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[3][Address illegible.]
Philadelphia, February 20, 1791.
Sir,—With many thanks for the papers and information you were pleased to have procured for me on the important subject of the fisheries, I do myself the honor of now enclosing you a copy of my report to the House of Representatives. From the disposition I see prevailing in the principal mass of the Southern members to take measures which may secure to us the principal markets for the produce of the fisheries, and for rescuing our carrying trade from a nation not disposed to make just returns for it, I am in hopes something effectual will be done this session, if these principles are solidly supported by the members from your part of the Union, of which I trust there is no cause to doubt. Should nothing be done, I cannot say what consequences will follow, nor calculate their extent. May I take the liberty of presenting through you, Sir, another copy of the report to the committee who were pleased to lend their assistance in the collection of materials; to show them that I have not failed to present their testimony in that view which might tend to procure a proper interference in this interesting branch of business.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and attachment, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
Philadelphia, February 21, 1791.
Sir,—I have duly received the letter of November the 30th, which your Excellency did me the honor to write, informing me that her most faithful Majesty had appointed Mr. Freire her minister resident with us, and stating the difficulty of meeting us in the exchange of a chargé des affaires, the grade proposed on our part. It is foreseen, that a departure from our system in this instance, will materially affect our arrangements with other nations; but the President of the United States has resolved to give her Majesty this proof of his desire to concur in whatever may best tend to promote that harmony and perfect friendship so interesting to both countries. He has, therefore, appointed Colonel Humphreys to be minister resident for the United States, at the court of her Majesty. This gentleman has long been of the President's own family, and enjoys his particular confidence. I make no doubt he will so conduct himself as to give perfect satisfaction to her Majesty and yourself, and I therefore recommend him to your friendly attention and respect. Mr. Freire will have every title to the same from us, and will assuredly receive it. It is always with pleasure, that I repeat the homage of those sentiments of respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
Philadelphia, February 28, 1791.
Sir,—The clerkship for foreign languages in my office is vacant. The salary, indeed, is very low, being but two hundred and fifty dollars a year; but also, it gives so little to do, as not to interfere with any other calling the person may choose, which would not absent him from the seat of government. I was told a few days ago, that it might perhaps be convenient to you to accept it. If so, it is at your service. It requires no other qualificationthan a moderate knowledge of the French. Should anything better turn up within my department that might suit you, I should be very happy to be able to bestow it so well. Should you conclude to accept the present, you may consider it as engaged to you, only be so good as to drop me a line informing me of your resolution. I am, with great esteem, Sir, your very humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 2, 1791.
Sir,—I have received your favor of November 6th, wherein you inform me that the King has thought proper, by a new mission to the court of Berlin, to put an end to your functions as his minister plenipotentiary with the United States. The President, in a letter to the King, has expressed his sense of your merit, and his entire approbation of your conduct while here, and has charged me to convey to yourself the same sentiments on his part.
Had you returned to your station with us, you would have received new and continued marks of the esteem inspired by the general worth of your character, as well by the particular dispositions you manifested towards this country.
Amidst the regrets excited by so early a loss of you, it will be a consolation, if your new situation shall contribute to advance your own happiness.
As a testimony of these sentiments, we ask your acceptance of a medal and chain of gold, with which Mr. Short is instructed to present you on the part of the United States.
To this general tribute, permit me to add my own, with sincere wishes for your constant happiness, and assurances of the respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 7, 1791.
Dear Sir,—Your favor of July 8, came to my hands November 30. The infrequency of conveyances, is an apology for this late answer. I receive with pleasure this recognition and renewal of your former acquaintance, and shall be happy to continue it by an exchange of epistolary communications. Yours to me will be always welcome. Your first gives me information in the line of Natural History, and the second (not yet received) promises political news. The first is my passion, the last my duty, and therefore both desirable. I believe entirely with you, that the remains of fortifications found in the Western country, have been the works of the natives. Nothing I have ever yet heard of, proved the existence of a nation here who knew the use of iron. I have never heard even ofburntbricks, though they might be made without iron. The statue you have been so kind as to send me, and for which I beg you to accept my thanks, would, because of the hardness of the stone, be a better proof of the use of iron, than I ever yet saw; but as it is a solitary fact, and possible to have been made with implements of stone, and great patience, for which the Indians are remarkable, I consider it to have been so made. It is certainly the best piece of workmanship I ever saw from their hands. If the artist did not intend it, he has very happily hit on the representation of a woman in the first moments of parturition.
Mr. Brown, the bearer of this, will give you the Congressional news, some good, some so so, like everything else in this world. Our endeavors the last year to punish your enemies have had an unfortunate issue. The federal council has yet to learn by experience, which experience has long ago taught us in Virginia, that rank and file fighting will not do against Indians. I hope this year's experiment will be made in a more auspicious form. Will it not be possible for you to bring General Clark forward? I know the greatness of his mind, and am the more mortified at the cause which obscures it. Had not this unhappily takenplace, there was nothing he might not have hoped: could it be surmounted, his lost ground might yet be recovered. No man alive rated him higher than I did, and would again, were he to become again what I knew him. We are made to hope he is engaged in writing the account of his expeditions north of Ohio. They will be valuable morsels of history, and will justify to the world those who have told them how great he was.
Mr. Brown will tell you also that we are not inattentive to the interests of your navigation. Nothing short of actual rupture is omitted. What its effect will be, we cannot yet foretell; but we should not stop even here, were a favorable conjuncture to arise. The move we have now made must bring the matter to issue. I can assure you of the most determined zeal of our chief magistrate in this business, and I trust mine will not be doubted so far as it can be of any avail. The nail will be driven as far as it will go peaceably, and farther the moment that circumstances become favorable. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
Philadelphia, March 8, 1791.
Sir,—I have it in charge from the President of the United States of America, to communicate to the National Assembly of France, the peculiar sensibility of Congress to the tribute paid to the memory of Benjamin Franklin, by the enlightened and free representatives of a great nation, in their decree of the 11th of June, 1790.
That the loss of such a citizen should be lamented by us, among whom he lived, whom he so long and eminently served, and who feel their country advanced and honored by his birth, life and labors, was to be expected. But it remained for the National Assembly of France, to set the first example of the representative of one nation, doing homage, by a public act, to the private citizen of another, and by withdrawing arbitrary lines ofseparation, to reduce into our fraternity the good and the great, wherever they have lived or died.
That these separations may disappear between us in all times and circumstances, and that the union of sentiment which mingles our sorrows on this occasion, may continue long to cement the friendship and the interests of our two nations, is our constant prayer. With no one is it more sincere than with him, who, in being charged with the honor of conveying a public sentiment, is permitted that of expressing the homage of profound respect and veneration with which he is, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 10, 1791.
Sir,—We have received with great satisfaction, notification of the orders of his Catholic Majesty, not to permit that persons, held in slavery within the United States, introduce themselves as free persons into the Province of Florida. The known justice of his Majesty and his Government, was a certain dependence to us, that such would be his will. The assurances your Excellency has been pleased to give us of your friendly dispositions, leave us no doubt you will have faithfully executed a regulation so essential to harmony and good neighborhood. As a consequence of the same principles of justice and friendship, we trust that your Excellency will permit, and aid the recovery of persons of the same description, who have heretofore taken refuge within your Government. The bearer hereof is authorized to wait on your Excellency to confer on this subject, and to concur in such arrangements as you shall approve for the recovery of such fugitives.
I beg you to be assured that no occasion shall be neglected of proving our dispositions to reciprocate these principles of justice and friendship, with the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, andthat you will be pleased to accept the homage of those sentiments of respect and esteem, with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 12, 1791.
Dear Sir,—The President has thought proper to appoint Colonel David Humphreys, minister resident for the United States at the court of Lisbon, with a salary of four thousand five hundred dollars a year, and an outfit equal to a year's salary. Besides this, by a standing regulation, he will be allowed his disbursements for gazettes transmitted here, translating and printing paper, where that shall be necessary, postage, couriers, and necessary aids topoorAmerican sailors. An opportunity occurring, by a vessel sailing for Lisbon within a few days, to send him his commission, I shall be obliged to you to enable me to convey to him at the same time the means of receiving his outfit in the first instance, and his salary and disbursements above described, in quarterly payments afterwards.
An act of Congress having authorized the President to take measures for procuring a recognition of our treaty from the new Emperor of Morocco, arrangements for that purpose have been decided. The act allows twenty thousand dollars for this object, but not more than thirteen thousand dollars will be called for in the first instance, if at all, and these, or the means of drawing for them, not till six weeks hence. I thought it proper, however, to apprise you of the call at the earliest day possible, and while the President is here, and to ask your attention to it. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
March —, 1791.
Sir,—You are desired to proceed to Georgetown, where you will find Mr. Ellicott employed in making a survey and map of the Federal territory. The special object of asking your aid is to have drawings of the particular grounds most likely to be approved for the site of the federal town and buildings. You will therefore be pleased to begin on the eastern branch, and proceed from thence upwards, laying down the hills, valleys, morasses, and waters between that, the Potomac, the Tyber, and the road leading from Georgetown to the eastern branch, and connecting the whole with certain fixed points of the map Mr. Ellicott is preparing. Some idea of the height of the hills above the base on which they stand, would be desirable. For necessary assistance and expenses, be pleased to apply to the Mayor of Georgetown, who is written to on this subject. I will beg the favor of you to mark to me your progress about twice a week, by letter, say every Wednesday and Saturday evening, that I may be able in proper time to draw your attention to some other objects, which I have not at this moment sufficient information to define. I am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 12, 1791.
Sir,—I enclose, you a statement of the case of Joseph St. Marie, a citizen of the United States of America, whose clerk, Mr. Swimmer, was, in the latter part of the year 1787, seized on the eastern side of the Mississippi, in latitude 34° 40', together with his goods, of the value of nineteen hundred and eighty dollars, by a party of Spanish soldiers. They justified themselves under the order of a Mr. Valliere, their officer, who avowed authority from the Governor of New Orleans, requiring him to seize and confiscate all propertyfound on either side of the Mississippi belowthe mouth of the Ohio. The matter being then carried by St. Marie before the Governor of New Orleans, instead of correcting the injury, he avowed the act and its principle, and pretended orders from his court for this and more. We have so much confidence, however, in the moderation and friendship of the court of Madrid, that we are more ready to ascribe this outrage to officers acting at a distance, than to orders from a just sovereign. We have hitherto considered the delivery of the post of the Natchez, on the part of Spain, as only awaiting the result of those arrangements which have been under amicable discussion between us; but the remaining in possession of a post which is so near our limit of thirty-one degrees, as to admit some color of doubt whether it be on our side or theirs, is one thing; while it is a very different one, to launch two hundred and fifty miles further, and seize the persons and property of our citizens; and that too, in the very moment that a friendly accommodation of all differences, is under discussion. Our respect for their candor and good faith does not permit us to doubt, that proper notice will be taken of the presumption of their officer, who has thus put to hazard the peace of both nations, and we particularly expect that indemnification will be made to the individual injured. On this you are desired to insist in the most friendly terms, but with that earnestness and perseverance which the complexion of this wrong requires. The papers enclosed will explain the reasons of the delay which has intervened. It is but lately they have been put into the hands of our government.
We cannot omit this occasion of urging on the court of Madrid, the necessity of hastening a final acknowledgment of our right to navigate the Mississippi; a right which has been long suspended in exercise, with extreme inconvenience on our part, merely with a desire of reconciling Spain to what it is impossible for us to relinquish. An accident at this day, like that now complained of, would put further parley beyond our power; yet to such accidents we are every day exposed by the irregularities of their officers, and the impatience of our citizens. Should any spark kindle these dispositions of our borderers into a flame, weare involved beyond recall by the eternal principles of justice to our citizens, which we will never abandon. In such an event, Spain cannot possibly gain, and what may she not lose?
The boldness of this act of the Governor of New Orleans, and of his avowal of it, renders it essential to us to understand the court of Spain on this subject. You will, therefore, avail yourself of the earliest occasion of obtaining their sentiments, and of communicating them to us.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 12, 1791.
Dear Sir,—The enclosed papers will explain to you a case which imminently endangers the peace of the United States with Spain. It is not, indeed, of recent date, but it has been recently laid before government, and is of so bold a feature as to render dangerous to our rights a further acquiescence in their suspension. The middle ground held by France between us and Spain, both in friendship and interest, requires that we should communicate with her with the fullest confidence on this occasion. I therefore enclose you a copy of my letter to Mr. Carmichael, and of the papers it refers to, to be communicated to Monsieur de Montmorin, whose efficacious interference with the court of Madrid you are desired to ask. We rely with great confidence on his friendship, justice and influence.
A cession of the navigation of the Mississippi, with such privileges as to make it useful, and free from future chicane, can be no longer dispensed with on our part; and perhaps while I am writing, something may have already happened to cut off this appeal to friendly accommodation. To what consequences such an event would lead, cannot be calculated. To such, very possibly, as we should lament, without being able to control. Your earnestness with Monsieur de Montmorin, and with the court ofSpain, cannot be more pressing than the present situation and temper of this country requires. The case of St. Marie happens to be the incident presenting itself in the moment, when the general question must otherwise have been brought forward. We rely, on this occasion, on the good offices of the Marquis de La Fayette, whom you are desired to interest in it.
I am, with sincere and great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 13, 1791.
Dear Sir,—
* * * * *
What is said with you of the most prominent proceedings of the last Congress? The disapprobation of the assumption with you leads us naturally to attend to your reception of laws for carrying it into effect, which have been thought to present themselves in an unfavorable view. What will be thought of measures taken to force Great Britain by a navigation act, to come forward in fair treaty, and let us substantially into her islands, as a price for the advantages of navigation and commerce which she now derives from us? This is interesting to our agriculture, provided the means adopted be sufficiently gradual. I wish you would come forward to the federal legislature and give your assistance on a larger scale than that on which you are acting at present. I am satisfied you could render essential service; and I have such confidence in the purity of your republicanism, that I know your efforts would go in a right direction. Zeal and talents added to the republican scale will do no harm in Congress. It is fortunate that our first executive magistrate is purely and zealously republican. We cannot expect all his successors to be so, and therefore should avail ourselves the present day to establish principles and examples which may fence us against future heresies preached now, to be practised hereafter. I repeat my wish that I could see you come into the federal councils; no man livingjoining more confidence in your principles and talents to higher personal esteem than, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 15, 1791.
Dear Sir,—In mine of January the 23d, I acknowledged the receipt of your letters from No. 29 to 48 inclusive, except 31, 44, 45, 46. Since that I have received Nos. 45 and 50; the former in three months and seven days, the latter in two months and seventeen days, by the English packet, which had an uncommonly long passage. Nos. 31, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, are still missing. They have probably come through merchant vessels and merchants, who will let them lie on their counters two or three months before they will forward them. I wrote you on the 8th and 12th instant, by a private hand, on particular subjects. I am not certain whether this will be in time to go by the same conveyance. In yours of December 23d, you suppose we receive regularly the journals of the National Assembly from your secretary at Paris, but we have never received anything from him. Nothing has been addressed to him, his name being unknown to us.
It gives great satisfaction that theArret du Conseilof December, 1787, stands a chance of being saved. It is, in truth, the sheet-anchor of our connection with France, which will be much loosened when that is lost. ThisArretsaved, a free importation of salted meats into France, and of provisions of all kinds into her colonies, will bind our interests to that country more than to all the world besides. It has been proposed in Congress to pass a navigation act, which will deeply strike at that of Great Britain. I send you a copy of it. It is probable the same proposition will be made at the next Congress, as a first step, and for one more extensive at a later period. It is thought the first will be carried; the latter will be more doubtful. Would it not be worth while to have the bill now enclosed,translated, printed and circulated among the members of the National Assembly? If you think so, have it done at the public expense, with any little comment you may think necessary, concealing the quarter from whence it is distributed; or take any other method you think better, to see whether that Assembly will not pass a similar act. I shall send copies of it to Mr. Carmichael, at Madrid, and to Colonel Humphreys, appointed resident at Lisbon, with a desire for them to suggest similar acts there. The measure is just, perfectly innocent as to all other nations, and will effectually defeat the navigation act of Great Britain, and reduce her power on the ocean within safer limits.
The time of the late Congress having expired on the 3d instant, they then separated of necessity. Much important matter was necessarily laid over; this navigation act among others. The land law was put off, and nothing farther done with the mint than to direct workmen to be engaged. The new Congress will meet on the 4th Monday in October. Their laws shall be sent you by the first opportunity after they shall be printed. You will receive herewith those of their second session. We know that Massachusetts has agreed to the amendments to the Constitution, except (as is said) the first, second, and twelfth articles. The others, therefore, are now in force. The articles excepted will depend on the other legislatures. The late expedition against the northern Indians having been ineffectual, more serious operations against them will be undertaken as soon as the season admits. The President is just now setting out on a tour to the southern States, from whence he will not return till June. The British packet being the quickest mode of conveyance, I shall avail myself of that, as well as of the French packet, to write to you. Are the letters which now pass through the French post offices opened, as they were under the former government? This is important for me to know.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. I omitted to draw your attention to an additional dutyof one cent per gallon on rum, by name. This was intended as some discrimination between England and France. It would have been higher, but for the fear of affecting the revenues in a contrary direction.
Philadelphia, March 19, 1791.
Dear Sir,—Your letter of November the 6th, No. 46, by Mr. Osmont, came to hand yesterday, and I have just time, before the departure of Mr. Terrasson, the bearer of my letter of the 15th instant, and despatches accompanying it, to acknowledge the receipt, and inform you that it has been laid before the President. On consideration of the circumstances stated in the second page of your letter, he is of opinion, that it is expedient to press at this moment a settlement of our difference with Spain. You are therefore desired, instead of confining your application for the interference of the court of France, to the simple case of St. Marie, mentioned in my letter of the 12th, to ask it on the broad bottom of general necessity, that our right of navigating the Mississippi be at length ceded by the court of Madrid, and be ceded in such form, as to render the exercise of it efficacious and free from chicane. This cannot be without anentrepôtin some convenient port of the river, where the river and sea craft may meet and exchange loads, without any control from the laws of the Spanish government. This subject was so fully developed to you in my letter of August the 10th, 1790, that I shall at present only refer to that. We wish you to communicate this matter fully to the Marquis de La Fayette, to ask his influence and assistance, assuring him that a settlement of this matter is become indispensable to us; any further delay exposing our peace, both at home and abroad, to accidents, the result of which are incalculable, and must no longer be hazarded. His friendly interposition on this occasion, as well as that of his nation, will be most sensibly felt by us. To his discretion, therefore, and yours, we confide this matter, trusting that you will so conductit as to obtain our right in an efficacious form; and at the same time to preserve to us the friendship of France and Spain, the latter of which we value much, and the former infinitely.
Mr. Carmichael is instructed to press this matter at Madrid: yet if the Marquis and yourself think it could be better effected at Paris, with the Count de Nunnez, it is left to you to endeavor to try it there. Indeed, we believe it would be more likely to be settled there, than at Madrid or here. Observe always, that to accept the navigation of the river without anentrepôtwould be perfectly useless, and that anentrepôt, if tramelled, would be a certain instrument for bringing on war instead of preventing it.
I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 20, 1791.
Sir,—I am thankful for the trouble which yourself and Dr. Hutchinson have taken, and are still willing to take, on the subject of Mr. Isaacs' discovery. However his method may turn out, this advantage will certainly result from it, that having drawn the public attention to the subject, it may be made the occasion of disseminating among the masters of vessels a knowledge of the fact, that fresh water may be obtained from salt water by a common distillation, and in abundance. Though Lind's, Irvine's, and McQueer's experiments should suffice to satisfy them of this, yet it may fix their faith more firmly, if we can say to them that we have tried these experiments ourselves, and can vouch for their effect. If Mr. Isaacs can increase that effect, so much the better; it will be a new flower in the American wreath. He is poor, and complains that his delay here is very distressing to him. Therefore, I propose to-morrow for the experiment, and will ask the favor of you to fix any hour that may best suit the convenience of Dr. Hutchinson and yourself, from five in the morning to twelve at night, all being equal to me. Only be good as to notify it in time for me to give noticeto Mr. Isaacs. Will it not save time, if the great still can be set agoing at the same time with the small ones? He protests against any unfavorable conclusions from a small experiment, because never having tried his method in a small way, he does not know how to proportion his mixture. I am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 26, 1791.
Sir,—Having in charge to lay before Congress a general statement of all the lands subject to their disposal, it becomes necessary for me, so far as respects the proceedings of North Carolina, to draw on a map the line which forms the Eastern boundary of the cession of that State to Congress, and then to specify all the private claims within the cession, which form exceptions to their general right of granting the ceded territory. Three classes of these exceptions have been stated to me. First, the returns from Armstrong's office. Second, the claims of the officers of the North Carolina line of the lands reserved for them on the Cumberland. Third, a grant of twenty-five thousand acres to General Greene. I find myself under the necessity of troubling your Excellency to enable me to lay down with precision this dividing line, and then a precise specification and location of the three classes of exceptions before mentioned, and also, any other exceptions which you may know of. Besides that these things can be known only from your offices, I am induced to ask you to take the trouble from an assurance that you will be glad to assist in furnishing any information which may prevent the citizens of your State from being involved in litigations by a sale to others of lands to which they may have a just claim, and which would not be so sold, if their claims could be previously known. As I propose to set about this statement immediately, I shall consider it as a great personal obligation, if the measures which your Excellency may be pleased to take for my assistance,can be immediately executed, and the result communicated to me. I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 27, 1791.
Sir,—I have been again to see Mr. Barclay on the subject of his mission, and to hasten him. I communicated to him the draught of his instructions, and he made an observation which may render a small change expedient. You know it has been concluded that he should go without any defined character, in order to save expense. He observed that if his character was undefined they would consider him as an Ambassador, and expect proportional liberalities, and he thought it best to fix his character to that of consul, which was the lowest that could be employed. Thinking that there is weight in his opinion, I have the honor to enclose you a blank commission for him as consul, and another letter to the Emperor, no otherwise different from that you signed, but as having a clause of credence in it. If you approve of this change, you will be so good as to sign these papers and return them; otherwise, the letter before signed will still suffice.
I enclose you a Massachusetts paper, whereby you will see that some acts of force have taken place on our eastern boundary. Probably that State will send us authentic information of them. The want of an accurate map of the Bay of Passamaquoddy renders it difficult to form a satisfactory opinion on the point in contest. I write to-day to Rufus Putnam to send me his survey referred to in his letters. There is a report that some acts of force have taken place on the northern boundary of New York, and are now under the consideration of the government of that State. The impossibility of bringing the court of London to an adjustment of any difference whatever, renders our situation perplexing. Should any applications from the States or their citizensbe so urgent as to require something to be said before your return, my opinion would be that they should be desired to make no new settlements on our part, nor suffer any to be made on the part of the British, within the disputed territory; and if any attempt should be made to remove them from the settlements already made, that they are to repel force by force, and ask aid of the neighboring militia to do this and no more. I see no other safe way of forcing the British government to come forward themselves and demand an amicable settlement. If this idea meets your approbation, it may prevent a misconstruction by the British, of what may happen, should I have this idea suggested in a proper manner to Colonel Beckwith.
The experiments which have been tried of distilling sea-water with Isaacs' mixture, and also without it, have been rather in favor of the distillation without any mixture.
A bill was yesterday ordered to be brought into the House of Representatives here, for granting a sum of money for building a Federal Hall, house for the President, &c.
You knew of Mr. R. Morris' purchase of Gorham and Phelps of 1,300,000 acres of land of the State of Massachusetts, at 5d.an acre. It is said that he has sold 1,200,000 acres of these in Europe, through the agency of V. Franklin, who it seems went on this business conjointly with that of printing his grandfather's works. Mr. Morris, under the name of Ogden, and perhaps in partnership with him, has bought the residue of the lands held in the same country by Massachusetts, for £100,000. The Indian title of the former purchase has been extinguished by Gorham, but that of the latter is not. Perhaps it cannot be. In that case a similarity of interest will produce an alliance with the Yazoo companies. Perhaps a sale may be made in Europe to purchasers ignorant of the Indian right.
I shall be happy to hear that no accident has happened to you in the bad roads you have passed, and that you are better prepared for those to come by lowering the hang of your carriage, and exchanging the coachman for two postilions, circumstances which I confess to you appeared to me essential for your safety,for which no one on earth more sincerely prays, both from public and private regard, than he who has the honor to be, with sentiments of the most profound respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Philadelphia, March 31, 1791.
The recess of Congress permits me now to resume the subject of my letter of August 12th, and to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of September 14th, November 25th, and January 1st. With respect to British debts and property it was thought possible then that they might come forward and discuss the interests and questions existing between the two nations, and as we know they would assail us on the subject of the treaty, without our previously knowing the particular State or States whose proceedings they would make the ground of complaint, we wished to be in a state of preparation on every point. I am therefore to thank you particularly for having furnished us the justifications of this Commonwealth in your letter of January 1st. With respect to the more general object of my letter, that of making a very complete collection of all the laws in force, or which were ever in force in the several States, we are now as to this State possessed of those from 1776 to 1790. I must still avail myself of your kind undertaking in your letters of September 14th and November 25th, to continue your attention to this acquisition till we can have the whole. Indeed, if you would order any bookseller to procure them according to such list as you should give him, it might greatly lessen your trouble, and he could deliver them himself at my office and receive there his pay. Whenever you shall be so good as to notify me of the cost of those already furnished, it shall be immediately reimbursed. I am sure you are sensible of the necessity of possessing at the seat of the General Government, a complete collection of all the laws of all the States, and hope you will perceive there were no persons so likely to make the collection judiciously as the Attorneys for theDistricts, which must be the apology for the trouble which has been given you on this subject by him who has the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Philadelphia, April 2, 1791.
I had the honor of addressing you on the 27th ult., since which letters are received of January 24th, from Mr. Carmichael, and of January 3d and 15th, Madrid, and February 6th, and 12th, Lisbon, from Colonel Humphreys. As these are interesting, and may tend to settle suspense of mind to a certain degree, I shall trouble you with quotations from some parts and the substance of others.
Colonel H. says, "I learn from other good authority, as well as from Mr. Carmichael, that all the representations of Gardoqui (when minister in America), tended to excite a belief that the most respectable and influential people throughout the United States did not wish to have the navigation of the Mississippi opened for years to come, from an apprehension such an event would weaken the government, and impoverish the Atlantic States by emigrations. It was even pretended that none but a handful of settlers on the Western waters, and a few inhabitants of the Southern States would acquiesce in the measure." This is the state of mind to which they have reverted since the crisis with England is passed, for during that, the Count de Florida Blanca threw out general assertions that we should have no reason to complain of their conduct with respect to the Mississippi, which gave rise to the report its navigation was opened. The following passages will be astonishing to you who recollect that there was not a syllable in your letters to Mr. G. M., which looked in the most distant manner to Spain. Mr. Carmichael says, "something, however, might have been done in a moment of projects and apprehension, had not a certain negotiation carriedon, on our part, at London, transpired, and which I think was known here rather from British policy, than from the vigilance of the Marquis del Campo. Entirely unacquainted with this manœuvre, although in correspondence with the person employed, I was suspected to be in the secret. This suspicion banished confidence, which returns by slow degrees. This circumstance induced me to drop entirely my correspondence with G. M. To continue it would have done harm, and certainly could do no good. I have seen extracts of the President's letter communicated to the Duke of Leeds, perhaps mutilated or forged to serve here the views of the British cabinet. I do not yet despair of obtaining copies of those letters through the same channel that I procured the first account of the demands of G. B. and the signature of the late convention." Colonel Humphreys says, "the minister had intimations from del Campo of the conferences between Mr. Morris and the Duke of Leeds, which occasioned him to say with warmth to Mr. Carmichael, 'now is your time to make a treaty with England.' Fitzherbert availed himself of these conferences to create apprehensions that the Americans would aid his nation in case of war." Your genuine letter could have made no impression. The British court then must have forged one, to suit their purpose, and I think it will not be amiss to send a genuine copy to Carmichael, to place our faith on its just ground. The principal hope of doing anything now, is founded either on an expected removal of the Count de F. B. from the ministry, in which case persons will be employed who are more friendly to America, or to the bursting out of that fire which both gentlemen think but superficially covered. Mr. Carmichael justifies himself by the interception of his letters. He has shown the originals to Colonel H. He concludes his present letter with these words, "relying on the good opinion of me, that you have been pleased to express on many occasions, I intreat you to engage the President to permit me to return to my native country." Colonel Humphreys, on the subjects of his justification and return says, (after speaking of the persons likely to come into power,) "Mr. Carmichael beingon terms of intimacy with the characters here, is certainly capable of effecting more at this court than any other American. He is heartily desirous of accomplishing the object in view at all events, and fully determined to return to America in twelve or eighteen months at farthest. He has expressed that intention repeatedly. To be invested with full powers, perhaps he would be able to do something before his departure from the continent." In his letter of January 15th, he says, "Mr. Carmichael's ideas are just: his exertions will be powerful and unremitting to obtain the accomplishment of our desires before his departure from this country. The task will now be difficult if not impracticable." In that of February 6th, he says, "Mr. Carmichael is much mortified that so many of his despatches have miscarried. By the original documents, which I have seen in his hands, I am convinced he has been extremely assiduous and successful in procuring early and authentic intelligence. It is difficult for a person at a distance to form an adequate judgment of the embarrassments to which a public man, situated as he was, is subjected, in making written communications, from such an inland place, and under such a jealous government. He appears disgusted with the country and the mode of life he is compelled to lead. He desires ardently to return to his native land; but he wishes to distinguish himself first by rendering some essential service to it if possible."
Governor Quesada, by order of his court, is inviting foreigners to go and settle in Florida. This is meant for our people. Debtors take advantage of it, and go off with their property. Our citizens have a right to go where they please. It is the business of the States to take measures to stop them till their debts are paid. This done, I wish a hundred thousand of our inhabitants would accept the invitation. It will be the means of delivering to us peaceably what may otherwise cost us a war. In the meantime, we may complain of this seduction of our inhabitants just enough to make them believe we think it very wise policy for them, and confirm them in it. This is my idea ofit. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and attachment, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Philadelphia, April 10, 1791.
Sir,—I am favored with your letter of the 4th instant, and in compliance with your request, I have examined my papers, and found the plans of Frankfort-on-the-Mayne, Carlsruhe, Amsterdam, Strasburg, Paris, Orleans, Bordeaux, Lyons, Montpelier, Marseilles, Turin, and Milan, which I send in a roll by the post. They are on large and accurate scales, having been procured by me while in those respective cities myself. As they are connected with the notes I made in my travels, and often necessary to explain them to myself, I will beg your care of them, and to return them when no longer useful to you, leaving you absolutely free to keep them as long as useful. I am happy that the President has left the planning of the town in such good hands, and have no doubt it will be done to general satisfaction. Considering that the grounds to be reserved for the public are to be paid for by the acre, I think very liberal reservations should be made for them; and if this be about the Tyber and on the back of the town, it will be of no injury to the commerce of the place, which will undoubtedly establish itself on the deep waters towards the eastern branch and mouth of Rock Creek; the water about the mouth of the Tyber not being of any depth. Those connected with the government will prefer fixing themselves near the public grounds in the centre, which will also be convenient to be resorted to as walks from the lower and upper town. Having communicated to the President, before he went away, such general ideas on the subject of the town as occurred to me, I make no doubt that, in explaining himself to you on the subject, he has interwoven with his own ideas, such of mine as he approved. For fear of repeating therefore what he did not approve, and having more confidence in the unbiassed state ofhis mind, than in my own, I avoided interfering with what he may have expressed to you. Whenever it is proposed to prepare plans for the Capitol, I should prefer the adoption of some one of the models of antiquity, which have had the approbation of thousands of years; and for the President's house, I should prefer the celebrated fronts of modern buildings, which have already received the approbation of all good judges. Such are the Galerie du Louire, the Gardes meubles, and two fronts of the Hotel de Salm. But of this it is yet time enough to consider. In the meantime I am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
Philadelphia, April 10, 1791.
I had the honor of addressing you on the 2d instant, which I presume would overtake you at Richmond. The present, I imagine, will not overtake you till you get to Wilmington. Since my last, I have been honored with your two letters of March 31st, and two others of April 4th, one of which was circular. A copy of this, I sent to the Vice-President, and as Colonel Hamilton has asked a consultation on a letter of Mr. Short's, we shall have a meeting with the Vice-President to-morrow. I will then ask their advice also on the communication to Colonel Beckwith, relative to the supplies to the Indians. Finding, within a day or two after my letter to you of March 27th, that Putnam was gone to the westward, I detained my letter to him, and applied to General Knox, from whom I obtained some information on the Eastern boundary. No official information of the affair of Moose Island is received here. Perhaps it is on the road to you. Nor do we hear anything more of the disturbance said to have arisen on the borders of New York. I have asked the favor of my friend Mr. Madison to think on the subject of the consular commission to Mr. Barclay, so far as we have done so and conferred together as yet. We are both of opinion itmay be used; but we shall think and confer further. I presume your only doubt arose on the constitutional powers to "supply vacancies" during the recess of Congress. There was an omission also (which might strike your mind), of the limitation of the commission "till the end of the next session of Congress." As the Constitution limits them, this clause is always useless; however, as it does no harm, it has been usually inserted in the commissions. But in the case of Mr. Barclay, such a clause would require a very awkward explanation to the Emperor of Morocco; and as Mr. Barclay is acquainted with the constitutional determination of his commission, it was thought better to omit the useless expression of it. The acquisition of ground at Georgetown is really noble. Considering that only £25 an acre is to be paid for any grounds taken for the public, and the streets not to be counted, which will in fact reduce it to about £19 an acre, I think very liberal reserves should be made for the public. Your proclamation came to hand the night of the 5th. Dunlap's and Bache's papers for the morning of the 6th being already filled, I could only get it into Brown's evening paper of the 6th. On the 7th, the bill for the federal buildings passed the Representatives here by 42 to 10, but it was rejected yesterday by 9 to 6 in the Senate, or to speak more exactly, it was postponed till the next session. In the meantime, spirited proceedings at Georgetown will probably, under the continuance of your patronage, prevent the revival of the bill. I received last night from Major L'Enfant a request to furnish him any plans of towns I could, for his examination. I accordingly send him, by this post, plans of Frankfort-on-the-Mayne, Carlsruhe, Amsterdam, Strasburg, Paris, Orleans, Bordeaux, Lyons, Montpelier, Marseilles, Turin, and Milan, on large and accurate scales, which I procured while in those towns respectively. They are none of them, however, comparable to the old Babylon, revived in Philadelphia, and exemplified. While in Europe, I selected about a dozen or two of the handsomest fronts of private buildings, of which I have the plates. Perhaps it might decide the taste of the new town, were these to be engraved here, and distributedgratis among the inhabitants of Georgetown. The expense would be trifling.
I enclose you extracts from a letter of Mr. Short's of January 24th. One of January 28th has since come to hand, containing nothing but a translation of the letter, said to have been written by the Emperor to the King of France, but which he suspects to be a forgery, a forged bull of the Pope having lately appeared in the same way. He says very serious differences have arisen between the Minister of Prussia, at Liege, and the imperial commanding officer there.
I also enclose the debates of the Pennsylvania assembly on the bill for the federal buildings, and the bill itself; and have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and attachment, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
Extract of a letter from William Short to Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State, dated Amsterdam, January 24, 1791.
"No loan is yet opened; as far as I can judge it will be found proper to postpone it two or three weeks longer, for reasons mentioned in my former letters, which are of general application, and in this instance particularly for the greater certainty of a success that may enhance the credit of the United States.
"The Reporter of the Committee of Domaines has at length presented the opinion of that committee respecting the Decree on theDroit d'Aubaineto the assembly. He had unfortunately connected it with the business of the Successions, so that an adjournment was insisted on in order that the Report might be discussed. It was referred to four different committees. I had put the Marquis de La Fayette fully in possession of this subject, and wrote to him again respecting it, immediately on being informed of the turn it had taken. The Secretary, whom I left in Paris, writes me that they are now trying to get the Diplomatic Committee to ask for a division of this report, and to obtain a decree explanatory merely as to theDroit d'Aubaine. In the present ill-humor and jealousy which prevail with respect tocolonies, it is difficult to say what they will do—but we may be sure that M. de Montmorin will use his exertions to effect what we desire. I apprehend delay, however, which no application can prevent, and I always had doubts myself with respect to the success of this business, notwithstanding the opinion of the Reporter and Committee of Domaines. I mentioned formerly on what those doubts were founded.
"Since the Report of the Committee of Impositions, made in the month of December, of which you will have seen an extract in the Journals of the Assembly, and of which I enclosed you a copy in my last, nothing more has been said on tobacco, except by a member of the Committee of Finance. You will have seen that the Committee of Imposition propose to abandon tobacco as an article of revenue. The member of the Committee of Finance, on the contrary, insisted on it; another member of the same committee, however, insisted on his informing the assembly that what he said was his private opinion, and not that of the Committee of Finance. Nobody, as I have frequently repeated, can say with certainty, when the Assembly will take up any subject, nor what they will decide on it. Their sentiments with respect to tobacco, have experienced a manifest alteration since the first report of the Committee of Imposition respecting it. It is probable now that it will be made an article of free commerce, with a duty on entering the kingdom. But should the Farm be continued, still some modification may be expected at present in favor of their commercial connections with the United States. I forgot to mention above, that I had received through Mr. Donald your letter of November 25 respecting this article.
"The Commercial Committee have formed a new tariff, which is now under press, as they write me, to be presented to the assembly. They not only admit American oils in their plan, but put the duties lower than under theArrêt du Conseil. It is yet for the assembly to decide on it. I have already informed you of the stages through which this business has been carried, and the manner in which it has been done. I hope the means will beapproved of; and the United States will have reason to be satisfied with the result. The delay is inevitable from the nature and proceedings of the assembly. That is the cause, also, of the uncertainty and variation in the opinions which I have communicated to you from time to time on these subjects.
"The resistance of a considerable part of the clergy to a decree of the assembly for their civil organization, and particularly for changing the limits of the dioceses, and the violent measures adopted by the assembly respecting this resistance, or rather non-compliance, has been matter of uneasiness for some time. By a decree of the assembly all those of the clergy who, by a given day, had not taken an oath to maintain the civil organization of that body, were to be deprived of their ecclesiastical functions, and their successors immediately appointed agreeably to the new mode of election. That day rigorously has passed, and only two bishops of the assembly have taken the oath. Of the curates of Paris a majority, also, had refused; but among those subscribed were some of the principal, and particularly the curate of St. Eustache, the King's confessor, who, it is said, was converted by the King himself, who takes every possible means of preventing what might occasion disorder, and who, from his uniform conduct, merits better treatment than he sometimes receives. By a construction of the decree some delay is obtained for its execution. In the meantime two of the refusing bishops have entered into negotiation. They desire to find some decent means of retracting their refusal; hitherto they have waited for the consent of the Pope, to obtain which they had sent an express to Rome. His answer has not yet been received, but it is known by private letters that he is disposed to accommodate at present, though he would not hear of it at first. I know not yet what effect this will produce on the people in the provinces. In the capital, their love of the Revolution so far surpasses every other passion, that all the exertions of theGarde Nationalehave been necessary to prevent their entering the churches and hanging the refusing curates. They will manifest their dispositions less violently, perhaps, in the provinces, but in general the spirit of the Revolution willcertainly predominate, even if the clergy succeed to convince them that it is contrary to the spirit of religion.
"The funds have risen to an uncommon height owing to the considerable reimbursements made by the emission ofassignats. These do not depreciate as might have been expected. On the whole, if there were any probability of the assembly's confining themselves merely to the business of organizing the government, so as to put an end to their session and call a new legislature, the Revolution might be considered as really in a successful state; but the Report of the Central Committee, which you will have received, prescribes such a superabundance of matter as necessary to be deliberated on and settled by the present assembly, that its end as well as the term of the completion of the constitution can be reduced to no calculation. All that seems to me certain is, that the Revolution will in one way or another end by giving a free government to France. This event might be hastened much by the assembly, if they would. My former letters will have informed you how little I think it is to be hoped from them, and for what reasons.
"The Russians, as has been expected for some time, have taken Ismailow. They stormed it, and put the whole garrison to the sword on the 22d of December. This was probably to strike terror into the Turks, in order to aid the separate negotiation which it is known Prince Potemkin is endeavoring to effect with the Grand Visier. The object is to engage the Porte to accept peace without the mediation of other powers. On the other hand, Prussia is active both in negotiation and military demonstration to counteract this project. Preparations are making for sending a large army into Livonia in the spring, which has induced the Empress to call off some of the heavy troops from those employed against the Turks. England, also, keeps an augmented navy in commission. It seems not doubted that the design is to send a fleet into the Baltic as soon as the season will permit it. It is said, also, that the three mediating powers are negotiating with Denmark, to engage that country to be at least indifferent as to the entrance of this fleet; and that there aregrounds for hopes of success. Some think, also, that there are indications which render it probable that Spain will join in the mediation for obtaining peace for the Turks. I have no reason to suppose it other than that arising from the desire which Spain must naturally have to see peace restored to that power. It is supposed if she joins in the mediation it will be merely for that object, and not from any disposition to favor generally the system of the mediating powers. Where so many and such opposite principles enter into account, it would be temerity to conjecture the particular results, without being behind the curtain; and even there probably the schemes are not yet fully ascertained. Every day must necessarily throw new lights on this complicated state of affairs, in proportion as the state of negotiation is more advanced.
"I think it probable myself, that peace will be effected one way or another in the course of the year. The present favorable situation of the Russian army, the dispersed and disheartened situation of the Ottoman, the succor promised by Prussia, so long deferred, the little hope of immediate relief from the geographical position of that power, the ardent desire of Russia to effect a peace without mediation, and the sacrifices she is disposed to make to effect it; all induce me to believe that it will be brought about in that way. If, however, the Porte, from a well-founded confidence in the active interference of the mediating powers, should decide still to hold out, then it seems that the Empress will be induced to come to terms rather than enter the lists with new and powerful enemies, from whom she would have much to fear, particularly by sea. Still I find several who think, from the character of the Empress, that she will resist, and try the event of a campaign rather than sacrifice so much success and so much glory in having a peace dictated to her. Her resources at home are without end from her mode of calling them into action, and her credit, even here, stands high; certainly much higher than it should do. It is supposed, also, that in this extremity she would be seconded by the Emperor, notwithstanding his pacific turn. He would be authorized by treaty to dothis, and his present situation would enable him; the disturbances in the various parts of his dominions having been all settled. In Brabant, particularly, his authority is more firmly settled than if he had come to it by inheritance only, since he enjoys it also by a kind of conquest.
"It is the system of the English Cabinet which is considered here as the most unaccountable. The commerce of that country is at present in the most prosperous situation, since the balance is in their favor with every part of Europe. They have more to gain by peace and more to apprehend from war, than any other power, and yet they seem determined to risk it. The advantages of their commerce in the Baltic, are certain: those in the Levant, eventual; still they seem determined to sacrifice one, at least for a time, in order to grasp at the other. On the whole, it is regarded as one of those sacrifices of commerce to politics, which France has so often given examples of. Time will show whether Mr. Pitt, or those who condemn him, are in the right."
Philadelphia, April 11, 1791.
Sir,—I wrote you on the 12th of March, and again on the 17th of the same month; since which, I have received your favor of January the 24th, wherein you refer to copies of two letters, also to a paper No. 1, supposed to be enclosed in that letter; but there was nothing enclosed. You speak particularly of several other letters formerly forwarded, but not a single one was ever received of later date than May the 6th, 1789; and this of January 24th, is all we possess from you since that date. I enclose you a list of letters addressed to you on various subjects, and to which answers were and are naturally expected; and send you again copies of the papers in the case of the Dover Cutter, which has been the subject of so many of those letters, and is the subject of the constant solicitation of the parties here. A final decision on that application, therefore, is earnestly desired.When you consider the repeated references of matters to you from hence, and the total suppression of whatever you have written in answer, you will not be surprised if it had excited a great degree of uneasiness. We had inquired whether private conveyances did not occur, from time to time, from Madrid to Cadiz, where we have vessels almost constantly, and we were assured that such conveyances were frequent. On the whole, Sir, you will be sensible, that under the jealous government with which you reside, the conveyance of intelligence requires as much management as the obtaining it; and I am in hopes that in future, you will be on your guard against those infidelities in that line, under which you and we have so much suffered.
The President is absent on a journey through the southern States, from which he will not return till the end of June; consequently, I could not sooner notify him of your desire to return; but even then, I will take the liberty of saying nothing to him on the subject till I hear further from you. The suppression of your correspondence has, in a considerable degree, withdrawn you from the public sight. I sincerely wish that before your return, you could do something to attract their attention and favor, and render your return pleasing to yourself and profitable to them, by introducing you to new proofs of their confidence. My two last letters to you furnish occasions; that of a co-operation against the British navigation act and the arrangement of our affairs on the Mississippi. The former, if it can be effected, will form a remarkable and memorable epoch in the history and freedom of the ocean. Mr. Short will press it at Paris, and Colonel Humphreys at Lisbon. The latter will show most at first; and as to it, be so good as to observe always, that the right of navigating the Mississippi is considered as so palpable, that the recovery of it will produce no other sensation than that of a gross injustice removed. The extent and freedom of the port for facilitating the use of it, is what will excite the attention and gratification of the public. Colonel Humphreys writes me, that all Mr. Gardoqui's communications, while here, tended to impress the court of Madrid with the idea, that the navigation of theMississippi was only demanded on our part to quiet our western settlers, and that it was not sincerely desired by the maritime States. This is a most fatal error, and must be completely eradicated and speedily, or Mr. Gardoqui will prove to have been a bad peacemaker. It is true, there were characters whose stations entitled them to credit, and who, from geographical prejudices, did not themselves wish the navigation of the Mississippi to be restored to us, and who believe, perhaps, as is common with mankind, that their opinion was the general opinion. But the sentiments of the great mass of the Union were decidedly otherwise then, and the very persons to whom Mr. Gardoqui alluded, have now come over to the opinion heartily, that the navigation of the Mississippi, in full and unrestrained freedom, is indispensably necessary, and must be obtained by any means it may call for. It will be most unfortunate, indeed, if we cannot convince Spain that we make this demand in earnest, but by acts which will render that conviction too late to prevent evil.
Not knowing how better to convey to you the laws and the gazettes, than by committing them to the patronage of Colonel Humphreys, I now send through that channel the laws of the second and third sessions of Congress, and the newspapers.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.