arch, without caring about mathematical demonstrations, its nature proves it to be in equilibrio in every point. It is the arch formed by a string fixed at both ends, and swaying loose in all the intermediate points. Thus at liberty, they must finally take that position, wherein every one will be equally pressed; for if any one was more pressed than the neighboring point, it would give way, from the flexibility of the matter of the string.
* * * * * * * * *
I am, with sentiments of sincere esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MR. THOMAS PAINE.Paris, December 23, 1788.Dear Sir,—As to the affairs of this country, they have hitherto gone on well. The Court being decided to call the States General, know that the form of calling and constituting them would admit of cavil. They asked the advice of the Notables. These advised that the form of the last States General of 1614 be observed. In that, the commons had but about one-third of the whole number of members, and they voted by orders. The Court wished now that they should have one-half of the whole number of members, and that they should form but one house, not three. The parliament have taken up the subject, and given the opinion which the Court would have wished. We are, therefore, in hopes that, availing themselves of these contrary opinions, they will follow that which they wished. The priests and nobles threaten schism; and we do not know yet what form will ultimately be adopted. If no schism of this kind prevents it, the States will meet about March or April, and will obtain, without opposition from the Court, 1. Their own periodical convocation; 2. A share in the legislation; 3. The exclusive right to tax and appropriate the public money. They will attempt also to obtain a habeas corpus law and free press; but it does not appear to me that the nation is ripe to accept of these, if offered. They may try to modify them to their present ideas in their first session, and at some future day adopt them in all their latitude. Upon the whole, if the dispute between the privileged and unprivileged orders does not prevent it, there is no doubt in my mind that they will obtain a fixed, free and wholesome Constitution. I should add, also, if external war does not call them from this pursuit. But against this they are secured by the insanity of the King of England, and they will not suffer themselves to be drawn into war by any other nation. There is reason to believe that the disturbances lately arisen in Poland, will induce the Empress to make her peace with the Turks, by parting with the Crimea, that she may be able to turn herself thisway and preserve Poland, of more consequence to her. In this event, there is no doubt the Emperor makes peace with the Turks also, and it would not surprise if he and the Empress should attack the King of Prussia. I think it is not apprehended here that the death of the King of Spain will make any change in the politics of that Court. You ask about Mr. Littlepage. We heard that he joined the Prince of Nassau on the Black Sea, but know nothing of him since, nor have we any information about Paul Jones since the first action on that sea, wherein he was present. You also ask when I shall go to America, and whether by the way of England. I hope to receive my permission in time to sail immediately after the vernal equinox, because this will give me time to arrange my affairs in America, and to return here between the autumnal equinox and setting in of the winter. I shall certainly not go by the way of England. The encumbrance of a family and baggage will prevent this. I hope you will find some conveyance sufficiently confidential to communicate to me by letter what you say you wish to communicate in person. While in America, I shall attend on our President and Senate in order to possess them of such views of European affairs as I shall have been able to obtain. I shall suppose this the more my duty, as they will be forming their plan of foreign affairs. You have heard of theArretof September 28th, excluding foreign whale oils from the ports of this country. I have obtained the promise of an explanatoryArretto declare that that of September 28th was not meant to extend to us. Orders are accordingly given in the ports to receive ours, and theArretwill soon be published. This places us on a better footing than ever, as it gives us a monopoly of this market in conjunction with the French fishermen.
Paris, December 23, 1788.
Dear Sir,—As to the affairs of this country, they have hitherto gone on well. The Court being decided to call the States General, know that the form of calling and constituting them would admit of cavil. They asked the advice of the Notables. These advised that the form of the last States General of 1614 be observed. In that, the commons had but about one-third of the whole number of members, and they voted by orders. The Court wished now that they should have one-half of the whole number of members, and that they should form but one house, not three. The parliament have taken up the subject, and given the opinion which the Court would have wished. We are, therefore, in hopes that, availing themselves of these contrary opinions, they will follow that which they wished. The priests and nobles threaten schism; and we do not know yet what form will ultimately be adopted. If no schism of this kind prevents it, the States will meet about March or April, and will obtain, without opposition from the Court, 1. Their own periodical convocation; 2. A share in the legislation; 3. The exclusive right to tax and appropriate the public money. They will attempt also to obtain a habeas corpus law and free press; but it does not appear to me that the nation is ripe to accept of these, if offered. They may try to modify them to their present ideas in their first session, and at some future day adopt them in all their latitude. Upon the whole, if the dispute between the privileged and unprivileged orders does not prevent it, there is no doubt in my mind that they will obtain a fixed, free and wholesome Constitution. I should add, also, if external war does not call them from this pursuit. But against this they are secured by the insanity of the King of England, and they will not suffer themselves to be drawn into war by any other nation. There is reason to believe that the disturbances lately arisen in Poland, will induce the Empress to make her peace with the Turks, by parting with the Crimea, that she may be able to turn herself thisway and preserve Poland, of more consequence to her. In this event, there is no doubt the Emperor makes peace with the Turks also, and it would not surprise if he and the Empress should attack the King of Prussia. I think it is not apprehended here that the death of the King of Spain will make any change in the politics of that Court. You ask about Mr. Littlepage. We heard that he joined the Prince of Nassau on the Black Sea, but know nothing of him since, nor have we any information about Paul Jones since the first action on that sea, wherein he was present. You also ask when I shall go to America, and whether by the way of England. I hope to receive my permission in time to sail immediately after the vernal equinox, because this will give me time to arrange my affairs in America, and to return here between the autumnal equinox and setting in of the winter. I shall certainly not go by the way of England. The encumbrance of a family and baggage will prevent this. I hope you will find some conveyance sufficiently confidential to communicate to me by letter what you say you wish to communicate in person. While in America, I shall attend on our President and Senate in order to possess them of such views of European affairs as I shall have been able to obtain. I shall suppose this the more my duty, as they will be forming their plan of foreign affairs. You have heard of theArretof September 28th, excluding foreign whale oils from the ports of this country. I have obtained the promise of an explanatoryArretto declare that that of September 28th was not meant to extend to us. Orders are accordingly given in the ports to receive ours, and theArretwill soon be published. This places us on a better footing than ever, as it gives us a monopoly of this market in conjunction with the French fishermen.
TO MR. CARMICHAEL.Paris, December 25, 1788.Dear Sir,—A sick family has prevented me, for upwards of a month, from putting pen to paper but in indispensable cases, andfor some time before that, I had been waiting to receive American news worth communicating to you. These causes have occasioned my silence since my last, which was of the 12th of August, and my leaving unacknowledged, till now, your several favors of July 24th, Aug. 14th, Sept. 9th and Nov. 3d. That of the 14th instant also came to hand the day before yesterday.You have long ago known that eleven States have ratified our new Constitution, and that North Carolina, contrary to all expectation, had declined either accepting or refusing, but has proposed amendments copied verbatim from those of Virginia. Virginia and Massachusetts had preferred this method of management, that is to say, desiring Congress to propose specific amendments to the several legislatures, which is one of the modes of amendment provided in the new Constitution; in this way nothing can be touched but the parts specifically pointed out. New York has written circular letters to the legislatures to adopt the other mode of amendment, provided also by the Constitution, that is to say, to assemble another federal convention. In this way the whole fabric would be submitted to alteration. Its friends, therefore, unite in endeavoring to have the first method adopted, and they seem agreed to concur in adding a bill of rights to the Constitution. This measure will bring over so great a part of the opposition, that what will remain after that will have no other than the good effect of watching, as sentinels, the conduct of government, and laying it before the public. Many of the opposition wish to take from Congress the power of internal taxation. Calculation has convinced me this would be very mischievous. The Electors are to be chosen the first Wednesday of January; President the first Wednesday in February, and the new government is to meet at New York the first Wednesday in March. The election of Senators has already begun. Pennsylvania has chosen Mr. R. Morrison and McClay; Connecticut, Dr. Johnson and Elsworth. I have heard of no others. I hope there is no doubt of General Washington's acceptance of the Presidentship. Mr. J. Adams, Mr. Hancock, Mr. Jay and General Knox, are talked of in the Northern and Middle States for Vice-President. Yet it is suggested tome that the two latter will probably prefer their present offices, and the two former divide each other's interest so that neither may be chosen. Remarkable deaths are Colonel Bannister of Virginia, and John Penn of North Carolina. General Washington writes me word that the great rains had prevented the continuance of their labors on the Potomac, so that they should not be able to bring the navigation this winter to the great falls as he had hoped. It will want little of it, and no doubt remains of their completing the whole. That of James River has some time since been so far completed as to let vessels pass down to Richmond. The crop of wheat in America the last year has been a fine one both for quantity and quality. This country is likely to want. They have offered a premium of forty sous the quintal on flour of the United States, and thirty sous on their wheat imported here. They have also opened their islands for our supplies. Much will come here. Views which bid defiance to my calculations had induced this court in anArretof September 28th, to comprehend us with the English, in the exclusion of whale oil from their ports, in flat contradiction to theirArretof December last. This you know would be a sentence of banishment to the inhabitants of Nantucket, and there is no doubt they would have removed to Nova Scotia or England, in preference to any other part of the world. A temporary order, however, is now given for our admittance, and a more prominent one under preparation. The internal affairs of this country will, I hope, go on well. Neither the time, place, nor form of the States General are yet announced. But they will certainly meet in March or April. The clergy and nobility, as clergy and nobility eternally will, are opposed to the giving to the Tiers Etat so effectual a representation as may dismount them from their backs. The court wishes to give to the unprivileged order an equal number of votes with the privileged, and that they should sit in one house, but the court is timid. Some are of opinion that a majority of the nobles are also on the side of the people. I doubt it when so great a proportion of the Notables, indeed almost an unanimity, were against them, and five princes of the blood out of seven. If noschism prevents the proceedings of the States General, I suppose they will obtain in their first session, 1. The periodical convocation of the States. 2. Their participation in the legislature; and 3. Their exclusive right to levy and appropriate money; and that at some future day, not very far distant, they will obtain a habeas corpus law and free press. They have great need of external peace to let them go on quietly with these internal improvements. This seems to be secured to them by the insanity of the King of England. Regents are generally peaceable, and I think this country will not let itself be diverted from its object by any other power. There are symptoms which render it suspicious that the two empires may make their peace with the Turks. It seems more eligible to Russia to do this by ceding the Crimea to them, that she may turn to the other side and save Poland, which the King of Prussia is endeavoring to wrest from her. Probably the loss of his principal ally will induce him to adopt a language and a conduct less Thrasonic. The death of the King of Spain contributes to throw into uncertainty the future face and fate of Europe. The English count on his successor. We have not yet received from London the decision on the question of regency. It is believed the Prince of Wales will be sole regent, and that there will be a total change in the ministry. In this case, probably 1405. 452. will be 846. 1453. 915. he will have found that the old proverb is not always true, "that a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush." There is something 816. 1209. 1225. 319. 8. 1548. 173. 1140. 457. 980. 913. 537. 814. 478. 887. 1363. 12. 1271. 1266. 904. 1266. 1017. 1548. 1128. 1581. 1438. 254.The necessity of carrying back my family to America, and of carrying my affairs, which I left under expectation of returning to them very soon, have induced me to ask of Congress a leave of five or six months' absence during the next year. I hope to obtain it in time to sail soon after the vernal equinox, and shall return immediately after the autumnal. I shall be happy while there if I can render you any service, and shall hope to receive your commands before my departure, and in the meantime a continuance of your interesting communications, now become muchmore so, till we see which way the new administration of your residence will turn itself. I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Paris, December 25, 1788.
Dear Sir,—A sick family has prevented me, for upwards of a month, from putting pen to paper but in indispensable cases, andfor some time before that, I had been waiting to receive American news worth communicating to you. These causes have occasioned my silence since my last, which was of the 12th of August, and my leaving unacknowledged, till now, your several favors of July 24th, Aug. 14th, Sept. 9th and Nov. 3d. That of the 14th instant also came to hand the day before yesterday.
You have long ago known that eleven States have ratified our new Constitution, and that North Carolina, contrary to all expectation, had declined either accepting or refusing, but has proposed amendments copied verbatim from those of Virginia. Virginia and Massachusetts had preferred this method of management, that is to say, desiring Congress to propose specific amendments to the several legislatures, which is one of the modes of amendment provided in the new Constitution; in this way nothing can be touched but the parts specifically pointed out. New York has written circular letters to the legislatures to adopt the other mode of amendment, provided also by the Constitution, that is to say, to assemble another federal convention. In this way the whole fabric would be submitted to alteration. Its friends, therefore, unite in endeavoring to have the first method adopted, and they seem agreed to concur in adding a bill of rights to the Constitution. This measure will bring over so great a part of the opposition, that what will remain after that will have no other than the good effect of watching, as sentinels, the conduct of government, and laying it before the public. Many of the opposition wish to take from Congress the power of internal taxation. Calculation has convinced me this would be very mischievous. The Electors are to be chosen the first Wednesday of January; President the first Wednesday in February, and the new government is to meet at New York the first Wednesday in March. The election of Senators has already begun. Pennsylvania has chosen Mr. R. Morrison and McClay; Connecticut, Dr. Johnson and Elsworth. I have heard of no others. I hope there is no doubt of General Washington's acceptance of the Presidentship. Mr. J. Adams, Mr. Hancock, Mr. Jay and General Knox, are talked of in the Northern and Middle States for Vice-President. Yet it is suggested tome that the two latter will probably prefer their present offices, and the two former divide each other's interest so that neither may be chosen. Remarkable deaths are Colonel Bannister of Virginia, and John Penn of North Carolina. General Washington writes me word that the great rains had prevented the continuance of their labors on the Potomac, so that they should not be able to bring the navigation this winter to the great falls as he had hoped. It will want little of it, and no doubt remains of their completing the whole. That of James River has some time since been so far completed as to let vessels pass down to Richmond. The crop of wheat in America the last year has been a fine one both for quantity and quality. This country is likely to want. They have offered a premium of forty sous the quintal on flour of the United States, and thirty sous on their wheat imported here. They have also opened their islands for our supplies. Much will come here. Views which bid defiance to my calculations had induced this court in anArretof September 28th, to comprehend us with the English, in the exclusion of whale oil from their ports, in flat contradiction to theirArretof December last. This you know would be a sentence of banishment to the inhabitants of Nantucket, and there is no doubt they would have removed to Nova Scotia or England, in preference to any other part of the world. A temporary order, however, is now given for our admittance, and a more prominent one under preparation. The internal affairs of this country will, I hope, go on well. Neither the time, place, nor form of the States General are yet announced. But they will certainly meet in March or April. The clergy and nobility, as clergy and nobility eternally will, are opposed to the giving to the Tiers Etat so effectual a representation as may dismount them from their backs. The court wishes to give to the unprivileged order an equal number of votes with the privileged, and that they should sit in one house, but the court is timid. Some are of opinion that a majority of the nobles are also on the side of the people. I doubt it when so great a proportion of the Notables, indeed almost an unanimity, were against them, and five princes of the blood out of seven. If noschism prevents the proceedings of the States General, I suppose they will obtain in their first session, 1. The periodical convocation of the States. 2. Their participation in the legislature; and 3. Their exclusive right to levy and appropriate money; and that at some future day, not very far distant, they will obtain a habeas corpus law and free press. They have great need of external peace to let them go on quietly with these internal improvements. This seems to be secured to them by the insanity of the King of England. Regents are generally peaceable, and I think this country will not let itself be diverted from its object by any other power. There are symptoms which render it suspicious that the two empires may make their peace with the Turks. It seems more eligible to Russia to do this by ceding the Crimea to them, that she may turn to the other side and save Poland, which the King of Prussia is endeavoring to wrest from her. Probably the loss of his principal ally will induce him to adopt a language and a conduct less Thrasonic. The death of the King of Spain contributes to throw into uncertainty the future face and fate of Europe. The English count on his successor. We have not yet received from London the decision on the question of regency. It is believed the Prince of Wales will be sole regent, and that there will be a total change in the ministry. In this case, probably 1405. 452. will be 846. 1453. 915. he will have found that the old proverb is not always true, "that a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush." There is something 816. 1209. 1225. 319. 8. 1548. 173. 1140. 457. 980. 913. 537. 814. 478. 887. 1363. 12. 1271. 1266. 904. 1266. 1017. 1548. 1128. 1581. 1438. 254.
The necessity of carrying back my family to America, and of carrying my affairs, which I left under expectation of returning to them very soon, have induced me to ask of Congress a leave of five or six months' absence during the next year. I hope to obtain it in time to sail soon after the vernal equinox, and shall return immediately after the autumnal. I shall be happy while there if I can render you any service, and shall hope to receive your commands before my departure, and in the meantime a continuance of your interesting communications, now become muchmore so, till we see which way the new administration of your residence will turn itself. I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO DR. PRICE.Paris, January 8, 1789.Dear Sir,—I was favored with your letter of October 26th, and far from finding any of its subjects uninteresting as you apprehend, they were to me, as everything which comes from you, pleasing and instructive. I concur with you strictly in your opinion of the comparative merits of atheism and demonism, and really see nothing but the latter in the being worshipped by many who think themselves Christians. Your opinions and writings will have effect in bringing others to reason on this subject. Our new Constitution, of which you speak also, has succeeded beyond what I apprehended it would have done. I did not at first believe that eleven States out of thirteen would have consented to a plan consolidating them as much into one. A change in their dispositions, which had taken place since I left them, had rendered this consolidation necessary, that is to say, had called for a federal government which could walk upon its own legs, without leaning for support on the State legislatures. A sense of necessity, and a submission to it, is to me a new and consolatory proof that, whenever the people are well-informed, they can be trusted with their own government; that, whenever things get so far wrong as to attract their notice, they may be relied on to set them to rights. You say you are not sufficiently informed about the nature and circumstances of the present struggle here. Having been on the spot from its first origin, and watched its movements as an uninterested spectator, with no other bias than a love of mankind, I will give you my ideas of it. Though celebrated writers of this and other countries had already sketched good principles on the subject of government, yet the American war seems first to have awakened the thinking part of this nation ingeneral from the sleep of despotism in which they were sunk. The officers too who had been to America, were mostly young men, less shackled by habit and prejudice, and more ready to assent to the dictates of common sense and common right. They came back impressed with these. The press, notwithstanding its shackles, began to disseminate them; conversation, too, assumed new freedom; politics became the theme of all societies, male and female, and a very extensive and zealous party was formed, which may be called the Patriotic party, who, sensible of the abusive government under which they lived, longed for occasions of reforming it. This party comprehended all the honesty of the kingdom, sufficiently at its leisure to think; the men of letters, the easy bourgeois, the young nobility, partly from re-reflection, partly from mode; for those sentiments became a matter of mode, and as such united most of the young women to the party. Happily for the nation, it happened that, at the same moment, the dissipations of the court had exhausted the money and credit of the State, and M. de Calonnes found himself obliged to appeal to the nation, and to develop to it the ruin of their finances. He had no idea of supplying the deficit by economies, he saw no means but new taxes. To tempt the nation to consent to these some douceurs were necessary. The Notables were called in 1787. The leading vices of the constitution and administration were ably sketched out, good remedies proposed, and under the splendor of the propositions, a demand for more money was couched. The Notables concurred with the minister in the necessity of reformation, adroitly avoided the demand of money, got him displaced, and one of their leading men placed in his room. The archbishop of Thoulouse, by the aid of the hopes formed of him, was able to borrow some money, and he reformed considerably the expenses of the court. Notwithstanding the prejudices since formed against him, he appeared to me to pursue the reformation of the laws and constitution as steadily as a man could do who had to drag the court after him, and even to conceal from them the consequences of the measures he was leading them into. In his time the criminal laws werereformed, provincial assemblies and States established in most of the provinces, the States General promised, and a solemn acknowledgment made by the King that he could not impose a new tax without the consent of the nation. It is true he was continually goaded forward by the public clamors, excited by the writings and workings of the Patriots, who were able to keep up the public fermentation at the exact point which borders on resistance, without entering on it. They had taken into their alliance the Parliaments also, who were led, by very singular circumstances, to espouse, for the first time, the rights of the nation. They had from old causes had personal hostility against M. de Calonnes. They refused to register his laws or his taxes, and went so far as to acknowledge they had no power to do it. They persisted in this with his successor, who therefore exiled them. Seeing that the nation did not interest themselves much for their recall, they began to fear that the new judicatures proposed in their place would be established and that their own suppression would be perpetual. In short, they found their own strength insufficient to oppose that of the King. They therefore insisted that the States General should be called. Here they became united with and supported by the Patriots, and their joint influence was sufficient to produce the promise of that assembly. I always suspected that the archbishops had no objections to this force under which they laid him. But the Patriots and Parliament insisted it was their efforts which extorted the promise against his will. The re-establishment of the Parliament was the effect of the same coalition between the Patriots and Parliament; but, once re-established, the latter began to see danger in that very power, the States General, which they had called for in a moment of despair, but which they now foresaw might very possibly abridge their powers. They began to prepare grounds for questioning their legality, as a rod over the head of the States, and as a refuge if they should really extend their reformations to them. Mr. Neckar came in at this period and very dexterously disembarrassed the administration of these disputes by calling the notables to advise the form of calling and constituting the States. The courtwas well disposed towards the people, not from principles of justice or love to them; but they want money. No more can be had from the people. They are squeezed to the last drop. The clergy and nobles, by their privileges and influence, have kept their property in a great measure untaxed hitherto. They then remain to be squeezed, and no agent is powerful enough for this but the people. The court therefore must ally itself with the people. But the Notables, consisting mostly of privileged characters, had proposed a method of composing the States, which would have rendered the voice of the people, or Tiers Etats, in the States General, inefficient for the purpose of the court. It concurred then with the Patriots in intriguing with the Parliament to get them to pass a vote in favor of the rights of the people. This vote, balancing that of the Notables, has placed the court at liberty to follow its own views, and they have determined that the Tiers Etat shall have in the States General as many votes as the clergy and nobles put together. Still a great question remains to be decided, that is, shall the States General vote by orders, or by persons? precedents are both ways. The clergy will move heaven and earth to obtain the suffrage by orders, because that parries the effect of all hitherto done for the people. The people will probably send their deputies expressly instructed to consent to no tax, to no adoption of the public debts, unless the unprivileged part of the nation has a voice equal to that of the privileged; that is to say, unless the voice of the Tiers Etat be equalled to that of the clergy and nobles. They will have the young noblesse in general on their side, and the King and court. Against them will be the ancient nobles and the clergy. So that I hope, upon the whole, that by the time they meet, there will be a majority of the nobles themselves in favor of the Tiers Etat. So far history. We are now to come to prophecy; for you will ask, to what will all this lead? I answer, if the States General do not stumble at the threshold on the question before stated, and which must be decided before they can proceed to business, then they will in their first session easily obtain, 1. Their future periodical convocation of the States. 2.Their exclusive right to raise and appropriate money which includes that of establishing a civil list. 3. A participation in legislation; probably at first, it will only be a transfer to them of the portion of it now exercised by parliament, that is to say, a right to propose amendments and a negative. But it must infallibly end in a right of origination. 4. Perhaps they may make a declaration of rights. It will be attempted at least. Two other objects will be attempted, viz., a habeas corpus law and a free press. But probably they may not obtain these in the first session, or with modifications only, and the nation must be left to ripen itself more for their unlimited adoption. Upon the whole, it has appeared to me that the basis of the present struggle is an illumination of the public mind as to the rights of the nation, aided by fortunate incidents; that they can never retrograde, but from the natural progress of things, must press forward to the establishment of a constitution which shall assure to them a good degree of liberty. They flatter themselves they shall form a better constitution than the English. I think it will be better in some points—worse in others. It will be better in the article of representation, which will be more equal. It will be worse, as their situation obliges them to keep up the dangerous machine of a standing army. I doubt, too, whether they will obtain the trial by jury, because they are not sensible of its value.I am sure I have by this time heartily tired you with this long epistle, and that you will be glad to see it brought to an end, with assurances of the sentiments of esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Paris, January 8, 1789.
Dear Sir,—I was favored with your letter of October 26th, and far from finding any of its subjects uninteresting as you apprehend, they were to me, as everything which comes from you, pleasing and instructive. I concur with you strictly in your opinion of the comparative merits of atheism and demonism, and really see nothing but the latter in the being worshipped by many who think themselves Christians. Your opinions and writings will have effect in bringing others to reason on this subject. Our new Constitution, of which you speak also, has succeeded beyond what I apprehended it would have done. I did not at first believe that eleven States out of thirteen would have consented to a plan consolidating them as much into one. A change in their dispositions, which had taken place since I left them, had rendered this consolidation necessary, that is to say, had called for a federal government which could walk upon its own legs, without leaning for support on the State legislatures. A sense of necessity, and a submission to it, is to me a new and consolatory proof that, whenever the people are well-informed, they can be trusted with their own government; that, whenever things get so far wrong as to attract their notice, they may be relied on to set them to rights. You say you are not sufficiently informed about the nature and circumstances of the present struggle here. Having been on the spot from its first origin, and watched its movements as an uninterested spectator, with no other bias than a love of mankind, I will give you my ideas of it. Though celebrated writers of this and other countries had already sketched good principles on the subject of government, yet the American war seems first to have awakened the thinking part of this nation ingeneral from the sleep of despotism in which they were sunk. The officers too who had been to America, were mostly young men, less shackled by habit and prejudice, and more ready to assent to the dictates of common sense and common right. They came back impressed with these. The press, notwithstanding its shackles, began to disseminate them; conversation, too, assumed new freedom; politics became the theme of all societies, male and female, and a very extensive and zealous party was formed, which may be called the Patriotic party, who, sensible of the abusive government under which they lived, longed for occasions of reforming it. This party comprehended all the honesty of the kingdom, sufficiently at its leisure to think; the men of letters, the easy bourgeois, the young nobility, partly from re-reflection, partly from mode; for those sentiments became a matter of mode, and as such united most of the young women to the party. Happily for the nation, it happened that, at the same moment, the dissipations of the court had exhausted the money and credit of the State, and M. de Calonnes found himself obliged to appeal to the nation, and to develop to it the ruin of their finances. He had no idea of supplying the deficit by economies, he saw no means but new taxes. To tempt the nation to consent to these some douceurs were necessary. The Notables were called in 1787. The leading vices of the constitution and administration were ably sketched out, good remedies proposed, and under the splendor of the propositions, a demand for more money was couched. The Notables concurred with the minister in the necessity of reformation, adroitly avoided the demand of money, got him displaced, and one of their leading men placed in his room. The archbishop of Thoulouse, by the aid of the hopes formed of him, was able to borrow some money, and he reformed considerably the expenses of the court. Notwithstanding the prejudices since formed against him, he appeared to me to pursue the reformation of the laws and constitution as steadily as a man could do who had to drag the court after him, and even to conceal from them the consequences of the measures he was leading them into. In his time the criminal laws werereformed, provincial assemblies and States established in most of the provinces, the States General promised, and a solemn acknowledgment made by the King that he could not impose a new tax without the consent of the nation. It is true he was continually goaded forward by the public clamors, excited by the writings and workings of the Patriots, who were able to keep up the public fermentation at the exact point which borders on resistance, without entering on it. They had taken into their alliance the Parliaments also, who were led, by very singular circumstances, to espouse, for the first time, the rights of the nation. They had from old causes had personal hostility against M. de Calonnes. They refused to register his laws or his taxes, and went so far as to acknowledge they had no power to do it. They persisted in this with his successor, who therefore exiled them. Seeing that the nation did not interest themselves much for their recall, they began to fear that the new judicatures proposed in their place would be established and that their own suppression would be perpetual. In short, they found their own strength insufficient to oppose that of the King. They therefore insisted that the States General should be called. Here they became united with and supported by the Patriots, and their joint influence was sufficient to produce the promise of that assembly. I always suspected that the archbishops had no objections to this force under which they laid him. But the Patriots and Parliament insisted it was their efforts which extorted the promise against his will. The re-establishment of the Parliament was the effect of the same coalition between the Patriots and Parliament; but, once re-established, the latter began to see danger in that very power, the States General, which they had called for in a moment of despair, but which they now foresaw might very possibly abridge their powers. They began to prepare grounds for questioning their legality, as a rod over the head of the States, and as a refuge if they should really extend their reformations to them. Mr. Neckar came in at this period and very dexterously disembarrassed the administration of these disputes by calling the notables to advise the form of calling and constituting the States. The courtwas well disposed towards the people, not from principles of justice or love to them; but they want money. No more can be had from the people. They are squeezed to the last drop. The clergy and nobles, by their privileges and influence, have kept their property in a great measure untaxed hitherto. They then remain to be squeezed, and no agent is powerful enough for this but the people. The court therefore must ally itself with the people. But the Notables, consisting mostly of privileged characters, had proposed a method of composing the States, which would have rendered the voice of the people, or Tiers Etats, in the States General, inefficient for the purpose of the court. It concurred then with the Patriots in intriguing with the Parliament to get them to pass a vote in favor of the rights of the people. This vote, balancing that of the Notables, has placed the court at liberty to follow its own views, and they have determined that the Tiers Etat shall have in the States General as many votes as the clergy and nobles put together. Still a great question remains to be decided, that is, shall the States General vote by orders, or by persons? precedents are both ways. The clergy will move heaven and earth to obtain the suffrage by orders, because that parries the effect of all hitherto done for the people. The people will probably send their deputies expressly instructed to consent to no tax, to no adoption of the public debts, unless the unprivileged part of the nation has a voice equal to that of the privileged; that is to say, unless the voice of the Tiers Etat be equalled to that of the clergy and nobles. They will have the young noblesse in general on their side, and the King and court. Against them will be the ancient nobles and the clergy. So that I hope, upon the whole, that by the time they meet, there will be a majority of the nobles themselves in favor of the Tiers Etat. So far history. We are now to come to prophecy; for you will ask, to what will all this lead? I answer, if the States General do not stumble at the threshold on the question before stated, and which must be decided before they can proceed to business, then they will in their first session easily obtain, 1. Their future periodical convocation of the States. 2.Their exclusive right to raise and appropriate money which includes that of establishing a civil list. 3. A participation in legislation; probably at first, it will only be a transfer to them of the portion of it now exercised by parliament, that is to say, a right to propose amendments and a negative. But it must infallibly end in a right of origination. 4. Perhaps they may make a declaration of rights. It will be attempted at least. Two other objects will be attempted, viz., a habeas corpus law and a free press. But probably they may not obtain these in the first session, or with modifications only, and the nation must be left to ripen itself more for their unlimited adoption. Upon the whole, it has appeared to me that the basis of the present struggle is an illumination of the public mind as to the rights of the nation, aided by fortunate incidents; that they can never retrograde, but from the natural progress of things, must press forward to the establishment of a constitution which shall assure to them a good degree of liberty. They flatter themselves they shall form a better constitution than the English. I think it will be better in some points—worse in others. It will be better in the article of representation, which will be more equal. It will be worse, as their situation obliges them to keep up the dangerous machine of a standing army. I doubt, too, whether they will obtain the trial by jury, because they are not sensible of its value.
I am sure I have by this time heartily tired you with this long epistle, and that you will be glad to see it brought to an end, with assurances of the sentiments of esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.