Chapter Twenty Eight.

Chapter Twenty Eight.In brief, a braver choice of dauntless spirits,That now the English bottoms have waft o’er,Did never float upon the swelling tide.Shakespeare.After our arrival at Varna we had to wait a few days for the order of embarkation, and finally sailed in company with the 17th Lancers in theHimalaya, Lord Cardigan and his staff being aboard the same vessel; the 11th Hussars, 4th and 13th Light Dragoons being embarked aboard other transports, as also the heavy cavalry at the same time. Never was an army embarked for almost immediate active service under less favourable circumstances. Our ranks were decimated by disease, and the authorities apparently regardless of our health, food, clothing, and comfort, so necessary to render an army contented and vigorous in the face of the enemy. Still our men kept up their spirits, and only one desire pervaded the whole of the cavalry with whom I came in contact, and this was to “meet the Roosians and have done with it.” Not a man knew where it was intended to land the army, but it was generally understood that fighting would begin in earnest directly we came in sight of the enemy on the shores of the Crimea. I noticed the gallant 42nd Highlanders aboard theEmeu, and the Scots Fusiliers aboard theKangaroo, and no men could be in better spirits.The 4th Light Dragoons embarked in theSimla, and the 4th Royal Irish Dragoon Guards, with the remnant of the 5th, were conveyed to the scene of action in theTrent. The men were all in capital spirits, and their after-service proved that they meant business, as also did the 13th Light Dragoons (who sailed in theJason, if I remember right); and the 17th Lancers, with the old 8th King’s Royal Irish and 11th Hussars, proved what British cavalry can do, even under the most distressing circumstances, as shown by their wild death-ride through the vale of Balaklava, where the imbecility of their leaders nearly caused what few of them that the cholera had left, to be annihilated by charging unsupported an army in position. The transports and other vessels necessary to remove the Allied array numbered over 700, which, with the fleet, formed a magnificent sight when fairly out of the bay of Varna. Captain Longmore of ours, who accompanied Lord Cardigan in his reconnoitring expedition along the Danube, died of cholera aboard theHimalayabefore we sailed, and his body was taken ashore and buried. Not a better officer ever commanded a troop; he was a strict disciplinarian, but not a petty tyrant, and there was not a man in the regiment but who mourned his loss as children would a father. Several more officers and men died before sailing and on the passage, and their bodies were thrown overboard. I saw about fifty Zouaves drowned between the transport on board which they were to embark and the shore: they were all in complete marching order, and thus were prevented from swimming. The boat came in contact with a foreign vessel containing stores, and the former was sunk in less than a minute, the Zouaves disappearing with the most frightful yells; and they never rose again, a few—very few—only being saved.Lord Raglan, the Commander-in-Chief, and staff embarked on board theCaradoc; and some idea may be formed of the expedition when I say that it would have formed a line upwards of ten miles in length. We sailed in the direction of Eupatoria, and when some distance from the place, but within range of the guns of the fleet, theCaradocsailed towards the town with the white flag of truce, and it was generally understood we were to land there at once. But for some reason the idea was abandoned, and orders were given to sail farther down shore, for about ten miles, until we came to a low sandy beach on the 14th of September. All eyes were now directed to the beach—the first glimpse we had ever had of the Russian soil—and we fully expected to see it bristling with cannon; but all was peaceful and silent; not an armed man was visible as our officers eagerly scanned the shore with the aid of their glasses. Plenty of corn and cattle, and the Tartar farmers were all busy with their harvest. After some hours’ delay, caused by having to wait until the whole of the transports—some of whom were slower sailers than others—had come up, the expedition came to anchor from two to three miles from the beach. The French, who anchored some vessels on our right, were the first to lower a boat, with about a score of men in it; they quickly ran on shore, and jumped out, some of them up to the middle in water. A flag-staff was handed out, carried quickly ashore, and in a few seconds they had planted it on Russian territory, with the tricolour streaming from its summit. Shakos were thrown up, andVive l’Empereur! made the welkin ring. All this time the French were busily engaged lowering boats and running their men ashore. The French numbered about 25,000, and the English of all arms about 27,000. The French landed very quickly, and the moment they reached the shore they ran about like antelopes until they were assembled and formed into skirmishing parties, for fear of the enemy being in ambush; but none appeared, save a small knot of Cossacks on a high, rocky hill about a mile off. These Cossacks formed the escort of an officer who had evidently been sent from Sebastopol to ascertain the strength of our force, which they did not think it prudent to oppose on landing. A shell or round shot from the fleet, or a rifle ball or two from the deck of a man-of-war, would have scattered the party; but our officers, ever busy with their glasses, were anxious to gratify their curiosity. Sir George Brown and General Airey were amongst the first of our officers to land, and with a picket of riflemen some distance in their rear, they pushed on to reconnoitre for camping-ground. The generals were on foot, and never dreamt of the enemy being so near as they ascended the hill, behind whose crest the Cossacks were lying in ambush, having seen them some distance from and isolated from their escort of riflemen. The whole affair was seen from the decks of many of the vessels, that of theHimalayabeing crowded with officers and men of the 8th Hussars and 17th Lancers. The officer in command of the Cossacks dismounted, and his men followed his example. Walking and crouching behind their horses, they approached the two generals, who, the instant they saw the danger, turned and ran down the hill, the Cossacks throwing themselves into their saddles, and flourishing their long lances, preparing to pursue. Their career was, however, cut short, as the riflemen suddenly rose up and fired upon them; but the distance was too far, or the aim too bad to be effective, for no saddles were emptied, and the party rapidly disappeared behind the hill amidst a cloud of dust. We afterwards heard that one of the peasants had been wounded by the fire of the rifles while at work with his team on an adjacent farm.As each of our divisions of infantry landed they marched away from the beach, some in one direction and some in another, until the shore, as far as the eye could reach, was literally covered with armed men, whose bayonets flashing in the sun had a very pretty effect, as seen from the decks of the transports by the force still waiting their turn to land. At about noon the rain began to fall, and the wind getting up, the whole aspect of things underwent a change for the worse. The rain continued to fall steadily, and, to make matters worse, the men had no tents. Each was landed with his great coat and rations for three days, with a drop of rum to keep him warm. In this state the majority of our infantry had to pass their first night on hostile ground; but the cavalry still remained on board their respective transports. While the disembarkation still went on, some of our men-of-war boats were sent along the shore to reconnoitre, and found a Russian encampment, containing, it was said, about 5000 men; this they shelled, and soon destroyed. The rain continued to fall, but notwithstanding this, no orders were given to land the tents, only one for General Evans being sent on shore.Sir George Brown and staff were fortunate to procure a native cart, beneath which they slept, and no doubt soundly. Notwithstanding this night’s misery, every man being wet through and without a change of dry linen, or a bit of dry wood to make fires, the soldiers were in good spirits, the sea voyage of about fourteen days having freshened them up wonderfully; and they had the ever-cheering prospect before them—although the consummation of their wishes was destined to be long deferred—of eventually being inside the walls of Sebastopol, with the whole of the Russian stores and baggage at their chief disposal. Indeed, the fact that our commanders considered that we should be in the Russian stronghold in the course of a few days, was the reason why the tents were not landed simultaneously with our forces.The morning after our arrival orders were given for the cavalry to land. We had been lurching and tumbling in the waves all night, getting but little sleep, and our horses having been in slings the whole voyage, sadly needed exercise; and although the wind almost blew a whole gale, the order was welcome. Our vessel, the magnificentHimalaya, was the first to commence operations. We had nearly 400 horses and about 700 men aboard. The rest of the vessels stood in as near shore as possible, and commenced to land. One of Lord Raglan’s horses was the first to tumble off a horse-float into the water, and was drowned; several more followed suit, chiefly officers’ horses, through being, perhaps, better fed and higher bred than common troopers. A dozen horses were lowered in slings from the decks of the vessels on to these floats, with a soldier to each horse’s head when he got aboard. The floats were coupled to each other to the number of eight or ten, and then they were tugged as near shore as possible by steam-tugs that had accompanied the transports in readiness for any such service. In this manner most of the cavalry were landed, being rowed the remainder of the way until the floats bumped on the beach, when the horses were led or pushed along planks resting on the bow of the float, and walked into the water; through which, with sundry wild plunges and snorting, they romped on to the shingle, shook their sides, gave a shrill neigh to their companions, and trotted after them farther away on shore, both horse and trooper drenched in sea-water. After the cavalry had been disembarked, the tents—so much required the night before—were got on shore, and the men, infantry and cavalry, lay in comparative comfort the second night after our landing in the Crimea.

In brief, a braver choice of dauntless spirits,That now the English bottoms have waft o’er,Did never float upon the swelling tide.Shakespeare.

In brief, a braver choice of dauntless spirits,That now the English bottoms have waft o’er,Did never float upon the swelling tide.Shakespeare.

After our arrival at Varna we had to wait a few days for the order of embarkation, and finally sailed in company with the 17th Lancers in theHimalaya, Lord Cardigan and his staff being aboard the same vessel; the 11th Hussars, 4th and 13th Light Dragoons being embarked aboard other transports, as also the heavy cavalry at the same time. Never was an army embarked for almost immediate active service under less favourable circumstances. Our ranks were decimated by disease, and the authorities apparently regardless of our health, food, clothing, and comfort, so necessary to render an army contented and vigorous in the face of the enemy. Still our men kept up their spirits, and only one desire pervaded the whole of the cavalry with whom I came in contact, and this was to “meet the Roosians and have done with it.” Not a man knew where it was intended to land the army, but it was generally understood that fighting would begin in earnest directly we came in sight of the enemy on the shores of the Crimea. I noticed the gallant 42nd Highlanders aboard theEmeu, and the Scots Fusiliers aboard theKangaroo, and no men could be in better spirits.

The 4th Light Dragoons embarked in theSimla, and the 4th Royal Irish Dragoon Guards, with the remnant of the 5th, were conveyed to the scene of action in theTrent. The men were all in capital spirits, and their after-service proved that they meant business, as also did the 13th Light Dragoons (who sailed in theJason, if I remember right); and the 17th Lancers, with the old 8th King’s Royal Irish and 11th Hussars, proved what British cavalry can do, even under the most distressing circumstances, as shown by their wild death-ride through the vale of Balaklava, where the imbecility of their leaders nearly caused what few of them that the cholera had left, to be annihilated by charging unsupported an army in position. The transports and other vessels necessary to remove the Allied array numbered over 700, which, with the fleet, formed a magnificent sight when fairly out of the bay of Varna. Captain Longmore of ours, who accompanied Lord Cardigan in his reconnoitring expedition along the Danube, died of cholera aboard theHimalayabefore we sailed, and his body was taken ashore and buried. Not a better officer ever commanded a troop; he was a strict disciplinarian, but not a petty tyrant, and there was not a man in the regiment but who mourned his loss as children would a father. Several more officers and men died before sailing and on the passage, and their bodies were thrown overboard. I saw about fifty Zouaves drowned between the transport on board which they were to embark and the shore: they were all in complete marching order, and thus were prevented from swimming. The boat came in contact with a foreign vessel containing stores, and the former was sunk in less than a minute, the Zouaves disappearing with the most frightful yells; and they never rose again, a few—very few—only being saved.

Lord Raglan, the Commander-in-Chief, and staff embarked on board theCaradoc; and some idea may be formed of the expedition when I say that it would have formed a line upwards of ten miles in length. We sailed in the direction of Eupatoria, and when some distance from the place, but within range of the guns of the fleet, theCaradocsailed towards the town with the white flag of truce, and it was generally understood we were to land there at once. But for some reason the idea was abandoned, and orders were given to sail farther down shore, for about ten miles, until we came to a low sandy beach on the 14th of September. All eyes were now directed to the beach—the first glimpse we had ever had of the Russian soil—and we fully expected to see it bristling with cannon; but all was peaceful and silent; not an armed man was visible as our officers eagerly scanned the shore with the aid of their glasses. Plenty of corn and cattle, and the Tartar farmers were all busy with their harvest. After some hours’ delay, caused by having to wait until the whole of the transports—some of whom were slower sailers than others—had come up, the expedition came to anchor from two to three miles from the beach. The French, who anchored some vessels on our right, were the first to lower a boat, with about a score of men in it; they quickly ran on shore, and jumped out, some of them up to the middle in water. A flag-staff was handed out, carried quickly ashore, and in a few seconds they had planted it on Russian territory, with the tricolour streaming from its summit. Shakos were thrown up, andVive l’Empereur! made the welkin ring. All this time the French were busily engaged lowering boats and running their men ashore. The French numbered about 25,000, and the English of all arms about 27,000. The French landed very quickly, and the moment they reached the shore they ran about like antelopes until they were assembled and formed into skirmishing parties, for fear of the enemy being in ambush; but none appeared, save a small knot of Cossacks on a high, rocky hill about a mile off. These Cossacks formed the escort of an officer who had evidently been sent from Sebastopol to ascertain the strength of our force, which they did not think it prudent to oppose on landing. A shell or round shot from the fleet, or a rifle ball or two from the deck of a man-of-war, would have scattered the party; but our officers, ever busy with their glasses, were anxious to gratify their curiosity. Sir George Brown and General Airey were amongst the first of our officers to land, and with a picket of riflemen some distance in their rear, they pushed on to reconnoitre for camping-ground. The generals were on foot, and never dreamt of the enemy being so near as they ascended the hill, behind whose crest the Cossacks were lying in ambush, having seen them some distance from and isolated from their escort of riflemen. The whole affair was seen from the decks of many of the vessels, that of theHimalayabeing crowded with officers and men of the 8th Hussars and 17th Lancers. The officer in command of the Cossacks dismounted, and his men followed his example. Walking and crouching behind their horses, they approached the two generals, who, the instant they saw the danger, turned and ran down the hill, the Cossacks throwing themselves into their saddles, and flourishing their long lances, preparing to pursue. Their career was, however, cut short, as the riflemen suddenly rose up and fired upon them; but the distance was too far, or the aim too bad to be effective, for no saddles were emptied, and the party rapidly disappeared behind the hill amidst a cloud of dust. We afterwards heard that one of the peasants had been wounded by the fire of the rifles while at work with his team on an adjacent farm.

As each of our divisions of infantry landed they marched away from the beach, some in one direction and some in another, until the shore, as far as the eye could reach, was literally covered with armed men, whose bayonets flashing in the sun had a very pretty effect, as seen from the decks of the transports by the force still waiting their turn to land. At about noon the rain began to fall, and the wind getting up, the whole aspect of things underwent a change for the worse. The rain continued to fall steadily, and, to make matters worse, the men had no tents. Each was landed with his great coat and rations for three days, with a drop of rum to keep him warm. In this state the majority of our infantry had to pass their first night on hostile ground; but the cavalry still remained on board their respective transports. While the disembarkation still went on, some of our men-of-war boats were sent along the shore to reconnoitre, and found a Russian encampment, containing, it was said, about 5000 men; this they shelled, and soon destroyed. The rain continued to fall, but notwithstanding this, no orders were given to land the tents, only one for General Evans being sent on shore.

Sir George Brown and staff were fortunate to procure a native cart, beneath which they slept, and no doubt soundly. Notwithstanding this night’s misery, every man being wet through and without a change of dry linen, or a bit of dry wood to make fires, the soldiers were in good spirits, the sea voyage of about fourteen days having freshened them up wonderfully; and they had the ever-cheering prospect before them—although the consummation of their wishes was destined to be long deferred—of eventually being inside the walls of Sebastopol, with the whole of the Russian stores and baggage at their chief disposal. Indeed, the fact that our commanders considered that we should be in the Russian stronghold in the course of a few days, was the reason why the tents were not landed simultaneously with our forces.

The morning after our arrival orders were given for the cavalry to land. We had been lurching and tumbling in the waves all night, getting but little sleep, and our horses having been in slings the whole voyage, sadly needed exercise; and although the wind almost blew a whole gale, the order was welcome. Our vessel, the magnificentHimalaya, was the first to commence operations. We had nearly 400 horses and about 700 men aboard. The rest of the vessels stood in as near shore as possible, and commenced to land. One of Lord Raglan’s horses was the first to tumble off a horse-float into the water, and was drowned; several more followed suit, chiefly officers’ horses, through being, perhaps, better fed and higher bred than common troopers. A dozen horses were lowered in slings from the decks of the vessels on to these floats, with a soldier to each horse’s head when he got aboard. The floats were coupled to each other to the number of eight or ten, and then they were tugged as near shore as possible by steam-tugs that had accompanied the transports in readiness for any such service. In this manner most of the cavalry were landed, being rowed the remainder of the way until the floats bumped on the beach, when the horses were led or pushed along planks resting on the bow of the float, and walked into the water; through which, with sundry wild plunges and snorting, they romped on to the shingle, shook their sides, gave a shrill neigh to their companions, and trotted after them farther away on shore, both horse and trooper drenched in sea-water. After the cavalry had been disembarked, the tents—so much required the night before—were got on shore, and the men, infantry and cavalry, lay in comparative comfort the second night after our landing in the Crimea.

Chapter Twenty Nine.How stands the glass around?For shame! ye take no care, my boys;How stands the glass around?Let the mirth and wine abound.The trumpets sound,The colours flying are, my boys,To fight, kill, or wound;May we still be foundContent with our hard fare, my boys,On the cold ground.We were now fairly on the enemy’s ground, had bearded him in his den, and though our men had been subjected to a long period of suffering, consequent on the cholera ravaging our ranks at Varna and Devna (the one idea prevalent in every man’s breast being that he himself might be the next victim), we were still a very imposing force. When our videttes brought in the news that they had been menaced and yelled at in unmistakable sneers by the Cossacks, who were plainly seen in almost every direction galloping their shaggy little horses, and waving their long lances for us to come on and meet them, we were anxious to be among them. Like our own advanced posts, however, their field columns were plainly within a short distance, and any demonstration on the part of our pickets would only have sent them back direct to their lines, while our skirmishers, with their limited knowledge of the ground, might have been surrounded, and either cut down to a man, or taken prisoners. At this time we were said to be within twenty miles of Sebastopol, and the number of effective Englishmen, besides French and Turkish infantry, was about 27,000, who, I may truly say, were most eager to meet the enemy in battle; and no order during the whole campaign was more cheerfully obeyed than that issued by Lord Raglan on the night of the 18th of September, to “strike tents and march at break of the following day.” That march will long be remembered by all who were engaged in it. Every brigade, every division, every regiment, troop, battery, company, and every man with his arms and other accoutrements, was examined by colonels, adjutants, and their deputies, with a minuteness that told us plainly it would not be long before our services were called into active requisition. It was not until eight o’clock that the trumpeters of our brigade sounded the advance, and when our horses capered away from the camping-ground, to the merry strains of the various bands, no hearts were lighter than the five hundred cavaliers who formed the advanced guard of the army which has ever gone forth from British shores “to conquer or to die.” It was a lovely day, and the heat of the sun was tempered by the gentle sea-breeze, as we marched with our right flank resting on the beach under cover of the fleet.I was one of the advanced guard formed of men selected from the 8th Hussars, 4th Light Dragoons, 17th Lancers, 13th Light Dragoons, and 11th Hussars, and we were, of course, the first to come within sight of the enemy, who, in place of advancing to meet us, set fire to houses, corn-stacks, and every vestige of harvest produce on the land for miles around. We could see numerous Cossacks driving away the stunted cattle and sheep to their lines, ostensibly to prevent them falling into our hands, but in reality to rob the farmers of their property, which would have been unmolested by us, though, probably, the French would have appropriated it. After marching about two hours we drew nearer to the outlying pickets of the Russian army, who had fallen back upon each other, and so near to their reserves, that the latter could be plainly seen, as stated by Lord Cardigan, who, with a field-glass, rode at the head of our column, and ordered out a skirmishing party. These skirmishers spreading out on each flank of the advancing army like a fan, rode forth to meet the Cossacks, who capered and wheeled about, flourished their lances, and performed many grotesque movements quite new to us. But they finally settled down, and forming up in a very business-like manner, advanced as if determined to meet our skirmishers. Ere we had gone far, however, the “halt” was sounded, it was said by order of the Earl of Lucan, who with several more staff officers had ridden to the front. Emboldened by our halt, the Cossacks commenced to yell, flourish their lances, and some few shots were tired at us, which, however, fell out of range, and it was with a feeling of disappointment that we were forced to obey the trumpeter’s call of “skirmishers in,” retiring upon the main body which had been pushed forward in anticipation of a general action. During these few minutes, the enemy had brought up a few field-guns, and our men were exasperated beyond measure at the apathy of Lord Lucan, for allowing us to be fired into with artillery, and followed by a horde of yelling Cossacks into the shelter of our lines, like a pack of whipped hounds to their kennels.It will ever redound to the credit of Lord Cardigan, that in this, his first meeting of the enemy in force, he was most anxious to lead the Light Cavalry to battle, even before our reserves had come in sight; but Lord Lucan, by a rapid communication with Lord Raglan, decided that, not knowing the strength or position of the enemy, it was better to wait until the main body came up, and bivouacked, ere we made an attack. Several of our men were badly wounded, and five or six horses were killed by the Russian gunners, who had got our range and made beautiful practice. At last, however, a battery of six and nine-pounders came up at a gallop, and instantly opened fire. “Whiz,” “ugh,” “rippety tip,” went the balls, some ricocheting and sending up clouds of dust as they danced over the intervening space. The Cossacks ceased yelling when many of them were knocked over, horses and all, like nine-pins, and the remainder scampered off to their lines like frightened sheep. Meanwhile the main body of our army were fast coming up, and forming in order of battle to repel a general attack, should one be made. A shell, however, which was so directed as to burst in the centre of an advanced column of the enemy’s infantry, settled their business, for limbering up their guns in great haste they quickly retired, and one of our sergeants (O’Brien Kennedy, a Tipperary man) remarked, that although they appeared to “care but little for cannon-balls, they did not relish bullocks’ hearts stuffed with thunder and lightning.”Only one feeling pervaded our brigade that night, which was regret at not being allowed to meet the Russian cavalry hand to hand, and stirrup to stirrup. This little skirmish was always designated amongst us as “that affair of the Bouljanak;” but as we dismounted and patted our horses’ necks, we rejoiced that we were fairly up with the enemy. Without laying ourselves open to the charge of vain boasting, there was not a man of us who collected round our bivouac fires that night, who did not resolve that those “yelling Cossacks” should be “skivered” when we were permitted to meet them sword to sword and man to man. It afterwards transpired, from the statements of prisoners and spies, that no less than five regiments of cavalry were in reserve behind the “yelling Cossacks;” therefore it was, perhaps, as well that the recall was sounded, or the story of the “Young Dragoon” might not have been written.Soundly our grand army slept that night on the cold ground, and thousands awakened only to march forth to certain death up the heights of the Alma. Passing over the events that occurred on the morning of the day on which the battle of Alma was fought, which was spent by our generals in arranging the army in the order of battle to meet the enemy, and beard him in his own earthworks, I now bring my readers to the banks of the river Alma, called a river, but in reality only a brook, which most of our horses could have cleared at a jump, even in its widest part. Our brigade was held in reserve, as, if the infantry should suffer a reverse and be obliged to retire from the hill over the brook on to the plain, we were ready to play our part on that ground. Onwards the army advanced in a vast extended line, so as to prevent the enemy from descending the heights in front and outflanking us. The French were disposed so as to march on our extreme right, in order to attack the enemy’s left, who occupied a position which, from its steepness, was difficult to approach; but to our army was assigned the hardest fighting—namely, the forcing of the enemy’s centre and right. The whole face of the hill as far as the eye could reach was swarming with squares of infantry intermixed with earthworks thrown up on the slopes, over which peeped the muzzles of muskets ready to deal death and destruction to our dauntless infantry.As we neared the banks of the stream, towards the right of the Russian position, we noticed myriads of Cossacks, supported by a large force of dragoons wearing helmets, who, when they observed us, descended the hills and boldly crossed the stream. This time we quite expected to meet them, but we were again disappointed, as a battery of our artillery was at once pushed forward and placed between us and glory.A clump of houses and haystacks had been set on fire some distance to our left, the smoke of which was intended to hide the enemy’s cavalry from the view of our generals, and so enable them to charge upon the left flank and rear of our infantry, just at the moment the latter forded the river. But the artillery, before mentioned, with our brigade ready to dash among them, effectually kept them at bay. During this time the enemy had opened fire on our right, and very soon it extended over the whole length of our line. The infantry were ordered to lie down, and while our artillery replied well to the enemy’s fire, we sat on our horses passive observers of all that occurred. An occasional shot dropped in the midst of us, and many rolled harmlessly among our horses’ legs. Not a hundred yards from where we formed up was Lord Raglan and staff: the commander-in-chief was evidently getting very anxious, as he continually interrogated an aide-de-camp as to something that was passing on the extreme left of the enemy’s position.At length Captain Nolan came up at a tearing gallop. “They are over, my Lord!” said he: then followed a hurried, conversation among the staff, and after a short interval the welcome order was given to the infantry to rise and advance.By this time it was ascertained that not only were the French over the river, as Captain Nolan had stated, but they were hard at it, climbing the heights and engaged hand to hand with the enemy. Not a moment was to be lost; a splash, a scramble along the whole line, and in a few brief moments British bayonets were introduced to the ribs of Russian soldiers. The Highland brigade being nearest to us, we were enabled to watch their every movement, as well as the excitement consequent upon our position would allow, for we were constantly threatened by the demonstrations of the cavalry on our left. We saw the kilted heroes march at quick time up that deadly incline as steadily as if on parade, and the infantry on their right (as far as we could see for the smoke) followed their example. It appears, however, from the reports of those actually engaged, that the Light Division, being too impetuous, got into some disorder, owing to their being in advance of the main body, and they consequently suffered heavily.Sir George Brown, who commanded this division, rode in the front of them on a grey horse, and led them on at too fast a pace, for which he nearly paid the penalty with his life, for his horse was shot under him, and a terrible fire being concentrated upon this part of our line, the gallant Light Division was awfully cut up. Onward, however, swept the main bulk of that army, the majority of whom were composed of men who had never been in action before. We could distinctly see at intervals, through the dense columns of smoke, as the fire gradually receded from the base up the slopes and finally died out at the crest of the hill, the belching forth of the musketry from the earthworks as our men neared one ridge after the other. A puff of smoke, a long stream of fire, and down came our men in heaps, but plenty remained to avenge their death. A wild “hurrah,” and over the crest of the earthworks they leaped with their bayonets at the charge, followed by a deadly hand-to-hand struggle within the earthworks.This order of advance, and successive storming of what may almost be termed batteries in position, was unparalleled in the history of war, but it was successful in every instance; for the enemy were either driven from every earthwork, or bayoneted on the spot: yard by yard, inch by inch, they retired up the hill, and were finally driven beyond their last rallying point, a confused, defeated, and humiliated army, flying with their chief, Prince Menschikoff, in the direction of their stronghold, Sebastopol.In this action the enemy left all their cannon, and upwards of 6000 men dead, wounded, and prisoners, in our hands. Our loss in killed and wounded was estimated at little less than 4000 men. Our own dead, as also the Russians, were buried, and all our wounded were sent on board the fleet, but hundreds of wounded Russians were left in the places where they lay.Much has been written as to the policy pursued by Lord Raglan, of not following up the retreating enemy and completing their destruction ere they reached Sebastopol. With this I have nothing to do, but I may remark that it would have been worse policy to have left our dead on the field to fester in the burning sun, and so spread disease and death, more terrible than dying in action, throughout the whole army. The wounded would also have been left without succour, for it must be remembered that no assistance was sent from the fleet: the survivors had to bury their dead comrades, and carry the wounded to the ships. A weary, harassing night was that after the battle, in which I had myself happily to take no part, being engaged on picket duty; but I could plainly hear the shrieks and groans of the wounded as the surgeons amputated the poor fellows’ legs or arms, and dressed the less serious wounds.The action was fought on the 21st September, but not until the morning of the 23rd did we leave the vicinity of the battle-field. The fleet had orders to sail about the same time in the direction of Balaclava. On our line of march we found that our old foes, the Cossacks, had ruthlessly plundered several houses that had evidently been inhabited by well-to-do natives, and we found numerous smaller houses along the banks of the Katcha river, from which the inhabitants had fled, leaving them to be plundered by the bloodthirsty ruffians. Here and there, however, we met with a Tartar farmer, who, more bold than the rest, came forth from their hiding-places to stare at us from motives of sheer curiosity. On arriving at a village called Eskel, we were allowed to dismount, and here we found plenty of newly-gathered corn for our horses, who much enjoyed eating it from the straw, and we equally enjoyed the rich clusters of grapes, which hung invitingly from the vines which surrounded nearly every dwelling. We learned from the few natives who were visible, that the defeated army had reached the village on the evening of the battle in a sadly deteriorated condition, and after only an hour’s rest an alarm was spread that our army was pursuing them, and they continued their retreat in great disorder.Pursuing our march through a thickly-wooded country, we could distinctly see the forts of Sebastopol but we kept well away from the range of their guns, and made all haste, by a flank movement, not the least expected by the enemy, to reach Balaclava, in order to form a base of operations and establish a communication with the fleet. During this march, parties of our corps and the 11th Hussars formed the advance guard, keeping in sight of Lord Raglan and his staff, and we suddenly came upon the enemy’s baggage guard, which we quickly dispersed, and an enormous quantity of baggage, principally clothing, was instantly surrounded. The carriage of Prince Menschikoff also fell into our hands, but I did not see it, being otherwise engaged: my share of the plunder was a capital cloak of fine blue cloth, lined throughout with fur, which I took from a box, the lid of which had been smashed open by a private of the 88th regiment, with a blow from the butt end of his rifle. I also managed to secure a couple of flannel shirts, but having pursued the enemy two or three miles on the road, we returned too late to share in the most valuable spoil that fell into the hands of our comrades.Halting next at the village of Tractir, or Traktir, near which is a place called Mackenzie’s farm, which only consists of plantations of fir, and stores of wood grown for the use of the enemy’s navy. This the French set fire to, and we left it blazing merrily, to resume our march on Balaclava, where a portion of the fleet arrived before us, and the guns of theAgamemnon, commanded by Sir E. Lyons, were at once called into requisition (in conjunction with our infantry), to reduce a fort from whence several rounds of shot were fired on our approach, but the commandant of the place soon surrendered, and we entered the town, or rather village, without further opposition. Having taken prisoner an Englishman named Upton, a relative of the engineer whom the enemy had employed during the erection of the forts at Sebastopol, we found the object of his capture was to obtain information from him as to the strength of the army, the forts, and the positions of the field columns; but he refused to give any information, and, I believe, was set at liberty. From this time the infantry, artillery, sappers, and commissariat were as busy as bees, preparing to invest Sebastopol, landing siege-trains, stores, etc, and the enemy continually kept up a dropping fire upon everything that came within range of their forts. The cavalry from this to the battle of Balaclava was principally employed on picket duty, reconnoitring and foraging, with an occasional skirmish with the Cossacks; but the infantry had a hard time of it in the trenches, and, what was worse than all, the cholera was still busy in our midst; indeed, up to this time we had lost more men by disease than in battle. Worked as hard as labourers on a railway, under fire all the time, fed on scanty and inferior rations, with little or no fuel with which to cook them, any infantry except the British would have revolteden masse, and left their rulers to fight their own battles. We had, before our arrival at Balaclava, been reinforced by the Scots Greys, who had been landed from theHimalayaat the Katcha river, and here also the French were joined by large reinforcements, said to be upwards of ten thousand men. In coming from Varna to Balaclava, the 1st Royal Dragoons and the Enniskillen Dragoons had upwards of 200 horses washed overboard in a heavy gale of wind, and the men were landed in a very disheartened state. There is nothing so miserable for a trooper on a campaign as to be without his horse: it is part and parcel of himself, as, besides furnishing him with an easy means of transport from place to place, it is essential to his personal safety.

How stands the glass around?For shame! ye take no care, my boys;How stands the glass around?Let the mirth and wine abound.The trumpets sound,The colours flying are, my boys,To fight, kill, or wound;May we still be foundContent with our hard fare, my boys,On the cold ground.

How stands the glass around?For shame! ye take no care, my boys;How stands the glass around?Let the mirth and wine abound.The trumpets sound,The colours flying are, my boys,To fight, kill, or wound;May we still be foundContent with our hard fare, my boys,On the cold ground.

We were now fairly on the enemy’s ground, had bearded him in his den, and though our men had been subjected to a long period of suffering, consequent on the cholera ravaging our ranks at Varna and Devna (the one idea prevalent in every man’s breast being that he himself might be the next victim), we were still a very imposing force. When our videttes brought in the news that they had been menaced and yelled at in unmistakable sneers by the Cossacks, who were plainly seen in almost every direction galloping their shaggy little horses, and waving their long lances for us to come on and meet them, we were anxious to be among them. Like our own advanced posts, however, their field columns were plainly within a short distance, and any demonstration on the part of our pickets would only have sent them back direct to their lines, while our skirmishers, with their limited knowledge of the ground, might have been surrounded, and either cut down to a man, or taken prisoners. At this time we were said to be within twenty miles of Sebastopol, and the number of effective Englishmen, besides French and Turkish infantry, was about 27,000, who, I may truly say, were most eager to meet the enemy in battle; and no order during the whole campaign was more cheerfully obeyed than that issued by Lord Raglan on the night of the 18th of September, to “strike tents and march at break of the following day.” That march will long be remembered by all who were engaged in it. Every brigade, every division, every regiment, troop, battery, company, and every man with his arms and other accoutrements, was examined by colonels, adjutants, and their deputies, with a minuteness that told us plainly it would not be long before our services were called into active requisition. It was not until eight o’clock that the trumpeters of our brigade sounded the advance, and when our horses capered away from the camping-ground, to the merry strains of the various bands, no hearts were lighter than the five hundred cavaliers who formed the advanced guard of the army which has ever gone forth from British shores “to conquer or to die.” It was a lovely day, and the heat of the sun was tempered by the gentle sea-breeze, as we marched with our right flank resting on the beach under cover of the fleet.

I was one of the advanced guard formed of men selected from the 8th Hussars, 4th Light Dragoons, 17th Lancers, 13th Light Dragoons, and 11th Hussars, and we were, of course, the first to come within sight of the enemy, who, in place of advancing to meet us, set fire to houses, corn-stacks, and every vestige of harvest produce on the land for miles around. We could see numerous Cossacks driving away the stunted cattle and sheep to their lines, ostensibly to prevent them falling into our hands, but in reality to rob the farmers of their property, which would have been unmolested by us, though, probably, the French would have appropriated it. After marching about two hours we drew nearer to the outlying pickets of the Russian army, who had fallen back upon each other, and so near to their reserves, that the latter could be plainly seen, as stated by Lord Cardigan, who, with a field-glass, rode at the head of our column, and ordered out a skirmishing party. These skirmishers spreading out on each flank of the advancing army like a fan, rode forth to meet the Cossacks, who capered and wheeled about, flourished their lances, and performed many grotesque movements quite new to us. But they finally settled down, and forming up in a very business-like manner, advanced as if determined to meet our skirmishers. Ere we had gone far, however, the “halt” was sounded, it was said by order of the Earl of Lucan, who with several more staff officers had ridden to the front. Emboldened by our halt, the Cossacks commenced to yell, flourish their lances, and some few shots were tired at us, which, however, fell out of range, and it was with a feeling of disappointment that we were forced to obey the trumpeter’s call of “skirmishers in,” retiring upon the main body which had been pushed forward in anticipation of a general action. During these few minutes, the enemy had brought up a few field-guns, and our men were exasperated beyond measure at the apathy of Lord Lucan, for allowing us to be fired into with artillery, and followed by a horde of yelling Cossacks into the shelter of our lines, like a pack of whipped hounds to their kennels.

It will ever redound to the credit of Lord Cardigan, that in this, his first meeting of the enemy in force, he was most anxious to lead the Light Cavalry to battle, even before our reserves had come in sight; but Lord Lucan, by a rapid communication with Lord Raglan, decided that, not knowing the strength or position of the enemy, it was better to wait until the main body came up, and bivouacked, ere we made an attack. Several of our men were badly wounded, and five or six horses were killed by the Russian gunners, who had got our range and made beautiful practice. At last, however, a battery of six and nine-pounders came up at a gallop, and instantly opened fire. “Whiz,” “ugh,” “rippety tip,” went the balls, some ricocheting and sending up clouds of dust as they danced over the intervening space. The Cossacks ceased yelling when many of them were knocked over, horses and all, like nine-pins, and the remainder scampered off to their lines like frightened sheep. Meanwhile the main body of our army were fast coming up, and forming in order of battle to repel a general attack, should one be made. A shell, however, which was so directed as to burst in the centre of an advanced column of the enemy’s infantry, settled their business, for limbering up their guns in great haste they quickly retired, and one of our sergeants (O’Brien Kennedy, a Tipperary man) remarked, that although they appeared to “care but little for cannon-balls, they did not relish bullocks’ hearts stuffed with thunder and lightning.”

Only one feeling pervaded our brigade that night, which was regret at not being allowed to meet the Russian cavalry hand to hand, and stirrup to stirrup. This little skirmish was always designated amongst us as “that affair of the Bouljanak;” but as we dismounted and patted our horses’ necks, we rejoiced that we were fairly up with the enemy. Without laying ourselves open to the charge of vain boasting, there was not a man of us who collected round our bivouac fires that night, who did not resolve that those “yelling Cossacks” should be “skivered” when we were permitted to meet them sword to sword and man to man. It afterwards transpired, from the statements of prisoners and spies, that no less than five regiments of cavalry were in reserve behind the “yelling Cossacks;” therefore it was, perhaps, as well that the recall was sounded, or the story of the “Young Dragoon” might not have been written.

Soundly our grand army slept that night on the cold ground, and thousands awakened only to march forth to certain death up the heights of the Alma. Passing over the events that occurred on the morning of the day on which the battle of Alma was fought, which was spent by our generals in arranging the army in the order of battle to meet the enemy, and beard him in his own earthworks, I now bring my readers to the banks of the river Alma, called a river, but in reality only a brook, which most of our horses could have cleared at a jump, even in its widest part. Our brigade was held in reserve, as, if the infantry should suffer a reverse and be obliged to retire from the hill over the brook on to the plain, we were ready to play our part on that ground. Onwards the army advanced in a vast extended line, so as to prevent the enemy from descending the heights in front and outflanking us. The French were disposed so as to march on our extreme right, in order to attack the enemy’s left, who occupied a position which, from its steepness, was difficult to approach; but to our army was assigned the hardest fighting—namely, the forcing of the enemy’s centre and right. The whole face of the hill as far as the eye could reach was swarming with squares of infantry intermixed with earthworks thrown up on the slopes, over which peeped the muzzles of muskets ready to deal death and destruction to our dauntless infantry.

As we neared the banks of the stream, towards the right of the Russian position, we noticed myriads of Cossacks, supported by a large force of dragoons wearing helmets, who, when they observed us, descended the hills and boldly crossed the stream. This time we quite expected to meet them, but we were again disappointed, as a battery of our artillery was at once pushed forward and placed between us and glory.

A clump of houses and haystacks had been set on fire some distance to our left, the smoke of which was intended to hide the enemy’s cavalry from the view of our generals, and so enable them to charge upon the left flank and rear of our infantry, just at the moment the latter forded the river. But the artillery, before mentioned, with our brigade ready to dash among them, effectually kept them at bay. During this time the enemy had opened fire on our right, and very soon it extended over the whole length of our line. The infantry were ordered to lie down, and while our artillery replied well to the enemy’s fire, we sat on our horses passive observers of all that occurred. An occasional shot dropped in the midst of us, and many rolled harmlessly among our horses’ legs. Not a hundred yards from where we formed up was Lord Raglan and staff: the commander-in-chief was evidently getting very anxious, as he continually interrogated an aide-de-camp as to something that was passing on the extreme left of the enemy’s position.

At length Captain Nolan came up at a tearing gallop. “They are over, my Lord!” said he: then followed a hurried, conversation among the staff, and after a short interval the welcome order was given to the infantry to rise and advance.

By this time it was ascertained that not only were the French over the river, as Captain Nolan had stated, but they were hard at it, climbing the heights and engaged hand to hand with the enemy. Not a moment was to be lost; a splash, a scramble along the whole line, and in a few brief moments British bayonets were introduced to the ribs of Russian soldiers. The Highland brigade being nearest to us, we were enabled to watch their every movement, as well as the excitement consequent upon our position would allow, for we were constantly threatened by the demonstrations of the cavalry on our left. We saw the kilted heroes march at quick time up that deadly incline as steadily as if on parade, and the infantry on their right (as far as we could see for the smoke) followed their example. It appears, however, from the reports of those actually engaged, that the Light Division, being too impetuous, got into some disorder, owing to their being in advance of the main body, and they consequently suffered heavily.

Sir George Brown, who commanded this division, rode in the front of them on a grey horse, and led them on at too fast a pace, for which he nearly paid the penalty with his life, for his horse was shot under him, and a terrible fire being concentrated upon this part of our line, the gallant Light Division was awfully cut up. Onward, however, swept the main bulk of that army, the majority of whom were composed of men who had never been in action before. We could distinctly see at intervals, through the dense columns of smoke, as the fire gradually receded from the base up the slopes and finally died out at the crest of the hill, the belching forth of the musketry from the earthworks as our men neared one ridge after the other. A puff of smoke, a long stream of fire, and down came our men in heaps, but plenty remained to avenge their death. A wild “hurrah,” and over the crest of the earthworks they leaped with their bayonets at the charge, followed by a deadly hand-to-hand struggle within the earthworks.

This order of advance, and successive storming of what may almost be termed batteries in position, was unparalleled in the history of war, but it was successful in every instance; for the enemy were either driven from every earthwork, or bayoneted on the spot: yard by yard, inch by inch, they retired up the hill, and were finally driven beyond their last rallying point, a confused, defeated, and humiliated army, flying with their chief, Prince Menschikoff, in the direction of their stronghold, Sebastopol.

In this action the enemy left all their cannon, and upwards of 6000 men dead, wounded, and prisoners, in our hands. Our loss in killed and wounded was estimated at little less than 4000 men. Our own dead, as also the Russians, were buried, and all our wounded were sent on board the fleet, but hundreds of wounded Russians were left in the places where they lay.

Much has been written as to the policy pursued by Lord Raglan, of not following up the retreating enemy and completing their destruction ere they reached Sebastopol. With this I have nothing to do, but I may remark that it would have been worse policy to have left our dead on the field to fester in the burning sun, and so spread disease and death, more terrible than dying in action, throughout the whole army. The wounded would also have been left without succour, for it must be remembered that no assistance was sent from the fleet: the survivors had to bury their dead comrades, and carry the wounded to the ships. A weary, harassing night was that after the battle, in which I had myself happily to take no part, being engaged on picket duty; but I could plainly hear the shrieks and groans of the wounded as the surgeons amputated the poor fellows’ legs or arms, and dressed the less serious wounds.

The action was fought on the 21st September, but not until the morning of the 23rd did we leave the vicinity of the battle-field. The fleet had orders to sail about the same time in the direction of Balaclava. On our line of march we found that our old foes, the Cossacks, had ruthlessly plundered several houses that had evidently been inhabited by well-to-do natives, and we found numerous smaller houses along the banks of the Katcha river, from which the inhabitants had fled, leaving them to be plundered by the bloodthirsty ruffians. Here and there, however, we met with a Tartar farmer, who, more bold than the rest, came forth from their hiding-places to stare at us from motives of sheer curiosity. On arriving at a village called Eskel, we were allowed to dismount, and here we found plenty of newly-gathered corn for our horses, who much enjoyed eating it from the straw, and we equally enjoyed the rich clusters of grapes, which hung invitingly from the vines which surrounded nearly every dwelling. We learned from the few natives who were visible, that the defeated army had reached the village on the evening of the battle in a sadly deteriorated condition, and after only an hour’s rest an alarm was spread that our army was pursuing them, and they continued their retreat in great disorder.

Pursuing our march through a thickly-wooded country, we could distinctly see the forts of Sebastopol but we kept well away from the range of their guns, and made all haste, by a flank movement, not the least expected by the enemy, to reach Balaclava, in order to form a base of operations and establish a communication with the fleet. During this march, parties of our corps and the 11th Hussars formed the advance guard, keeping in sight of Lord Raglan and his staff, and we suddenly came upon the enemy’s baggage guard, which we quickly dispersed, and an enormous quantity of baggage, principally clothing, was instantly surrounded. The carriage of Prince Menschikoff also fell into our hands, but I did not see it, being otherwise engaged: my share of the plunder was a capital cloak of fine blue cloth, lined throughout with fur, which I took from a box, the lid of which had been smashed open by a private of the 88th regiment, with a blow from the butt end of his rifle. I also managed to secure a couple of flannel shirts, but having pursued the enemy two or three miles on the road, we returned too late to share in the most valuable spoil that fell into the hands of our comrades.

Halting next at the village of Tractir, or Traktir, near which is a place called Mackenzie’s farm, which only consists of plantations of fir, and stores of wood grown for the use of the enemy’s navy. This the French set fire to, and we left it blazing merrily, to resume our march on Balaclava, where a portion of the fleet arrived before us, and the guns of theAgamemnon, commanded by Sir E. Lyons, were at once called into requisition (in conjunction with our infantry), to reduce a fort from whence several rounds of shot were fired on our approach, but the commandant of the place soon surrendered, and we entered the town, or rather village, without further opposition. Having taken prisoner an Englishman named Upton, a relative of the engineer whom the enemy had employed during the erection of the forts at Sebastopol, we found the object of his capture was to obtain information from him as to the strength of the army, the forts, and the positions of the field columns; but he refused to give any information, and, I believe, was set at liberty. From this time the infantry, artillery, sappers, and commissariat were as busy as bees, preparing to invest Sebastopol, landing siege-trains, stores, etc, and the enemy continually kept up a dropping fire upon everything that came within range of their forts. The cavalry from this to the battle of Balaclava was principally employed on picket duty, reconnoitring and foraging, with an occasional skirmish with the Cossacks; but the infantry had a hard time of it in the trenches, and, what was worse than all, the cholera was still busy in our midst; indeed, up to this time we had lost more men by disease than in battle. Worked as hard as labourers on a railway, under fire all the time, fed on scanty and inferior rations, with little or no fuel with which to cook them, any infantry except the British would have revolteden masse, and left their rulers to fight their own battles. We had, before our arrival at Balaclava, been reinforced by the Scots Greys, who had been landed from theHimalayaat the Katcha river, and here also the French were joined by large reinforcements, said to be upwards of ten thousand men. In coming from Varna to Balaclava, the 1st Royal Dragoons and the Enniskillen Dragoons had upwards of 200 horses washed overboard in a heavy gale of wind, and the men were landed in a very disheartened state. There is nothing so miserable for a trooper on a campaign as to be without his horse: it is part and parcel of himself, as, besides furnishing him with an easy means of transport from place to place, it is essential to his personal safety.

Chapter Thirty.Above the tide each broadsword brightWas brandished like a beam of light,Each targe was dark below;And with the ocean’s mighty swing,When heaving to the tempest’s wing,They hurled them on the foe.Scott.Passing over much that would be interesting to my young readers, I must now bring them to the morning of the battle of Balaclava, celebrated for the most daring cavalry charge that ever was known in the memory of mankind. The time that had been wasted at Gallipoli, Varna, and Devna, had not only greatly diminished by death the number of our men, but our horses were absolutely pined to death for want of forage; not a morsel of grass could be found, and the hay which had been landed at Balaclava in compressed trusses as hard as a stone, and bound together with iron hoops, was much of it musty, while of this not more than a mere handful (a third of the quantity served out in barracks) was given daily, and the oats were also served out in corresponding quantities. The consequence of this bad management was, that our horses soon grew too weak to carry us; therefore it was no wonder that on the 25th October not more than six hundred could be mustered in any degree fit for duty. Our batteries opened fire upon Sebastopol about ten days previously, and the forts had replied with vigour, therefore the fighting was fairly begun, and continued night and day, not only with cannon, but between skirmishers, foraging parties, continual sorties of infantry from the forts upon the men engaged in the trenches, and between riflemen at long range, from every imaginable position, and in every attitude where a cover could be found and a sight of a Russian’s head could be obtained. The cavalry, therefore, were doubly diligent, as to them was principally confided the defence of Balaclava, and the keeping open of communications with the camp to obtain supplies from the fleet. Our tents were situate, as near as I can guess, about three miles from Balaclava, between the latter place and Sebastopol, and arranged partly on the slopes of the hills and partly in the valley, which grew nothing but thistles.Within a short distance of our encampment were pitched the tents of the 93rd Highlanders, and a little nearer the sea could plainly be seen the camping-ground of the Marines. On the hill-tops, farther away from Balaclava, were erected some earthen redoubts which were armed by heavy ship-guns, and manned by Turks. These redoubts were in tended to hold in check the enemy, should he advance from Sebastopol by any of the roads in the direction of Balaclava.Soon after daybreak on the 25th October, our outlying pickets discovered a large force of the enemy’s horse, artillery and infantry, marching rapidly along the valley, and extending their artillery and cavalry within range of the Turkish redoubts before named. Mounted orderlies were at once despatched to the front for reinforcements. We had not yet broken our fast, neither had our horses been fed with their scanty rations, or even watered. There was not a moment to be lost, and in less time than it takes me to write three or four lines, every available man had leaped into his saddle—a few from each of the five regiments, the 8th and 11th Hussars, 4th and 18th Light Dragoons, and 17th Lancers, or, as they were familiarly styled, “death or glory boys,” their regimental badge being a death’s head and cross-bones, and their motto, “Death or Glory.” The badge of the 8th King’s Royal Irish Hussars is the “harp and crown,” and their motto,Pristinae Virtutis Memores, with “Leswarre, Hindoostan,” inscribed on their colours and shabraques—the latter being the cloth covering of the saddle. The 4th Queen’s Own Light Dragoons had inscribed on their colours and shabraques the names of the various actions in which they had been engaged—namely, “Talavera, Albuera, Salamanca, Vittoria, Toulouse, Peninsula, Afghanistan, Ghuznee.” The shabraques and colours of the 11th, Prince Albert’s Own Hussars, bore the inscriptions, “Egypt, with the Sphinx, Salamanca, Peninsula, Waterloo, Bhurtpore;” and the 13th Light Dragoons wear the regimental motto,Viret in aeternum, with “Peninsula, Waterloo,” on their colours.Thus it will be seen that each regiment, though so very slenderly represented, had to sustain the well-earned honours which had previously been bestowed upon it. For the sake of illustration, I may state that the 17th Lancers wore a blue coatee and trousers with white facings, and a square-topped shako with black plume. The 8th Hussars were at that time attired in blue jackets and overalls, with a blue “pelisse” or loose jacket hanging over the left shoulder and fastened round the neck with a loop. The head-dress was a fur busby and white hackle. The uniform of the 11th was precisely the same as the 8th, with this difference, that their overalls were of crimson cloth; the colours of both regimental facings being yellow, with a profusion of lace running in lines across the breast, and each wore sashes of scarlet and yellow silk and worsted around their waists. The saddles of the men were covered with the “shabraque” before named, and over that was a black sheep-skin; tiger skins being substituted for the latter on officers’ saddles, the tiger’s head being cured with glass eyes substituted for natural ones, and the tusks revealed as if the beast was in the act of growling. The 4th wore blue coatees and overalls, with scarlet facings, shakos and plumes of horse-hair; and the 13th Light Dragoons were attired in blue coatees and buff facings, shako, and horse-hair plume. Thus attired and thus mounted, we were formed up to await our summons for battle, six hundred of us, all told.By the time Sir Colin Campbell had his Highlanders under arms, the marines on the hill-tops were forming, and the sailors were rushing to their guns on the heights that commanded the road to the beach. The first glimpse we had of the enemy was a couple of batteries (one behind the other) of field-guns, marching direct upon the Turkish redoubts. About half-a-mile in the rear of the hindmost of these two batteries was another line of heavier guns, reaching right across the valley. Behind these, again, appeared an immense number of cavalry, enough to eat up our brigade, horses and all. After these marched very many squares of infantry, while extended on each flank, and far out to the front, were parties of mounted skirmishers, already firing, although they were not within range. Gradually the leading field-battery nears the Number 1 Turkish redoubt. A puff of white smoke rises from the approaching battery, then a report, followed by another and another. Now the heavy ship-guns boom from the redoubt, but the fire from the approaching enemy becomes too hot, and the Turks take to their heels: the enemy’s light cavalry were soon upon them, a flash of steel in the air, and a sweeping cut or lance-thrust laid many of them low; while redoubt after redoubt with the guns were taken, and immediately manned by Russian gunners, and the guns turned against us. The Turks ran direct to the lines of the Highlanders, and in this direction literally swarmed the enemy’s cavalry, but they advanced in good order. By this time our heavy cavalry brigade had joined us under General Scarlett, and were at first held in reserve. These were the Scots Greys, the 4th Royal Irish Dragoon Guards, the 6th Enniskillens, the 1st Royal Dragoons and the 5th Dragoon Guards. The light brigade were formed on the left of the “heavys,” and the whole in two ranks, Lord Cardigan, the Earl of Lucan, and General Scarlett were in earnest conversation, while the men were looking anxious at a numerous column of cavalry in the very act of charging the Highlanders, who, much to our surprise, never formed square, as is customary to receive cavalry. The Turks formed on each flank, fired on the first approach of the Russian horse, when far enough out of range, and ran away, leaving the Scots to take care of themselves.A cloud of dust almost hides the Highland infantry from view; we had seen them fight at Alma, and knew they would stand, but oh, how we longed to dash between them and their foes! The result showed us, however, that they needed no such assistance. Nearer and nearer the horsemen swept, and still undaunted the kilted heroes stood like rocks. Now the Russians appear to be within 800 yards of their line, and quick as lightning the front rank kneel and fire: not more than one or two saddles are emptied, however, the distance was too great. A brief interval, during which the horsemen unchecked ride on until within about 100 yards of the line, when the rear-rank men, over their kneeling comrades in front, each having singled out his advancing foe, and covered his breast with the minié muzzle, pulls the trigger, and down in a confused mass tumble numerous horses and men; the remainder turn “files about,” and gallop back under cover of their guns.It was now our turn, for during the previous events thousands of the enemy’s cavalry were moving up the hill, and without halting at the top, they descended first at a gallop, then a canter, then a trot, then a walk, and soon afterwards they halted, probably surprised that we did not scamper off at their approach. They were at least ten to one of us, and their front rank far outflanked us both right and left. Our trumpets sounded the “advance,” followed by “charge,” and at them dashed the heavy brigade in succession of squadrons. Full tilt at their centre galloped Greys and Enniskillens, shooting through their line as if it were made of rotten sticks. Such a crash, and a cheer, a flash of sabres for an instant, and they are clean through the first Russian lines, the flanks of which have been brought forward with the intention of overlapping us. Another line of the same formation is charged through, and, close in the wake of their leaders, follow with like success the detachments from the other three regiments, and in an instant afterwards the Russians were in full retreat, leaving great numbers of their cavalry dead on the field, while the number of our killed did not exceed six, and our wounded about thirty.It is the custom in our army for heavy cavalry to break the line, and the light cavalry to dash in, pursue, and sabre the enemy right and left while they are all in confusion, and before they have time to re-form. Accordingly, we galloped up, and pursued the enemy for a short distance, when the “recall” was sounded, and we returned to the point from whence we had started to wait for further orders. Finding they were not pursued, the enemy retired, cavalry, infantry, and artillery, in the direction from whence they came, and formed as if they expected a general attack from all our available forces, with their field-batteries in front extending across the vale; behind these were squadron after squadron of cavalry, burning with a desire for revenge; and in rear of these, a dense mass of infantry.On the steep hill-side, beneath whose shelter they formed (a perfect army in position), were placed numerous field-guns; and within range of the captured redoubts (still in their hands), were stationed several divisions of infantry ready to defend them. The redoubts themselves were well manned, and also within the reach of the field-guns before mentioned. By whose orders the “recall” was sounded while we were in pursuit of the disorganised cavalry, after the “heavys” had broken them up, I know not; but it afterwards appeared that either Lord Raglan or General Airey considered that we had been recalled too soon—in fact, that we ought to have pursued the enemy beyond the redoubts, and retaken the guns. Be that as it may, after considerable time had been lost in allowing the enemy to collect their scattered forces, and dispose them so as to protect the redoubts, Captain Nolan galloped up with an order from Lord Raglan, and handed it to Lord Lucan, who appeared not rightly to understand it. Captain Nolan held out his hand in the direction of the enemy, by which (I was told by a sergeant who was near) Lord Lucan at last understood he was to pursue the enemy still further, and re-capture the guns as well. It must be remembered, that the main body of the Russian army was completely hid from view, having only retired, as it were, to draw us into a trap; and, at the time when they were disposing their forces in order of battle within the mountain gorge, there is no doubt but our generals imagined them to be in full retreat, and, therefore, that no serious difficulty would be encountered in re-taking the guns, of which we had been deprived ere the proceedings well began. The order was handed to Lord Cardigan; what hesaid, or what hethought, I know not.Placing himself at the head of the brigade, without waiting for any supports, he commanded the trumpeter to sound the “advance,” which we did, in two lines, as we were formed before the order was given. We galloped on for more than half-a-mile before we came within range of the enemy’s guns, which we now found raked the valley by an oblique fire from guns posted on the hills, as well as from those planted across the valley.Onwards we dashed at an increased pace, men and horses tumbling dead at every bound, thus sadly impeding our progress. At length, however, we reached the guns, and could see the whites of our enemy’s eyes through the smoke. They met us with a horrible yell, and we answered with a ringing cheer. I felt still unhurt, although bespattered with blood. A forest of bayonets was behind the guns; but neither looking on my right nor left, I pressed my legs to my gallant horse (a powerful, three-parts bred chestnut); he rose beautifully, cleared the field-piece in front of him, and dropped with a crash that I shall never forget, on the other side. Simultaneous with my horse’s leap, three hundred more of my comrades had jumped their horses over the guns, and dropped among the Russian infantry. Others had managed to get through the narrow spaces between each gun; and now we were fighting, with little more than five hundred men, a whole army, hemmed in on every side by artillery, infantry, and cavalry. There was little or no smoke; and, beyond an occasional shot from an officer’s revolver, firing had ceased; but the carnage was extraordinary. Still we rode on, cleaving our way through solid blocks of human flesh: the sabre cuts one and two, with the corresponding points, were most used. Every cut told a horrible tale, and every point extinguished a life. The shrieking infantry, unable to fly, thrust their bayonets up to the musket muzzles into our horses’ breasts, and down the noble animals fell, in quivering heaps; the rider, clearing his stirrups as he fell, would sometimes drop on his legs, and fight like a demon until cut to pieces.Many such scenes I saw; still I felt unhurt, and strong as a lion. I distinctly remember seeing Lord Cardigan on my right front, his tall form towering higher than the heads of many around him. His head was bare, and his thin light hair was dishevelled in the breeze caused by the rate at which we had galloped over the valley. I saw but little more, for the enemy had now opened fire upon both their own troops and ourselves. The retreat was sounded; I had already fought my way back, side by side with three or four of the 17th Lancers, and was once more near the guns we had jumped over in our advance. Here my horse was hit on the near side, and falling heavily on his off side, my leg was wedged so fast under him that I found I was quite unable to extricate myself, and in this position I remained lying on my back for at least a minute, the enemy’s lancers and dragoons all around me, and falling every instant from their own fire. One miscreant made three distinct cuts at me as I lay, and in putting my hands up to save my head, I was so badly wounded in both, that I could make no effort whatever to release myself. I was also wounded by a sabre cut across my left thigh, my cheek was lacerated with a lance, and I had given myself up to die. In another minute a remnant of the 11th Hussars came up. Luckily I had strength to call out: three of them instantly dismounted, some of the 4th were at hand, and among them I was released, and assisted on a loose horse; my hands were terribly lacerated, but he required no steering. Now we heard coming to our relief the cheers of the heavy brigade and some French light dragoons, the Chasseurs d’Afrique, who covered our retreat and kept the enemy at bay, but failed to carry off our wounded, who were left on the field with the dead. I got safe to camp, where my wounds were dressed, but I was incapacitated for further service, and shortly afterwards was discharged.Captain Nolan was killed soon after we got within range of the field-guns. Lord Fitzgibbon and Colonel Shewell, of the 8th Hussars, were badly wounded, and soon after died. In all, 13 officers were killed and 21 wounded, 156 men were killed and 197 wounded, 394 horses were killed and 126 wounded. I have put down all the men and horses as actually missing, to the list of killed. Those that I put down wounded returned to camp, but such as were left wounded on the field would no doubt be massacred by the Russians as they lay.In the next chapter I shall detail the services of the 8th Hussars in India, whither they were sent on the breaking out of the mutiny, and took part in all the important battles with the rebels. These details have been supplied to me by a comrade, who served throughout both the Crimean and Indian campaigns.

Above the tide each broadsword brightWas brandished like a beam of light,Each targe was dark below;And with the ocean’s mighty swing,When heaving to the tempest’s wing,They hurled them on the foe.Scott.

Above the tide each broadsword brightWas brandished like a beam of light,Each targe was dark below;And with the ocean’s mighty swing,When heaving to the tempest’s wing,They hurled them on the foe.Scott.

Passing over much that would be interesting to my young readers, I must now bring them to the morning of the battle of Balaclava, celebrated for the most daring cavalry charge that ever was known in the memory of mankind. The time that had been wasted at Gallipoli, Varna, and Devna, had not only greatly diminished by death the number of our men, but our horses were absolutely pined to death for want of forage; not a morsel of grass could be found, and the hay which had been landed at Balaclava in compressed trusses as hard as a stone, and bound together with iron hoops, was much of it musty, while of this not more than a mere handful (a third of the quantity served out in barracks) was given daily, and the oats were also served out in corresponding quantities. The consequence of this bad management was, that our horses soon grew too weak to carry us; therefore it was no wonder that on the 25th October not more than six hundred could be mustered in any degree fit for duty. Our batteries opened fire upon Sebastopol about ten days previously, and the forts had replied with vigour, therefore the fighting was fairly begun, and continued night and day, not only with cannon, but between skirmishers, foraging parties, continual sorties of infantry from the forts upon the men engaged in the trenches, and between riflemen at long range, from every imaginable position, and in every attitude where a cover could be found and a sight of a Russian’s head could be obtained. The cavalry, therefore, were doubly diligent, as to them was principally confided the defence of Balaclava, and the keeping open of communications with the camp to obtain supplies from the fleet. Our tents were situate, as near as I can guess, about three miles from Balaclava, between the latter place and Sebastopol, and arranged partly on the slopes of the hills and partly in the valley, which grew nothing but thistles.

Within a short distance of our encampment were pitched the tents of the 93rd Highlanders, and a little nearer the sea could plainly be seen the camping-ground of the Marines. On the hill-tops, farther away from Balaclava, were erected some earthen redoubts which were armed by heavy ship-guns, and manned by Turks. These redoubts were in tended to hold in check the enemy, should he advance from Sebastopol by any of the roads in the direction of Balaclava.

Soon after daybreak on the 25th October, our outlying pickets discovered a large force of the enemy’s horse, artillery and infantry, marching rapidly along the valley, and extending their artillery and cavalry within range of the Turkish redoubts before named. Mounted orderlies were at once despatched to the front for reinforcements. We had not yet broken our fast, neither had our horses been fed with their scanty rations, or even watered. There was not a moment to be lost, and in less time than it takes me to write three or four lines, every available man had leaped into his saddle—a few from each of the five regiments, the 8th and 11th Hussars, 4th and 18th Light Dragoons, and 17th Lancers, or, as they were familiarly styled, “death or glory boys,” their regimental badge being a death’s head and cross-bones, and their motto, “Death or Glory.” The badge of the 8th King’s Royal Irish Hussars is the “harp and crown,” and their motto,Pristinae Virtutis Memores, with “Leswarre, Hindoostan,” inscribed on their colours and shabraques—the latter being the cloth covering of the saddle. The 4th Queen’s Own Light Dragoons had inscribed on their colours and shabraques the names of the various actions in which they had been engaged—namely, “Talavera, Albuera, Salamanca, Vittoria, Toulouse, Peninsula, Afghanistan, Ghuznee.” The shabraques and colours of the 11th, Prince Albert’s Own Hussars, bore the inscriptions, “Egypt, with the Sphinx, Salamanca, Peninsula, Waterloo, Bhurtpore;” and the 13th Light Dragoons wear the regimental motto,Viret in aeternum, with “Peninsula, Waterloo,” on their colours.

Thus it will be seen that each regiment, though so very slenderly represented, had to sustain the well-earned honours which had previously been bestowed upon it. For the sake of illustration, I may state that the 17th Lancers wore a blue coatee and trousers with white facings, and a square-topped shako with black plume. The 8th Hussars were at that time attired in blue jackets and overalls, with a blue “pelisse” or loose jacket hanging over the left shoulder and fastened round the neck with a loop. The head-dress was a fur busby and white hackle. The uniform of the 11th was precisely the same as the 8th, with this difference, that their overalls were of crimson cloth; the colours of both regimental facings being yellow, with a profusion of lace running in lines across the breast, and each wore sashes of scarlet and yellow silk and worsted around their waists. The saddles of the men were covered with the “shabraque” before named, and over that was a black sheep-skin; tiger skins being substituted for the latter on officers’ saddles, the tiger’s head being cured with glass eyes substituted for natural ones, and the tusks revealed as if the beast was in the act of growling. The 4th wore blue coatees and overalls, with scarlet facings, shakos and plumes of horse-hair; and the 13th Light Dragoons were attired in blue coatees and buff facings, shako, and horse-hair plume. Thus attired and thus mounted, we were formed up to await our summons for battle, six hundred of us, all told.

By the time Sir Colin Campbell had his Highlanders under arms, the marines on the hill-tops were forming, and the sailors were rushing to their guns on the heights that commanded the road to the beach. The first glimpse we had of the enemy was a couple of batteries (one behind the other) of field-guns, marching direct upon the Turkish redoubts. About half-a-mile in the rear of the hindmost of these two batteries was another line of heavier guns, reaching right across the valley. Behind these, again, appeared an immense number of cavalry, enough to eat up our brigade, horses and all. After these marched very many squares of infantry, while extended on each flank, and far out to the front, were parties of mounted skirmishers, already firing, although they were not within range. Gradually the leading field-battery nears the Number 1 Turkish redoubt. A puff of white smoke rises from the approaching battery, then a report, followed by another and another. Now the heavy ship-guns boom from the redoubt, but the fire from the approaching enemy becomes too hot, and the Turks take to their heels: the enemy’s light cavalry were soon upon them, a flash of steel in the air, and a sweeping cut or lance-thrust laid many of them low; while redoubt after redoubt with the guns were taken, and immediately manned by Russian gunners, and the guns turned against us. The Turks ran direct to the lines of the Highlanders, and in this direction literally swarmed the enemy’s cavalry, but they advanced in good order. By this time our heavy cavalry brigade had joined us under General Scarlett, and were at first held in reserve. These were the Scots Greys, the 4th Royal Irish Dragoon Guards, the 6th Enniskillens, the 1st Royal Dragoons and the 5th Dragoon Guards. The light brigade were formed on the left of the “heavys,” and the whole in two ranks, Lord Cardigan, the Earl of Lucan, and General Scarlett were in earnest conversation, while the men were looking anxious at a numerous column of cavalry in the very act of charging the Highlanders, who, much to our surprise, never formed square, as is customary to receive cavalry. The Turks formed on each flank, fired on the first approach of the Russian horse, when far enough out of range, and ran away, leaving the Scots to take care of themselves.

A cloud of dust almost hides the Highland infantry from view; we had seen them fight at Alma, and knew they would stand, but oh, how we longed to dash between them and their foes! The result showed us, however, that they needed no such assistance. Nearer and nearer the horsemen swept, and still undaunted the kilted heroes stood like rocks. Now the Russians appear to be within 800 yards of their line, and quick as lightning the front rank kneel and fire: not more than one or two saddles are emptied, however, the distance was too great. A brief interval, during which the horsemen unchecked ride on until within about 100 yards of the line, when the rear-rank men, over their kneeling comrades in front, each having singled out his advancing foe, and covered his breast with the minié muzzle, pulls the trigger, and down in a confused mass tumble numerous horses and men; the remainder turn “files about,” and gallop back under cover of their guns.

It was now our turn, for during the previous events thousands of the enemy’s cavalry were moving up the hill, and without halting at the top, they descended first at a gallop, then a canter, then a trot, then a walk, and soon afterwards they halted, probably surprised that we did not scamper off at their approach. They were at least ten to one of us, and their front rank far outflanked us both right and left. Our trumpets sounded the “advance,” followed by “charge,” and at them dashed the heavy brigade in succession of squadrons. Full tilt at their centre galloped Greys and Enniskillens, shooting through their line as if it were made of rotten sticks. Such a crash, and a cheer, a flash of sabres for an instant, and they are clean through the first Russian lines, the flanks of which have been brought forward with the intention of overlapping us. Another line of the same formation is charged through, and, close in the wake of their leaders, follow with like success the detachments from the other three regiments, and in an instant afterwards the Russians were in full retreat, leaving great numbers of their cavalry dead on the field, while the number of our killed did not exceed six, and our wounded about thirty.

It is the custom in our army for heavy cavalry to break the line, and the light cavalry to dash in, pursue, and sabre the enemy right and left while they are all in confusion, and before they have time to re-form. Accordingly, we galloped up, and pursued the enemy for a short distance, when the “recall” was sounded, and we returned to the point from whence we had started to wait for further orders. Finding they were not pursued, the enemy retired, cavalry, infantry, and artillery, in the direction from whence they came, and formed as if they expected a general attack from all our available forces, with their field-batteries in front extending across the vale; behind these were squadron after squadron of cavalry, burning with a desire for revenge; and in rear of these, a dense mass of infantry.

On the steep hill-side, beneath whose shelter they formed (a perfect army in position), were placed numerous field-guns; and within range of the captured redoubts (still in their hands), were stationed several divisions of infantry ready to defend them. The redoubts themselves were well manned, and also within the reach of the field-guns before mentioned. By whose orders the “recall” was sounded while we were in pursuit of the disorganised cavalry, after the “heavys” had broken them up, I know not; but it afterwards appeared that either Lord Raglan or General Airey considered that we had been recalled too soon—in fact, that we ought to have pursued the enemy beyond the redoubts, and retaken the guns. Be that as it may, after considerable time had been lost in allowing the enemy to collect their scattered forces, and dispose them so as to protect the redoubts, Captain Nolan galloped up with an order from Lord Raglan, and handed it to Lord Lucan, who appeared not rightly to understand it. Captain Nolan held out his hand in the direction of the enemy, by which (I was told by a sergeant who was near) Lord Lucan at last understood he was to pursue the enemy still further, and re-capture the guns as well. It must be remembered, that the main body of the Russian army was completely hid from view, having only retired, as it were, to draw us into a trap; and, at the time when they were disposing their forces in order of battle within the mountain gorge, there is no doubt but our generals imagined them to be in full retreat, and, therefore, that no serious difficulty would be encountered in re-taking the guns, of which we had been deprived ere the proceedings well began. The order was handed to Lord Cardigan; what hesaid, or what hethought, I know not.

Placing himself at the head of the brigade, without waiting for any supports, he commanded the trumpeter to sound the “advance,” which we did, in two lines, as we were formed before the order was given. We galloped on for more than half-a-mile before we came within range of the enemy’s guns, which we now found raked the valley by an oblique fire from guns posted on the hills, as well as from those planted across the valley.

Onwards we dashed at an increased pace, men and horses tumbling dead at every bound, thus sadly impeding our progress. At length, however, we reached the guns, and could see the whites of our enemy’s eyes through the smoke. They met us with a horrible yell, and we answered with a ringing cheer. I felt still unhurt, although bespattered with blood. A forest of bayonets was behind the guns; but neither looking on my right nor left, I pressed my legs to my gallant horse (a powerful, three-parts bred chestnut); he rose beautifully, cleared the field-piece in front of him, and dropped with a crash that I shall never forget, on the other side. Simultaneous with my horse’s leap, three hundred more of my comrades had jumped their horses over the guns, and dropped among the Russian infantry. Others had managed to get through the narrow spaces between each gun; and now we were fighting, with little more than five hundred men, a whole army, hemmed in on every side by artillery, infantry, and cavalry. There was little or no smoke; and, beyond an occasional shot from an officer’s revolver, firing had ceased; but the carnage was extraordinary. Still we rode on, cleaving our way through solid blocks of human flesh: the sabre cuts one and two, with the corresponding points, were most used. Every cut told a horrible tale, and every point extinguished a life. The shrieking infantry, unable to fly, thrust their bayonets up to the musket muzzles into our horses’ breasts, and down the noble animals fell, in quivering heaps; the rider, clearing his stirrups as he fell, would sometimes drop on his legs, and fight like a demon until cut to pieces.

Many such scenes I saw; still I felt unhurt, and strong as a lion. I distinctly remember seeing Lord Cardigan on my right front, his tall form towering higher than the heads of many around him. His head was bare, and his thin light hair was dishevelled in the breeze caused by the rate at which we had galloped over the valley. I saw but little more, for the enemy had now opened fire upon both their own troops and ourselves. The retreat was sounded; I had already fought my way back, side by side with three or four of the 17th Lancers, and was once more near the guns we had jumped over in our advance. Here my horse was hit on the near side, and falling heavily on his off side, my leg was wedged so fast under him that I found I was quite unable to extricate myself, and in this position I remained lying on my back for at least a minute, the enemy’s lancers and dragoons all around me, and falling every instant from their own fire. One miscreant made three distinct cuts at me as I lay, and in putting my hands up to save my head, I was so badly wounded in both, that I could make no effort whatever to release myself. I was also wounded by a sabre cut across my left thigh, my cheek was lacerated with a lance, and I had given myself up to die. In another minute a remnant of the 11th Hussars came up. Luckily I had strength to call out: three of them instantly dismounted, some of the 4th were at hand, and among them I was released, and assisted on a loose horse; my hands were terribly lacerated, but he required no steering. Now we heard coming to our relief the cheers of the heavy brigade and some French light dragoons, the Chasseurs d’Afrique, who covered our retreat and kept the enemy at bay, but failed to carry off our wounded, who were left on the field with the dead. I got safe to camp, where my wounds were dressed, but I was incapacitated for further service, and shortly afterwards was discharged.

Captain Nolan was killed soon after we got within range of the field-guns. Lord Fitzgibbon and Colonel Shewell, of the 8th Hussars, were badly wounded, and soon after died. In all, 13 officers were killed and 21 wounded, 156 men were killed and 197 wounded, 394 horses were killed and 126 wounded. I have put down all the men and horses as actually missing, to the list of killed. Those that I put down wounded returned to camp, but such as were left wounded on the field would no doubt be massacred by the Russians as they lay.

In the next chapter I shall detail the services of the 8th Hussars in India, whither they were sent on the breaking out of the mutiny, and took part in all the important battles with the rebels. These details have been supplied to me by a comrade, who served throughout both the Crimean and Indian campaigns.

Chapter Thirty One.There’s nought so gay this earth can yield,Nor aught so swift and light,As we hussars, when we’re afield,Or rushing through the fight.When it roars and cracks like thunder-sound,Then shoot we red as rose;When blood is spurting all around,’Tis then our courage glows.My career as a soldier having concluded with the battle of Balaclava, I can relate no further particulars as to the proceedings of the 8th King’s Royal Irish Hussars that came under my own personal observation; but the following is an outline of the various battles in which the corps was engaged during the Indian mutiny, to which country it proceeded, with the 17th Lancers, immediately after it returned from the Crimea. I have also annexed a sort of history of the regiment for the last sixty years, supplied to me by an old and esteemed comrade, who was actively engaged throughout the suppression of the revolt.The 8th Hussars landed in India, in 1802, from the Cape of Good Hope, and the following year the corps was actively engaged, under Lord Lake, against Scindia and Holkar, in the restoration of the Peishwa to his dominions. It served at the siege and capture of Agra, when an immense quantity of treasure, guns, ammunition, and stores were captured. Afterwards Lord Lake, with his cavalry, rapidly pursued Scindia’s army, and caught it at Leswarre, where the 8th behaved with great gallantry, frequently charging and fighting most successfully, hand to hand, with the enemy until our own infantry came up, when a complete rout ensued, and forty-four colours, with seventy-two guns, were captured. The result of this brilliant and hard-contested battle, was the overthrow of the power of Scindia, who sued for peace, and the 8th received the honourable distinction of the word “Leswarre” on their appointments.In 1804, the regiment was again in the field under Lord Lake against Holkar, and, in pursuit of his army from Delhi, marched a distance of 400 miles in eighteen days, and by this rapid march saved Furruckabad from being sacked by the enemy. Lord Lake, in his public despatch, wrote in very high terms of Lieutenant-Colonel Vandeleur and the 8th Hussars (then Light Dragoons) for the rapidity and gallantry displayed in their vigorous charges. They afterwards proceeded with the army to the capture of Deeg, and were again publicly eulogised by Lord Lake for their gallant services. In 1805 the regiment was employed in covering the operations of the siege of Bhurtpore, being detached with other troops in search of a body of the enemy under Meer Khan. When arriving at Putghaut, the 8th swam the river Ganges, and subsequently found the enemy in order of battle at the foot of the Ufzulghur Hills, when two regiments of cavalry charged, with the 8th in support. The charge could not take effect at first, on account of a deep nullah being between our troops and the enemy’s front, when a squadron of the 8th, under Captain Deare, made a détour to the left, and by a dashing and well-timed charge on the right flank of the enemy, put them to flight, rescued a troop of Bengal Horse Artillery, and captured all the enemy’s standards.The regiment then continued on active service with Lord Lake’s army, pursuing the enemy to the banks of the Sutlej, where a treaty of peace was concluded with Holkar.In 1808, the 8th took the field under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Rollo Gillespie, but soon returned to quarters, on the submission of the Sikhs.From 1812 to April, 1813, the regiment was employed against the Pindarees, after which it went into quarters at Meerut.In 1814 the corps was again called upon to take the field against the Ghoorkas of Nepaul, a squadron being attached to the division commanded by Major-General Sir Robert Rollo Gillespie, on whom devolved the task of forcing a passage into the Deyrah Dhoon. The troops entered the pass on the 25th of October, and commenced the siege of Kalonga, a fort on the top of a steep hill near Deyrah. On the 31st of October, an attack was made by storm, but failed; when, in the absence of any other reserve, the squadron of the 8th was dismounted, and, headed by General Gillespie himself, was led to the attack of the fort. They penetrated through the first stockade, cleaving their way through the dense masses of the enemy with their sabres, and a few actually got into the fort, but for want of further support were finally repulsed. General Gillespie himself was killed, and all the officers, four sergeants, and fifty-one men being wounded out of the squadron of one hundred sabres. After this, the fort was besieged in form, and held out gallantly for a month, but was then evacuated by the Ghoorkas. The regiment next assembled at Saharunpoor, and formed part of the Army of Observation near Delhi, to overawe the Mahratta Chiefs, during the rest of the Nepaul war. Early in 1817, the 8th was present at the siege of Hattrass, and returned to Meerut. In October of the same year, the corps again took the field, under Major-General Donkin, against the Pindarees. After forced marches for several days, they came up with the enemy, and totally routed them. In 1820, the 8th marched to Cawnpore, relieving the 11th Light Dragoons (now the 11th Prince Albert’s Own Hussars), and remained at this station until 1822, when, after an absence of twenty-seven years from Europe, twenty of which it passed under the burning suns of India, the regiment returned to England. His Excellency the Governor-General issued the following order, on the embarkation of the regiment:—“Fort William, December 6, 1822.“On the occasion of the approaching departure of His Majesty’s 8th, or King’s Royal Irish Light Dragoons, from India, the Most Noble the Governor-General in Council feels himself called upon, and eagerly answers the call, to express the high sense entertained by Government of the eminently valuable services of the regiment during a period of twenty years in this country. Their career has been marked by everything which can distinguish a cavalry corps. A decided spirit of energy has always illustrated their conduct in the field, where they have invariably exhibited to their fellow-soldiers an example peculiarly worthy of imitation. A cordial unanimity has likewise subsisted between the officers and men of the regiment, and their brethren-in-arms of the Honourable East India Company’s service, who, doubtless, will long cherish the remembrance of a corps as much distinguished for their social qualities and orderly conduct, as for that high principle of military feeling which has so decidedly marked the character of the King’s Royal Irish Light Dragoons.“Signed W.L. Watson, Deputy Adjutant-General.”The regiment embarked at Calcutta on the 11th January, 1823, and landed at Gravesend in the following May.The year 1857 will long be remembered by all taking an interest in military matters, for the breaking out of the Indian mutiny, during which the bloodthirsty Sepoys, under that incarnate fiend Nana Sahib, massacred a number of the wives and children of our officers and soldiers, and cast their bodies into a well at Cawnpore.No sooner was our army withdrawn from the Crimea, than several of the effective regiments were embarked for active service in India, in order to bring the rebels to submission. The 8th King’s Royal Irish Hussars were at once despatched, and they landed at Bombay, December 17, 1857. In January, 1858, the corps re-embarked, 490 strong, besides commissioned officers, all well mounted and in first-class fighting trim, for Mandéree, in Cutch, and proceeded by rapid marches to join Sir H. Roberts’ Rajpootana Field Force at Kotah, where it arrived the day before the place fell. Afterwards the head-quarter wing was detached, under Brigadier Smith, to cover the rear of the Central India Field Force, and co-operate with Sir Hugh Rose. It swept the Shahapoor jungles of the disaffected, and then recaptured Chundaree, which the rebels had occupied a second time upon Sir Hugh Rose’s advance to Calpee. Smith’s Brigade reached Kotah ka Serai, near Gwalior, the day after Sir Hugh Rose had taken Morar, and was hotly engaged the same day and three following days, ending on the 20th of June, 1858, in the capture of the town and fort of Gwalior. On the first of the above days a squadron of the 8th (98 sabres) charged right under the guns of the fort of Gwalior into the centre of the rebel camp, completely routed it, and brought away two guns. During the panic that ensued the Ranee of Jhansee lost her life. This woman was known to be one of the most active instigators of the rebellion, and up to this period had always accompanied the rebels in their marches and engagements. The brigade to which the 8th were attached now marched to Seepree, but on the 3rd August, the rebel Rajah Mann Singh seized the fortified town of Powrie, near Seepree. The brigade immediately invested it, and was afterwards joined by another force under Sir R. Napier, when the fort was captured on the 22nd August, a portion of the 8th being dismounted and taking part in the siege. Soon after this a squadron of the 8th, attached to Colonel Robertson’s Flying Column, caught the rebels at Beejapore, near Goonah, September 5, 1858, and inflicted heavy loss upon them. Meantime, the left wing of the regiment, under Brigadier Honner, were following the rebels under Tantia Topee, and caught them at Kotarrhea, on the Bunnass river, thirty-five miles north of Ooderpore, when, by a dashing charge, they completely broke up the infantry force, and drove the remainder, after a long pursuit, across the Chumbul.A troop of the 8th accompanied Brigadier Parke in his long-continued pursuit of the rebels, accomplishing at one time 251 miles in eleven days, and by so doing dispersed the rebel force at Ghota Ooderpore, December 1, 1858, and saved Baroda, to which place the ruffians were marching. Smith’s brigade was sent to co-operate with Sir J. Michel, and under him the head-quarter wing of the regiment took a prominent part in the battles of Sindwaha, October 19, and Koorwye, October 25, by which last defeat the rebels were driven south of the Nerbudda river, tracked incessantly by a troop of each wing of the 8th Hussars as far south as Ellichpoor. The head-quarter wing continued operations on the Betwa river, against the much-scattered insurgents, surprising them at Koondrye, near Seronge, December 15, 1858; and again at Boordah, near Muxoodnugger, April 5, 1859, at both which places the regiment destroyed several hundred rebels with the sabre.Another squadron of the left wing, under Brigadier Honner, went in pursuit of the rebel chief, Ferozeshah, and the insurgents, and, after chasing them into the Bikaneer desert, and thereby saving the capital, turned them south, and caught them, by a rapid pursuit, at Kooshana, near Jhoodpoor, February 10, 1859, killing a large number. The head-quarter wing of the regiment reached Nusseerabad, May 21, 1859, having been incessantly engaged in operations against the rebels, and gone through two hot-weather campaigns since it landed in Cutch, during which time it shifted camp no less than 300 times, and marched over 3000 miles.

There’s nought so gay this earth can yield,Nor aught so swift and light,As we hussars, when we’re afield,Or rushing through the fight.When it roars and cracks like thunder-sound,Then shoot we red as rose;When blood is spurting all around,’Tis then our courage glows.

There’s nought so gay this earth can yield,Nor aught so swift and light,As we hussars, when we’re afield,Or rushing through the fight.When it roars and cracks like thunder-sound,Then shoot we red as rose;When blood is spurting all around,’Tis then our courage glows.

My career as a soldier having concluded with the battle of Balaclava, I can relate no further particulars as to the proceedings of the 8th King’s Royal Irish Hussars that came under my own personal observation; but the following is an outline of the various battles in which the corps was engaged during the Indian mutiny, to which country it proceeded, with the 17th Lancers, immediately after it returned from the Crimea. I have also annexed a sort of history of the regiment for the last sixty years, supplied to me by an old and esteemed comrade, who was actively engaged throughout the suppression of the revolt.

The 8th Hussars landed in India, in 1802, from the Cape of Good Hope, and the following year the corps was actively engaged, under Lord Lake, against Scindia and Holkar, in the restoration of the Peishwa to his dominions. It served at the siege and capture of Agra, when an immense quantity of treasure, guns, ammunition, and stores were captured. Afterwards Lord Lake, with his cavalry, rapidly pursued Scindia’s army, and caught it at Leswarre, where the 8th behaved with great gallantry, frequently charging and fighting most successfully, hand to hand, with the enemy until our own infantry came up, when a complete rout ensued, and forty-four colours, with seventy-two guns, were captured. The result of this brilliant and hard-contested battle, was the overthrow of the power of Scindia, who sued for peace, and the 8th received the honourable distinction of the word “Leswarre” on their appointments.

In 1804, the regiment was again in the field under Lord Lake against Holkar, and, in pursuit of his army from Delhi, marched a distance of 400 miles in eighteen days, and by this rapid march saved Furruckabad from being sacked by the enemy. Lord Lake, in his public despatch, wrote in very high terms of Lieutenant-Colonel Vandeleur and the 8th Hussars (then Light Dragoons) for the rapidity and gallantry displayed in their vigorous charges. They afterwards proceeded with the army to the capture of Deeg, and were again publicly eulogised by Lord Lake for their gallant services. In 1805 the regiment was employed in covering the operations of the siege of Bhurtpore, being detached with other troops in search of a body of the enemy under Meer Khan. When arriving at Putghaut, the 8th swam the river Ganges, and subsequently found the enemy in order of battle at the foot of the Ufzulghur Hills, when two regiments of cavalry charged, with the 8th in support. The charge could not take effect at first, on account of a deep nullah being between our troops and the enemy’s front, when a squadron of the 8th, under Captain Deare, made a détour to the left, and by a dashing and well-timed charge on the right flank of the enemy, put them to flight, rescued a troop of Bengal Horse Artillery, and captured all the enemy’s standards.

The regiment then continued on active service with Lord Lake’s army, pursuing the enemy to the banks of the Sutlej, where a treaty of peace was concluded with Holkar.

In 1808, the 8th took the field under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Rollo Gillespie, but soon returned to quarters, on the submission of the Sikhs.

From 1812 to April, 1813, the regiment was employed against the Pindarees, after which it went into quarters at Meerut.

In 1814 the corps was again called upon to take the field against the Ghoorkas of Nepaul, a squadron being attached to the division commanded by Major-General Sir Robert Rollo Gillespie, on whom devolved the task of forcing a passage into the Deyrah Dhoon. The troops entered the pass on the 25th of October, and commenced the siege of Kalonga, a fort on the top of a steep hill near Deyrah. On the 31st of October, an attack was made by storm, but failed; when, in the absence of any other reserve, the squadron of the 8th was dismounted, and, headed by General Gillespie himself, was led to the attack of the fort. They penetrated through the first stockade, cleaving their way through the dense masses of the enemy with their sabres, and a few actually got into the fort, but for want of further support were finally repulsed. General Gillespie himself was killed, and all the officers, four sergeants, and fifty-one men being wounded out of the squadron of one hundred sabres. After this, the fort was besieged in form, and held out gallantly for a month, but was then evacuated by the Ghoorkas. The regiment next assembled at Saharunpoor, and formed part of the Army of Observation near Delhi, to overawe the Mahratta Chiefs, during the rest of the Nepaul war. Early in 1817, the 8th was present at the siege of Hattrass, and returned to Meerut. In October of the same year, the corps again took the field, under Major-General Donkin, against the Pindarees. After forced marches for several days, they came up with the enemy, and totally routed them. In 1820, the 8th marched to Cawnpore, relieving the 11th Light Dragoons (now the 11th Prince Albert’s Own Hussars), and remained at this station until 1822, when, after an absence of twenty-seven years from Europe, twenty of which it passed under the burning suns of India, the regiment returned to England. His Excellency the Governor-General issued the following order, on the embarkation of the regiment:—

“Fort William, December 6, 1822.“On the occasion of the approaching departure of His Majesty’s 8th, or King’s Royal Irish Light Dragoons, from India, the Most Noble the Governor-General in Council feels himself called upon, and eagerly answers the call, to express the high sense entertained by Government of the eminently valuable services of the regiment during a period of twenty years in this country. Their career has been marked by everything which can distinguish a cavalry corps. A decided spirit of energy has always illustrated their conduct in the field, where they have invariably exhibited to their fellow-soldiers an example peculiarly worthy of imitation. A cordial unanimity has likewise subsisted between the officers and men of the regiment, and their brethren-in-arms of the Honourable East India Company’s service, who, doubtless, will long cherish the remembrance of a corps as much distinguished for their social qualities and orderly conduct, as for that high principle of military feeling which has so decidedly marked the character of the King’s Royal Irish Light Dragoons.“Signed W.L. Watson, Deputy Adjutant-General.”

“Fort William, December 6, 1822.

“On the occasion of the approaching departure of His Majesty’s 8th, or King’s Royal Irish Light Dragoons, from India, the Most Noble the Governor-General in Council feels himself called upon, and eagerly answers the call, to express the high sense entertained by Government of the eminently valuable services of the regiment during a period of twenty years in this country. Their career has been marked by everything which can distinguish a cavalry corps. A decided spirit of energy has always illustrated their conduct in the field, where they have invariably exhibited to their fellow-soldiers an example peculiarly worthy of imitation. A cordial unanimity has likewise subsisted between the officers and men of the regiment, and their brethren-in-arms of the Honourable East India Company’s service, who, doubtless, will long cherish the remembrance of a corps as much distinguished for their social qualities and orderly conduct, as for that high principle of military feeling which has so decidedly marked the character of the King’s Royal Irish Light Dragoons.

“Signed W.L. Watson, Deputy Adjutant-General.”

The regiment embarked at Calcutta on the 11th January, 1823, and landed at Gravesend in the following May.

The year 1857 will long be remembered by all taking an interest in military matters, for the breaking out of the Indian mutiny, during which the bloodthirsty Sepoys, under that incarnate fiend Nana Sahib, massacred a number of the wives and children of our officers and soldiers, and cast their bodies into a well at Cawnpore.

No sooner was our army withdrawn from the Crimea, than several of the effective regiments were embarked for active service in India, in order to bring the rebels to submission. The 8th King’s Royal Irish Hussars were at once despatched, and they landed at Bombay, December 17, 1857. In January, 1858, the corps re-embarked, 490 strong, besides commissioned officers, all well mounted and in first-class fighting trim, for Mandéree, in Cutch, and proceeded by rapid marches to join Sir H. Roberts’ Rajpootana Field Force at Kotah, where it arrived the day before the place fell. Afterwards the head-quarter wing was detached, under Brigadier Smith, to cover the rear of the Central India Field Force, and co-operate with Sir Hugh Rose. It swept the Shahapoor jungles of the disaffected, and then recaptured Chundaree, which the rebels had occupied a second time upon Sir Hugh Rose’s advance to Calpee. Smith’s Brigade reached Kotah ka Serai, near Gwalior, the day after Sir Hugh Rose had taken Morar, and was hotly engaged the same day and three following days, ending on the 20th of June, 1858, in the capture of the town and fort of Gwalior. On the first of the above days a squadron of the 8th (98 sabres) charged right under the guns of the fort of Gwalior into the centre of the rebel camp, completely routed it, and brought away two guns. During the panic that ensued the Ranee of Jhansee lost her life. This woman was known to be one of the most active instigators of the rebellion, and up to this period had always accompanied the rebels in their marches and engagements. The brigade to which the 8th were attached now marched to Seepree, but on the 3rd August, the rebel Rajah Mann Singh seized the fortified town of Powrie, near Seepree. The brigade immediately invested it, and was afterwards joined by another force under Sir R. Napier, when the fort was captured on the 22nd August, a portion of the 8th being dismounted and taking part in the siege. Soon after this a squadron of the 8th, attached to Colonel Robertson’s Flying Column, caught the rebels at Beejapore, near Goonah, September 5, 1858, and inflicted heavy loss upon them. Meantime, the left wing of the regiment, under Brigadier Honner, were following the rebels under Tantia Topee, and caught them at Kotarrhea, on the Bunnass river, thirty-five miles north of Ooderpore, when, by a dashing charge, they completely broke up the infantry force, and drove the remainder, after a long pursuit, across the Chumbul.

A troop of the 8th accompanied Brigadier Parke in his long-continued pursuit of the rebels, accomplishing at one time 251 miles in eleven days, and by so doing dispersed the rebel force at Ghota Ooderpore, December 1, 1858, and saved Baroda, to which place the ruffians were marching. Smith’s brigade was sent to co-operate with Sir J. Michel, and under him the head-quarter wing of the regiment took a prominent part in the battles of Sindwaha, October 19, and Koorwye, October 25, by which last defeat the rebels were driven south of the Nerbudda river, tracked incessantly by a troop of each wing of the 8th Hussars as far south as Ellichpoor. The head-quarter wing continued operations on the Betwa river, against the much-scattered insurgents, surprising them at Koondrye, near Seronge, December 15, 1858; and again at Boordah, near Muxoodnugger, April 5, 1859, at both which places the regiment destroyed several hundred rebels with the sabre.

Another squadron of the left wing, under Brigadier Honner, went in pursuit of the rebel chief, Ferozeshah, and the insurgents, and, after chasing them into the Bikaneer desert, and thereby saving the capital, turned them south, and caught them, by a rapid pursuit, at Kooshana, near Jhoodpoor, February 10, 1859, killing a large number. The head-quarter wing of the regiment reached Nusseerabad, May 21, 1859, having been incessantly engaged in operations against the rebels, and gone through two hot-weather campaigns since it landed in Cutch, during which time it shifted camp no less than 300 times, and marched over 3000 miles.

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