[109]Hippocrat. Coi Comment. etc., Theod. Zuingeri studio. Basil, 1579.[110]See his additions to Ackerman’s Dissertation, in his edition of the Works of Hippocrates.[111]§ 122, tom. i., p. 172 (ed. Bekker), where see the note of Heindorf.[112]Galeni Opera, tom. v., pp. 2, 16; ed. Basil.[113]Œuvres Complètes, etc., tom. i., p. 320.[114]The argument turns principally on the meaning of the expression, τι πότε λέγει Ἱπποκράτης τε καὶ ὁ ἀληθὴ λόγος, which M. Littré contends signifies, “ce qu’Hippocrate et la raisonpourraient dire.” Now I must say that, to me, the words of Plato here quoted do not warrant the interpretation which M. Littré puts upon them; and, not satisfied with my own judgment on this point, which happens in the present instance to be an important one, I applied to one of the best authorities in Britain on the minutiæ of the Greek language for his opinion, and was happy to find that it entirely corresponded with my own. Having alluded in the text to the prolixity of the discussion which M. Littré enters into on this occasion, I trust that eminent scholar will not be offended (provided these pages ever meet his eyes) if I introduce here an anecdote of the celebrated Kuster. Having been shown a work in which the quantity of argumentation and reflection greatly over-balanced the amount of facts and references, he laid it aside with the remark, “I find nothing here but reasoning:non sic itur ad astra.”[115]Galeni Opera, tom. v., p. 119; ed. Basil.[116]Comment. vii.; et sect. vii., 53 et seq.[117]See underHippocratesin Smith’s Greek and Roman Biographical and Mythological Dictionary.[118]“In all paroxysms, or sharp fits of intermitting diseases, we must take away meat, for then to give it is hurtful.”[119]“The belly is naturally hottest in winter and the spring, and most addicted to rest. Consequently in these seasons a greater proportion of food is to be allowed, because the inward heat is stronger, which is the reason that a more plentiful food is necessary. This difference may be seen in such as are old, and in such as are lusty and well-grown bodies.”[120]“Those things that are or have been justly determined by nature, ought not to be moved or altered, either by purging or other irritating medicines; but should be left alone.”[121]“Things evacuated and purged are not to be estimated by the multitude and quantity, but by their fitness to be avoided and sent forth; and must be such as are not too troublesome to the patient to bear. Though, where it is necessary, we must proceed in evacuating, even to swooning and fainting, if the patient can bear it.”[122]“Those who are grieved in any part of the body, and are scarce sensible of their grief, have a distempered mind.”[123]“When the upper parts of the throat or gullet are sore, or a breaking out of small tumours does arise in the body, we ought to look upon the excrements; for if they are choleric, the body is also sick; but if they are like the excrements of sound persons, the body may be nourished without danger.”[124]“When that which ought to be evacuated is discharged by spontaneous vomiting and diarrhœa, it is useful and easily endured; but when otherwise, the contrary.This is equally true with regard to every vessel,” etc.[125]“They in whom the greatest vigor of the disease is immediately perceived, are to be immediately sparingly supplied with food; but from those in whom it occurs later, the food must at that time, or a little earlier, be abstracted. Previously, however, we must nourish more freely, that the sick may be supported.”[126]“Whilst the crisis is forming, and when it is complete, nothing ought to be moved or to be introduced, whether by purgatives or other irritants; but all should be left at rest.”[127]“They who are accustomed to daily labor, although even weak or old, endure it more easily than the robust or young, who are even accustomed to it.”[128]“In regard to the seasons, if the winter has been dry and cold, and the spring moist and warm, in summer acute fevers, ophthalmias, and dysenteries must necessarily occur, chiefly, however, among females and men of pituitous temperament.”[129]Tom. v., p. 399; ed, Basil.[130]“The state of the air being, upon the whole, dry, with a south wind, which was just contrary to what happened the year before, when the north chiefly prevailed; there were but few inflammatory fevers, and these were of a mild disposition, very few being attended with hemorrhages, and much fewer, if any, with death.” (p. 4.)“They affected children, young persons, and those who were arrived at years of maturity, and especially those who used much exercise, yet but few women.” (Ibid.)“Before the summer, and even during that season, nay, in winter likewise, there were many who had been disposed to a phthisis who were now afflicted with that disease,” etc. (Ibid.)“The extremities were generally very cold, there was seldom any heat in them.” (p 3.)[131]Præfat. Gloss.[132]Comment. in Libr. de Fract.[133]In Lib. Prognos. Comment.[134]Tom. v., p. 89; ed. Basil.[135]Comment. in Lib. de Fract.[136]Deipnos, ii., 7.[137]De Propr. Lib., in III. Epid., Comm. ii., Præf.[138]Bibl. Med., p. 1, 29, 59.[139]The inhabitants of Asiatic Ionia, and the islands adjoining, were all colonists from Attica. (See in particular Thucyd., i., 12; and also Herodot. viii., 44; and Heraclides, de Politiis.) Dr. Coray supposes that Hippocrates represents himself as being a European, in consequence of his having composed this treatise in Europe, at a distance from his native country. But there is no necessity for this supposition, as Hippocrates, being of Grecian descent, would naturally enough consider himself a European, since the great body of the Greeks were Europeans. Coray mentions a striking instance of Haller’s incapacity to form a correct judgment on the works of Hippocrates, from want of a proper acquaintance with the Greek language.—Discours Préliminaire, etc., p. lvi.[140]De Placit. Hippocr., et Platon. ix.; de Diff. Resp., iii., 7.[141]Ap. Foës., p. 197.[142]Galeni Opera, tom. v., p. 652; ed. Basil.[143]Opera, tom. v., p, 578; ed. Basil.[144]Ibid., p. 170.[145]In Prædict. i., Comm. i., 4.[146]V. Galen, in Exeges. in vocibus ἐκλούσθω, σφάκερος, etc.[147]Præfat. Gloss. Hippocrat.[148]Gynæc., tom. i., P. I., p. 13.[149]In vita Hippocrat.[150]Ad Nepotian. de vita Cleric., Ep. ii., p. 13, tom. i.; ed. Paris, 1643.[151]Orat. Funebr., in Cæsarium Fratrem.[152]Sub voce Hippocrates.[153]Epist. ad C. Jal. Callistum.[154]Thesmophor., l. 240.[155]De Legg. iv., l. vi., p. 134; ed. Tauchnitz.[156]Tom. ii., p. xlviii.; Add. et Corrig.[157]Tom. v., p. 526; ed. Basil, etc. Elsewhere he quotes it as being undoubtedly genuine.—De Placit. Hippoc. etc., ix., 1.[158]Hist. Med., p. 283.[159]See Polybius, as quoted by Littré, l., c.; also section iii. of the Preliminary Discourse.[160]Saturnal., vii., 6.[161]Hist. Animal., iii., 3.[162]In Boerhaav., Meth. Stud. Med.[163]De Placit. Hippocrat. et Plat., vi., 3; et Opera, tom. v., p. 22; ed. Basil.[164]De Nat. Facult., tom. i., p. 87.[165]Opera, tom. v., p. 329; ed. Basil.[166]See English translation ofPaulus Ægineta, Book I., p. 549.[167]See Galen, tom. v., p. 2.[168]See further, under No. 1.[169]Opera, tom. v., pp. 17, 29.[170]SeePaulus Ægineta, I., 50.[171]I., 3.[172]Sect. ii., near the beginning.[173]Comment. in III. Epidem.[174]Ad Hippocrat. de Aëre, Aquis, Locis, § 65.[175]De Vulneribus superciliis allatis. Lips., 1741.[176]Lehre von den Augen-krankheiten. Wien, 1813.[177]In VI. Aphor., 3, Comm. vi.; Meth. Med., iv., 6.[178]Hist. Med., i., 3, 4, 60. His language is particularly strong: “Maximè genuinus ab omnibus judicatur.”[179]In his Commentary on this work.[180]Book iv., 44. See the authorities quoted in the Commentary on this chapter in the English edition. Schulze properly remarks, that the composition which he recommends as an application to certain sores resembles the Ægyptiacum of modern times.—Hist. Med., i., 3, 4, 63.[181]Comment in Lib. de Nat. Human.[182]They are as follows: “Continuari cum libello de hæmorrhoidis manifeste spurio, ideoque ipsum esse spurium, Galenus jam notat in Gloss., s. v. πήρινα et στρυβλήν.” Now, as stated above, Galen does not say a word against the authenticity of these works.[183]Comment i., in Hipp. Prognost. The quotation prefixed to this work in the editions of Vander-linden and Frobenius, in which Galen is stated to have held this work not to be genuine, is admitted by Littré to be of no authority.[184]Morb. Diuturn., i., 4.[185]See Menage in Diogen. Laert., p. 241.[186]See § 66, tom. vii., p. 359: ed. Bekker.[187]See all these authorities as quoted by Ackerman.[188]Hist. de la Méd., i., iii., 4.[189]It may appear a singular idea that the earth is supported on air, and yet it was very generally held by the learned men of antiquity. The poet Lucan thus alludes to this doctrine:“Dum terra fretum terramque levabitAer.”Pharsal., i., 89.And in like manner Ovid:“Nec circumfuso pendebat in aere tellusPonderibus librata suis.”Met., I., 11.Bentley remarks, in his note on the passage in Lucan, “Omnis poetarum chorus hoc prædicat ut et philosophorum veterum.”[190]Morb. Chron., i.[191]Corp. Human. Appell., ii., 1.[192]See under θήριον and κρημνόι.[193]They refer apparently to Deipnos, ii., 7, where Athenæus quotes a treatise of Hippocrates περὶ τόπων, but he evidently means by it the work “de Aëre, Aquis, Locis.” It is to be borne in mind that Athenæus often makes his references in a loose manner.[194]De Facult. Natur., ii.[195]Censura Libr. Hippocrat., p. 115.[196]Comment. in Epidem., ii., 3. See also Le Clerc, Hist. de la Méd., iii., 17; and Sprengel, Hist. de la Méd., tom. i., p. 325, etc. A passage, which we shall see below, in the Prognostics (§ 15) puts it beyond a doubt that venesection was part of the routine of practice pursued by Hippocrates in cases of pneumonia. See also (and this passage is very decisive) de Diæta in Morb. Acut., § 5; and Galen’s Commentary, pluries.[197]The strongest argument in favor of its being a production of the Cnidian school is the mode of treating pneumonia here laid down, which certainly in so far agrees with what Galen says of Cnidian practice in such cases, namely, that those authorities omitted bleeding and purging. See Opera, tom. v., p. 87.[198]See under Ἱππωκράτης. The meaning of the passage, however, is somewhat doubtful.[199]Comment, in Lib. Vict. Acut., i., p. 43; ed. Basil.[200]Zuinger, however, stands up for its genuineness. Hippocratis Vigenti duo Comment., etc., p. 386. He gives a most elaborate analysis of it.[201]These dreamy views of human life look very much like an anticipation of the Fourierism of the present day. So true is the hackneyed saying, “there is nothing new under the sun!”[202]Hist. de la Méd., i., iii., 13.[203]Hippocrates, in his treatise ‘On Diet in Acute Diseases,’ says decidedly that the ancients—that is to say, his predecessors—had written nothing of any value on the subject of Dietetics (§ 1). From this we may infer that the present work was not known in his days; for it can scarcely be supposed that he would have spoken so disparagingly of it.[204]Galen quotes it as a portion of the work on Diet. See Opera, tom. v., p. 377; ed. Basil.[205]This idea is well explained and enlarged upon by Alexander Aphrodisiensis.—Probl. i., 118. This writer must not be confounded with the commentator on Aristotle.[206]Zuinger points out a striking mark of the connection between it and the work ‘On Diet:’ op. sup. laud. p. 549.[207]Amstel., 1658.[208]Oneirocritica, etc. Lutetiæ, 1603.[209]Σκιᾱς ὄναρ ἄνθρωποι. Pind. Pyth., viii.[210]Comment. in Libr. de Diæt. Acut., i.[211]Tom. v., pp. 306, 614, etc.; ed. Basil.[212]See the Syd. Soc. edition ofPaulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p. 264.[213]Galen, by the way, mentions that Euryphon, the celebrated Cnidian physician in the days of Hippocrates, was in the practice of treating empyema with the actual cautery.—Comment. in Aphor., vii., 44. This is a strong confirmation of the opinion that this treatise must have emanated from the Cnidian school.[214]See the Syd. Soc. edition ofPaulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p. 354.[215]I presume it was the rib itself that was perforated, and not the intercostal space. The term τρύπανον was generally applied to the trepan. The epithet τρυγλητήριον, or, as Foës proposes to read it, τρωλοδυτήριων, is probably derived from τρώγλη, a hole, and δύω, to penetrate; joined together, they would signify a trepan for boring holes.[216]Morb. Acut., iii., 17.[217]De Humor., Comment. in VI. Epidem.[218]Opera, tom. v., p. 456; ed. Basil.[219]The silphium, indeed, is mentioned among the remedies for this case in the treatise “On Regimen in Acute Diseases” (7), but not the other articles.[220]Ad Epidem., vi., 6, 27.[221]Hippocrat. Opera, i., p. 318.[222]The opinions on this subject are given very fully by Aulus Gellius. Noctes Atticæ, iii., 10.[223]I should mention that Zuinger pronounces, without the slightest hesitation, in favor of their genuineness: op. sup. laud. pp. 188, 199.[224]De Difficult. Respir., ii., 8; ibid., iii., 1.[225]Comm. Epid., vi., 2, 15.[226]Opera, tom. v., p. 24; ed. Basil.[227]See series of papers in illustration of it, published in the Medical Gazette for the year 1847, by Dr. Wardel. On one point I cannot agree with this writer; he says, the fever was of a continued character, whereas in all the cases which I met with it was decidedly remittent.[228]VIII., 4.[229]Institut., Orat. iii.[230]De Perfect. in Virt.[231]§ 27.[232]It cannot but appear singular that so distinguished a person as Robert Boyle should have found fault with Hippocrates for relating so many cases of which the issue was fatal. He says, “Revera penes me non parum Hippocratis auctoritate decedit, quod in scriptis suis tot ægrotorum epiphonemaipsos mortuos esselegerem.”—Exer. v., de Utilitate Philosoph. Exper., p. 192. On the other hand, Mart. Lister justly defends Hippocrates: “A me sane absit illa quorundam nuperorum scriptorum jactantia, qui nihil exhibent, nisi quod bonum eventum habuit; errores et infortunia caute abscondunt, aliter autem nobis profuit magnus Hippocrates, apud quem fere non nisi casus funesti occurrunt, ac si iidem potioris doctrinæ essent.”—Exercit. de Hydrope.[233]Acut. Morb., iii., 17.[234]Perspiratio dicta Hippocrati.[235]By Nature, the ancient philosophers understood an immaterial principle diffused through all the works of creation, that is to say, an internal principle of motion and of rest, which presides over the growth and nourishment of all substances. It is well defined by Aristotle in different parts of his works. See De Anima, ii., 4; and Auscultationes Naturales, pluries. That truly learned and ingenious author Bishop Berkeley, in his “Siris,” describes nature as being mind so fuddled with matter as to have lost its consciousness. Probably, the distinction between a material and immaterial principle as the cause of the vital phenomena was not so well understood until after Plato and Aristotle had cultivated mental philosophy with so great success; for, as we shall see in the next section, Hippocrates seems to identify mind with heat, that is to say, he confounds the cause of motion and of change with its first instrument,orco-cause (συνάιτιον).[236]See the references given by Gruner, Ackerman, and Littré.[237]See Musonius, Ap. Stobæi Sentent., xviii. It occurs frequently in Galen.[238]Des Maladies de la France dans leurs Rapports avec les Saisons, p. 193. Paris, 1840.[239]Natural. Facult., ii., 8; de Placit. Plat. et Hippocrat., viii., 5.[240]Opera, tom. v., pp. 257, 479; ed. Basil.[241]Deipnos, ii., 46.[242]Zuinger considers it in the light of extracts from the Note-book of Hippocrates (or Hippocratea Adversaria).[243]Ad Aphor. v., 37.[244]De Fœtus fabricat.[245]Comment. in Libr. de Fract. ap. Foës, p. 147.[246]Somnium Scipionis, i., 6.[247]Vol. i., p. 386; ed. Kühn.[248]Even Zuinger admits that, both in style and matter, these treatises are unlike the genuine works of Hippocrates.[249]Vol. i., p. 371; ed. Kühn.[250]Ibid., p. 387.[251]Ibid., p. 420.[252]In Gloss. in voce ἄλφιτα, etc.[253]See Foës, Œconom. Hippocrat. in voce κιών.[254]Bibl. Græc., ii., 24, p. 801.[255]Aristotle refers this opinion to Leophanes, De Generatione Animalium, v., 1.[256]De Placit. Hippocrat. et Plat., ix.[257]Comment., tom. xv., p. 224; ed. Kühn.[258]Noct. Attic., iii., 16.[259]Ap. Foës; ed. Hippocrat.[260]Comment. in Galen; ed. Dietz.[261]Hist. Med., P. i., iii., 2, 257.[262]In Boerhaav. Meth. Stud. Med., i., 3, p. 594.
[109]Hippocrat. Coi Comment. etc., Theod. Zuingeri studio. Basil, 1579.
[109]Hippocrat. Coi Comment. etc., Theod. Zuingeri studio. Basil, 1579.
[110]See his additions to Ackerman’s Dissertation, in his edition of the Works of Hippocrates.
[110]See his additions to Ackerman’s Dissertation, in his edition of the Works of Hippocrates.
[111]§ 122, tom. i., p. 172 (ed. Bekker), where see the note of Heindorf.
[111]§ 122, tom. i., p. 172 (ed. Bekker), where see the note of Heindorf.
[112]Galeni Opera, tom. v., pp. 2, 16; ed. Basil.
[112]Galeni Opera, tom. v., pp. 2, 16; ed. Basil.
[113]Œuvres Complètes, etc., tom. i., p. 320.
[113]Œuvres Complètes, etc., tom. i., p. 320.
[114]The argument turns principally on the meaning of the expression, τι πότε λέγει Ἱπποκράτης τε καὶ ὁ ἀληθὴ λόγος, which M. Littré contends signifies, “ce qu’Hippocrate et la raisonpourraient dire.” Now I must say that, to me, the words of Plato here quoted do not warrant the interpretation which M. Littré puts upon them; and, not satisfied with my own judgment on this point, which happens in the present instance to be an important one, I applied to one of the best authorities in Britain on the minutiæ of the Greek language for his opinion, and was happy to find that it entirely corresponded with my own. Having alluded in the text to the prolixity of the discussion which M. Littré enters into on this occasion, I trust that eminent scholar will not be offended (provided these pages ever meet his eyes) if I introduce here an anecdote of the celebrated Kuster. Having been shown a work in which the quantity of argumentation and reflection greatly over-balanced the amount of facts and references, he laid it aside with the remark, “I find nothing here but reasoning:non sic itur ad astra.”
[114]The argument turns principally on the meaning of the expression, τι πότε λέγει Ἱπποκράτης τε καὶ ὁ ἀληθὴ λόγος, which M. Littré contends signifies, “ce qu’Hippocrate et la raisonpourraient dire.” Now I must say that, to me, the words of Plato here quoted do not warrant the interpretation which M. Littré puts upon them; and, not satisfied with my own judgment on this point, which happens in the present instance to be an important one, I applied to one of the best authorities in Britain on the minutiæ of the Greek language for his opinion, and was happy to find that it entirely corresponded with my own. Having alluded in the text to the prolixity of the discussion which M. Littré enters into on this occasion, I trust that eminent scholar will not be offended (provided these pages ever meet his eyes) if I introduce here an anecdote of the celebrated Kuster. Having been shown a work in which the quantity of argumentation and reflection greatly over-balanced the amount of facts and references, he laid it aside with the remark, “I find nothing here but reasoning:non sic itur ad astra.”
[115]Galeni Opera, tom. v., p. 119; ed. Basil.
[115]Galeni Opera, tom. v., p. 119; ed. Basil.
[116]Comment. vii.; et sect. vii., 53 et seq.
[116]Comment. vii.; et sect. vii., 53 et seq.
[117]See underHippocratesin Smith’s Greek and Roman Biographical and Mythological Dictionary.
[117]See underHippocratesin Smith’s Greek and Roman Biographical and Mythological Dictionary.
[118]“In all paroxysms, or sharp fits of intermitting diseases, we must take away meat, for then to give it is hurtful.”
[118]“In all paroxysms, or sharp fits of intermitting diseases, we must take away meat, for then to give it is hurtful.”
[119]“The belly is naturally hottest in winter and the spring, and most addicted to rest. Consequently in these seasons a greater proportion of food is to be allowed, because the inward heat is stronger, which is the reason that a more plentiful food is necessary. This difference may be seen in such as are old, and in such as are lusty and well-grown bodies.”
[119]“The belly is naturally hottest in winter and the spring, and most addicted to rest. Consequently in these seasons a greater proportion of food is to be allowed, because the inward heat is stronger, which is the reason that a more plentiful food is necessary. This difference may be seen in such as are old, and in such as are lusty and well-grown bodies.”
[120]“Those things that are or have been justly determined by nature, ought not to be moved or altered, either by purging or other irritating medicines; but should be left alone.”
[120]“Those things that are or have been justly determined by nature, ought not to be moved or altered, either by purging or other irritating medicines; but should be left alone.”
[121]“Things evacuated and purged are not to be estimated by the multitude and quantity, but by their fitness to be avoided and sent forth; and must be such as are not too troublesome to the patient to bear. Though, where it is necessary, we must proceed in evacuating, even to swooning and fainting, if the patient can bear it.”
[121]“Things evacuated and purged are not to be estimated by the multitude and quantity, but by their fitness to be avoided and sent forth; and must be such as are not too troublesome to the patient to bear. Though, where it is necessary, we must proceed in evacuating, even to swooning and fainting, if the patient can bear it.”
[122]“Those who are grieved in any part of the body, and are scarce sensible of their grief, have a distempered mind.”
[122]“Those who are grieved in any part of the body, and are scarce sensible of their grief, have a distempered mind.”
[123]“When the upper parts of the throat or gullet are sore, or a breaking out of small tumours does arise in the body, we ought to look upon the excrements; for if they are choleric, the body is also sick; but if they are like the excrements of sound persons, the body may be nourished without danger.”
[123]“When the upper parts of the throat or gullet are sore, or a breaking out of small tumours does arise in the body, we ought to look upon the excrements; for if they are choleric, the body is also sick; but if they are like the excrements of sound persons, the body may be nourished without danger.”
[124]“When that which ought to be evacuated is discharged by spontaneous vomiting and diarrhœa, it is useful and easily endured; but when otherwise, the contrary.This is equally true with regard to every vessel,” etc.
[124]“When that which ought to be evacuated is discharged by spontaneous vomiting and diarrhœa, it is useful and easily endured; but when otherwise, the contrary.This is equally true with regard to every vessel,” etc.
[125]“They in whom the greatest vigor of the disease is immediately perceived, are to be immediately sparingly supplied with food; but from those in whom it occurs later, the food must at that time, or a little earlier, be abstracted. Previously, however, we must nourish more freely, that the sick may be supported.”
[125]“They in whom the greatest vigor of the disease is immediately perceived, are to be immediately sparingly supplied with food; but from those in whom it occurs later, the food must at that time, or a little earlier, be abstracted. Previously, however, we must nourish more freely, that the sick may be supported.”
[126]“Whilst the crisis is forming, and when it is complete, nothing ought to be moved or to be introduced, whether by purgatives or other irritants; but all should be left at rest.”
[126]“Whilst the crisis is forming, and when it is complete, nothing ought to be moved or to be introduced, whether by purgatives or other irritants; but all should be left at rest.”
[127]“They who are accustomed to daily labor, although even weak or old, endure it more easily than the robust or young, who are even accustomed to it.”
[127]“They who are accustomed to daily labor, although even weak or old, endure it more easily than the robust or young, who are even accustomed to it.”
[128]“In regard to the seasons, if the winter has been dry and cold, and the spring moist and warm, in summer acute fevers, ophthalmias, and dysenteries must necessarily occur, chiefly, however, among females and men of pituitous temperament.”
[128]“In regard to the seasons, if the winter has been dry and cold, and the spring moist and warm, in summer acute fevers, ophthalmias, and dysenteries must necessarily occur, chiefly, however, among females and men of pituitous temperament.”
[129]Tom. v., p. 399; ed, Basil.
[129]Tom. v., p. 399; ed, Basil.
[130]“The state of the air being, upon the whole, dry, with a south wind, which was just contrary to what happened the year before, when the north chiefly prevailed; there were but few inflammatory fevers, and these were of a mild disposition, very few being attended with hemorrhages, and much fewer, if any, with death.” (p. 4.)“They affected children, young persons, and those who were arrived at years of maturity, and especially those who used much exercise, yet but few women.” (Ibid.)“Before the summer, and even during that season, nay, in winter likewise, there were many who had been disposed to a phthisis who were now afflicted with that disease,” etc. (Ibid.)“The extremities were generally very cold, there was seldom any heat in them.” (p 3.)
[130]“The state of the air being, upon the whole, dry, with a south wind, which was just contrary to what happened the year before, when the north chiefly prevailed; there were but few inflammatory fevers, and these were of a mild disposition, very few being attended with hemorrhages, and much fewer, if any, with death.” (p. 4.)
“They affected children, young persons, and those who were arrived at years of maturity, and especially those who used much exercise, yet but few women.” (Ibid.)
“Before the summer, and even during that season, nay, in winter likewise, there were many who had been disposed to a phthisis who were now afflicted with that disease,” etc. (Ibid.)
“The extremities were generally very cold, there was seldom any heat in them.” (p 3.)
[131]Præfat. Gloss.
[131]Præfat. Gloss.
[132]Comment. in Libr. de Fract.
[132]Comment. in Libr. de Fract.
[133]In Lib. Prognos. Comment.
[133]In Lib. Prognos. Comment.
[134]Tom. v., p. 89; ed. Basil.
[134]Tom. v., p. 89; ed. Basil.
[135]Comment. in Lib. de Fract.
[135]Comment. in Lib. de Fract.
[136]Deipnos, ii., 7.
[136]Deipnos, ii., 7.
[137]De Propr. Lib., in III. Epid., Comm. ii., Præf.
[137]De Propr. Lib., in III. Epid., Comm. ii., Præf.
[138]Bibl. Med., p. 1, 29, 59.
[138]Bibl. Med., p. 1, 29, 59.
[139]The inhabitants of Asiatic Ionia, and the islands adjoining, were all colonists from Attica. (See in particular Thucyd., i., 12; and also Herodot. viii., 44; and Heraclides, de Politiis.) Dr. Coray supposes that Hippocrates represents himself as being a European, in consequence of his having composed this treatise in Europe, at a distance from his native country. But there is no necessity for this supposition, as Hippocrates, being of Grecian descent, would naturally enough consider himself a European, since the great body of the Greeks were Europeans. Coray mentions a striking instance of Haller’s incapacity to form a correct judgment on the works of Hippocrates, from want of a proper acquaintance with the Greek language.—Discours Préliminaire, etc., p. lvi.
[139]The inhabitants of Asiatic Ionia, and the islands adjoining, were all colonists from Attica. (See in particular Thucyd., i., 12; and also Herodot. viii., 44; and Heraclides, de Politiis.) Dr. Coray supposes that Hippocrates represents himself as being a European, in consequence of his having composed this treatise in Europe, at a distance from his native country. But there is no necessity for this supposition, as Hippocrates, being of Grecian descent, would naturally enough consider himself a European, since the great body of the Greeks were Europeans. Coray mentions a striking instance of Haller’s incapacity to form a correct judgment on the works of Hippocrates, from want of a proper acquaintance with the Greek language.—Discours Préliminaire, etc., p. lvi.
[140]De Placit. Hippocr., et Platon. ix.; de Diff. Resp., iii., 7.
[140]De Placit. Hippocr., et Platon. ix.; de Diff. Resp., iii., 7.
[141]Ap. Foës., p. 197.
[141]Ap. Foës., p. 197.
[142]Galeni Opera, tom. v., p. 652; ed. Basil.
[142]Galeni Opera, tom. v., p. 652; ed. Basil.
[143]Opera, tom. v., p, 578; ed. Basil.
[143]Opera, tom. v., p, 578; ed. Basil.
[144]Ibid., p. 170.
[144]Ibid., p. 170.
[145]In Prædict. i., Comm. i., 4.
[145]In Prædict. i., Comm. i., 4.
[146]V. Galen, in Exeges. in vocibus ἐκλούσθω, σφάκερος, etc.
[146]V. Galen, in Exeges. in vocibus ἐκλούσθω, σφάκερος, etc.
[147]Præfat. Gloss. Hippocrat.
[147]Præfat. Gloss. Hippocrat.
[148]Gynæc., tom. i., P. I., p. 13.
[148]Gynæc., tom. i., P. I., p. 13.
[149]In vita Hippocrat.
[149]In vita Hippocrat.
[150]Ad Nepotian. de vita Cleric., Ep. ii., p. 13, tom. i.; ed. Paris, 1643.
[150]Ad Nepotian. de vita Cleric., Ep. ii., p. 13, tom. i.; ed. Paris, 1643.
[151]Orat. Funebr., in Cæsarium Fratrem.
[151]Orat. Funebr., in Cæsarium Fratrem.
[152]Sub voce Hippocrates.
[152]Sub voce Hippocrates.
[153]Epist. ad C. Jal. Callistum.
[153]Epist. ad C. Jal. Callistum.
[154]Thesmophor., l. 240.
[154]Thesmophor., l. 240.
[155]De Legg. iv., l. vi., p. 134; ed. Tauchnitz.
[155]De Legg. iv., l. vi., p. 134; ed. Tauchnitz.
[156]Tom. ii., p. xlviii.; Add. et Corrig.
[156]Tom. ii., p. xlviii.; Add. et Corrig.
[157]Tom. v., p. 526; ed. Basil, etc. Elsewhere he quotes it as being undoubtedly genuine.—De Placit. Hippoc. etc., ix., 1.
[157]Tom. v., p. 526; ed. Basil, etc. Elsewhere he quotes it as being undoubtedly genuine.—De Placit. Hippoc. etc., ix., 1.
[158]Hist. Med., p. 283.
[158]Hist. Med., p. 283.
[159]See Polybius, as quoted by Littré, l., c.; also section iii. of the Preliminary Discourse.
[159]See Polybius, as quoted by Littré, l., c.; also section iii. of the Preliminary Discourse.
[160]Saturnal., vii., 6.
[160]Saturnal., vii., 6.
[161]Hist. Animal., iii., 3.
[161]Hist. Animal., iii., 3.
[162]In Boerhaav., Meth. Stud. Med.
[162]In Boerhaav., Meth. Stud. Med.
[163]De Placit. Hippocrat. et Plat., vi., 3; et Opera, tom. v., p. 22; ed. Basil.
[163]De Placit. Hippocrat. et Plat., vi., 3; et Opera, tom. v., p. 22; ed. Basil.
[164]De Nat. Facult., tom. i., p. 87.
[164]De Nat. Facult., tom. i., p. 87.
[165]Opera, tom. v., p. 329; ed. Basil.
[165]Opera, tom. v., p. 329; ed. Basil.
[166]See English translation ofPaulus Ægineta, Book I., p. 549.
[166]See English translation ofPaulus Ægineta, Book I., p. 549.
[167]See Galen, tom. v., p. 2.
[167]See Galen, tom. v., p. 2.
[168]See further, under No. 1.
[168]See further, under No. 1.
[169]Opera, tom. v., pp. 17, 29.
[169]Opera, tom. v., pp. 17, 29.
[170]SeePaulus Ægineta, I., 50.
[170]SeePaulus Ægineta, I., 50.
[171]I., 3.
[171]I., 3.
[172]Sect. ii., near the beginning.
[172]Sect. ii., near the beginning.
[173]Comment. in III. Epidem.
[173]Comment. in III. Epidem.
[174]Ad Hippocrat. de Aëre, Aquis, Locis, § 65.
[174]Ad Hippocrat. de Aëre, Aquis, Locis, § 65.
[175]De Vulneribus superciliis allatis. Lips., 1741.
[175]De Vulneribus superciliis allatis. Lips., 1741.
[176]Lehre von den Augen-krankheiten. Wien, 1813.
[176]Lehre von den Augen-krankheiten. Wien, 1813.
[177]In VI. Aphor., 3, Comm. vi.; Meth. Med., iv., 6.
[177]In VI. Aphor., 3, Comm. vi.; Meth. Med., iv., 6.
[178]Hist. Med., i., 3, 4, 60. His language is particularly strong: “Maximè genuinus ab omnibus judicatur.”
[178]Hist. Med., i., 3, 4, 60. His language is particularly strong: “Maximè genuinus ab omnibus judicatur.”
[179]In his Commentary on this work.
[179]In his Commentary on this work.
[180]Book iv., 44. See the authorities quoted in the Commentary on this chapter in the English edition. Schulze properly remarks, that the composition which he recommends as an application to certain sores resembles the Ægyptiacum of modern times.—Hist. Med., i., 3, 4, 63.
[180]Book iv., 44. See the authorities quoted in the Commentary on this chapter in the English edition. Schulze properly remarks, that the composition which he recommends as an application to certain sores resembles the Ægyptiacum of modern times.—Hist. Med., i., 3, 4, 63.
[181]Comment in Lib. de Nat. Human.
[181]Comment in Lib. de Nat. Human.
[182]They are as follows: “Continuari cum libello de hæmorrhoidis manifeste spurio, ideoque ipsum esse spurium, Galenus jam notat in Gloss., s. v. πήρινα et στρυβλήν.” Now, as stated above, Galen does not say a word against the authenticity of these works.
[182]They are as follows: “Continuari cum libello de hæmorrhoidis manifeste spurio, ideoque ipsum esse spurium, Galenus jam notat in Gloss., s. v. πήρινα et στρυβλήν.” Now, as stated above, Galen does not say a word against the authenticity of these works.
[183]Comment i., in Hipp. Prognost. The quotation prefixed to this work in the editions of Vander-linden and Frobenius, in which Galen is stated to have held this work not to be genuine, is admitted by Littré to be of no authority.
[183]Comment i., in Hipp. Prognost. The quotation prefixed to this work in the editions of Vander-linden and Frobenius, in which Galen is stated to have held this work not to be genuine, is admitted by Littré to be of no authority.
[184]Morb. Diuturn., i., 4.
[184]Morb. Diuturn., i., 4.
[185]See Menage in Diogen. Laert., p. 241.
[185]See Menage in Diogen. Laert., p. 241.
[186]See § 66, tom. vii., p. 359: ed. Bekker.
[186]See § 66, tom. vii., p. 359: ed. Bekker.
[187]See all these authorities as quoted by Ackerman.
[187]See all these authorities as quoted by Ackerman.
[188]Hist. de la Méd., i., iii., 4.
[188]Hist. de la Méd., i., iii., 4.
[189]It may appear a singular idea that the earth is supported on air, and yet it was very generally held by the learned men of antiquity. The poet Lucan thus alludes to this doctrine:“Dum terra fretum terramque levabitAer.”Pharsal., i., 89.And in like manner Ovid:“Nec circumfuso pendebat in aere tellusPonderibus librata suis.”Met., I., 11.Bentley remarks, in his note on the passage in Lucan, “Omnis poetarum chorus hoc prædicat ut et philosophorum veterum.”
[189]It may appear a singular idea that the earth is supported on air, and yet it was very generally held by the learned men of antiquity. The poet Lucan thus alludes to this doctrine:
“Dum terra fretum terramque levabitAer.”Pharsal., i., 89.
“Dum terra fretum terramque levabitAer.”Pharsal., i., 89.
“Dum terra fretum terramque levabitAer.”Pharsal., i., 89.
“Dum terra fretum terramque levabit
Aer.”
Pharsal., i., 89.
And in like manner Ovid:
“Nec circumfuso pendebat in aere tellusPonderibus librata suis.”Met., I., 11.
“Nec circumfuso pendebat in aere tellusPonderibus librata suis.”Met., I., 11.
“Nec circumfuso pendebat in aere tellusPonderibus librata suis.”Met., I., 11.
“Nec circumfuso pendebat in aere tellus
Ponderibus librata suis.”
Met., I., 11.
Bentley remarks, in his note on the passage in Lucan, “Omnis poetarum chorus hoc prædicat ut et philosophorum veterum.”
[190]Morb. Chron., i.
[190]Morb. Chron., i.
[191]Corp. Human. Appell., ii., 1.
[191]Corp. Human. Appell., ii., 1.
[192]See under θήριον and κρημνόι.
[192]See under θήριον and κρημνόι.
[193]They refer apparently to Deipnos, ii., 7, where Athenæus quotes a treatise of Hippocrates περὶ τόπων, but he evidently means by it the work “de Aëre, Aquis, Locis.” It is to be borne in mind that Athenæus often makes his references in a loose manner.
[193]They refer apparently to Deipnos, ii., 7, where Athenæus quotes a treatise of Hippocrates περὶ τόπων, but he evidently means by it the work “de Aëre, Aquis, Locis.” It is to be borne in mind that Athenæus often makes his references in a loose manner.
[194]De Facult. Natur., ii.
[194]De Facult. Natur., ii.
[195]Censura Libr. Hippocrat., p. 115.
[195]Censura Libr. Hippocrat., p. 115.
[196]Comment. in Epidem., ii., 3. See also Le Clerc, Hist. de la Méd., iii., 17; and Sprengel, Hist. de la Méd., tom. i., p. 325, etc. A passage, which we shall see below, in the Prognostics (§ 15) puts it beyond a doubt that venesection was part of the routine of practice pursued by Hippocrates in cases of pneumonia. See also (and this passage is very decisive) de Diæta in Morb. Acut., § 5; and Galen’s Commentary, pluries.
[196]Comment. in Epidem., ii., 3. See also Le Clerc, Hist. de la Méd., iii., 17; and Sprengel, Hist. de la Méd., tom. i., p. 325, etc. A passage, which we shall see below, in the Prognostics (§ 15) puts it beyond a doubt that venesection was part of the routine of practice pursued by Hippocrates in cases of pneumonia. See also (and this passage is very decisive) de Diæta in Morb. Acut., § 5; and Galen’s Commentary, pluries.
[197]The strongest argument in favor of its being a production of the Cnidian school is the mode of treating pneumonia here laid down, which certainly in so far agrees with what Galen says of Cnidian practice in such cases, namely, that those authorities omitted bleeding and purging. See Opera, tom. v., p. 87.
[197]The strongest argument in favor of its being a production of the Cnidian school is the mode of treating pneumonia here laid down, which certainly in so far agrees with what Galen says of Cnidian practice in such cases, namely, that those authorities omitted bleeding and purging. See Opera, tom. v., p. 87.
[198]See under Ἱππωκράτης. The meaning of the passage, however, is somewhat doubtful.
[198]See under Ἱππωκράτης. The meaning of the passage, however, is somewhat doubtful.
[199]Comment, in Lib. Vict. Acut., i., p. 43; ed. Basil.
[199]Comment, in Lib. Vict. Acut., i., p. 43; ed. Basil.
[200]Zuinger, however, stands up for its genuineness. Hippocratis Vigenti duo Comment., etc., p. 386. He gives a most elaborate analysis of it.
[200]Zuinger, however, stands up for its genuineness. Hippocratis Vigenti duo Comment., etc., p. 386. He gives a most elaborate analysis of it.
[201]These dreamy views of human life look very much like an anticipation of the Fourierism of the present day. So true is the hackneyed saying, “there is nothing new under the sun!”
[201]These dreamy views of human life look very much like an anticipation of the Fourierism of the present day. So true is the hackneyed saying, “there is nothing new under the sun!”
[202]Hist. de la Méd., i., iii., 13.
[202]Hist. de la Méd., i., iii., 13.
[203]Hippocrates, in his treatise ‘On Diet in Acute Diseases,’ says decidedly that the ancients—that is to say, his predecessors—had written nothing of any value on the subject of Dietetics (§ 1). From this we may infer that the present work was not known in his days; for it can scarcely be supposed that he would have spoken so disparagingly of it.
[203]Hippocrates, in his treatise ‘On Diet in Acute Diseases,’ says decidedly that the ancients—that is to say, his predecessors—had written nothing of any value on the subject of Dietetics (§ 1). From this we may infer that the present work was not known in his days; for it can scarcely be supposed that he would have spoken so disparagingly of it.
[204]Galen quotes it as a portion of the work on Diet. See Opera, tom. v., p. 377; ed. Basil.
[204]Galen quotes it as a portion of the work on Diet. See Opera, tom. v., p. 377; ed. Basil.
[205]This idea is well explained and enlarged upon by Alexander Aphrodisiensis.—Probl. i., 118. This writer must not be confounded with the commentator on Aristotle.
[205]This idea is well explained and enlarged upon by Alexander Aphrodisiensis.—Probl. i., 118. This writer must not be confounded with the commentator on Aristotle.
[206]Zuinger points out a striking mark of the connection between it and the work ‘On Diet:’ op. sup. laud. p. 549.
[206]Zuinger points out a striking mark of the connection between it and the work ‘On Diet:’ op. sup. laud. p. 549.
[207]Amstel., 1658.
[207]Amstel., 1658.
[208]Oneirocritica, etc. Lutetiæ, 1603.
[208]Oneirocritica, etc. Lutetiæ, 1603.
[209]Σκιᾱς ὄναρ ἄνθρωποι. Pind. Pyth., viii.
[209]Σκιᾱς ὄναρ ἄνθρωποι. Pind. Pyth., viii.
[210]Comment. in Libr. de Diæt. Acut., i.
[210]Comment. in Libr. de Diæt. Acut., i.
[211]Tom. v., pp. 306, 614, etc.; ed. Basil.
[211]Tom. v., pp. 306, 614, etc.; ed. Basil.
[212]See the Syd. Soc. edition ofPaulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p. 264.
[212]See the Syd. Soc. edition ofPaulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p. 264.
[213]Galen, by the way, mentions that Euryphon, the celebrated Cnidian physician in the days of Hippocrates, was in the practice of treating empyema with the actual cautery.—Comment. in Aphor., vii., 44. This is a strong confirmation of the opinion that this treatise must have emanated from the Cnidian school.
[213]Galen, by the way, mentions that Euryphon, the celebrated Cnidian physician in the days of Hippocrates, was in the practice of treating empyema with the actual cautery.—Comment. in Aphor., vii., 44. This is a strong confirmation of the opinion that this treatise must have emanated from the Cnidian school.
[214]See the Syd. Soc. edition ofPaulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p. 354.
[214]See the Syd. Soc. edition ofPaulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p. 354.
[215]I presume it was the rib itself that was perforated, and not the intercostal space. The term τρύπανον was generally applied to the trepan. The epithet τρυγλητήριον, or, as Foës proposes to read it, τρωλοδυτήριων, is probably derived from τρώγλη, a hole, and δύω, to penetrate; joined together, they would signify a trepan for boring holes.
[215]I presume it was the rib itself that was perforated, and not the intercostal space. The term τρύπανον was generally applied to the trepan. The epithet τρυγλητήριον, or, as Foës proposes to read it, τρωλοδυτήριων, is probably derived from τρώγλη, a hole, and δύω, to penetrate; joined together, they would signify a trepan for boring holes.
[216]Morb. Acut., iii., 17.
[216]Morb. Acut., iii., 17.
[217]De Humor., Comment. in VI. Epidem.
[217]De Humor., Comment. in VI. Epidem.
[218]Opera, tom. v., p. 456; ed. Basil.
[218]Opera, tom. v., p. 456; ed. Basil.
[219]The silphium, indeed, is mentioned among the remedies for this case in the treatise “On Regimen in Acute Diseases” (7), but not the other articles.
[219]The silphium, indeed, is mentioned among the remedies for this case in the treatise “On Regimen in Acute Diseases” (7), but not the other articles.
[220]Ad Epidem., vi., 6, 27.
[220]Ad Epidem., vi., 6, 27.
[221]Hippocrat. Opera, i., p. 318.
[221]Hippocrat. Opera, i., p. 318.
[222]The opinions on this subject are given very fully by Aulus Gellius. Noctes Atticæ, iii., 10.
[222]The opinions on this subject are given very fully by Aulus Gellius. Noctes Atticæ, iii., 10.
[223]I should mention that Zuinger pronounces, without the slightest hesitation, in favor of their genuineness: op. sup. laud. pp. 188, 199.
[223]I should mention that Zuinger pronounces, without the slightest hesitation, in favor of their genuineness: op. sup. laud. pp. 188, 199.
[224]De Difficult. Respir., ii., 8; ibid., iii., 1.
[224]De Difficult. Respir., ii., 8; ibid., iii., 1.
[225]Comm. Epid., vi., 2, 15.
[225]Comm. Epid., vi., 2, 15.
[226]Opera, tom. v., p. 24; ed. Basil.
[226]Opera, tom. v., p. 24; ed. Basil.
[227]See series of papers in illustration of it, published in the Medical Gazette for the year 1847, by Dr. Wardel. On one point I cannot agree with this writer; he says, the fever was of a continued character, whereas in all the cases which I met with it was decidedly remittent.
[227]See series of papers in illustration of it, published in the Medical Gazette for the year 1847, by Dr. Wardel. On one point I cannot agree with this writer; he says, the fever was of a continued character, whereas in all the cases which I met with it was decidedly remittent.
[228]VIII., 4.
[228]VIII., 4.
[229]Institut., Orat. iii.
[229]Institut., Orat. iii.
[230]De Perfect. in Virt.
[230]De Perfect. in Virt.
[231]§ 27.
[231]§ 27.
[232]It cannot but appear singular that so distinguished a person as Robert Boyle should have found fault with Hippocrates for relating so many cases of which the issue was fatal. He says, “Revera penes me non parum Hippocratis auctoritate decedit, quod in scriptis suis tot ægrotorum epiphonemaipsos mortuos esselegerem.”—Exer. v., de Utilitate Philosoph. Exper., p. 192. On the other hand, Mart. Lister justly defends Hippocrates: “A me sane absit illa quorundam nuperorum scriptorum jactantia, qui nihil exhibent, nisi quod bonum eventum habuit; errores et infortunia caute abscondunt, aliter autem nobis profuit magnus Hippocrates, apud quem fere non nisi casus funesti occurrunt, ac si iidem potioris doctrinæ essent.”—Exercit. de Hydrope.
[232]It cannot but appear singular that so distinguished a person as Robert Boyle should have found fault with Hippocrates for relating so many cases of which the issue was fatal. He says, “Revera penes me non parum Hippocratis auctoritate decedit, quod in scriptis suis tot ægrotorum epiphonemaipsos mortuos esselegerem.”—Exer. v., de Utilitate Philosoph. Exper., p. 192. On the other hand, Mart. Lister justly defends Hippocrates: “A me sane absit illa quorundam nuperorum scriptorum jactantia, qui nihil exhibent, nisi quod bonum eventum habuit; errores et infortunia caute abscondunt, aliter autem nobis profuit magnus Hippocrates, apud quem fere non nisi casus funesti occurrunt, ac si iidem potioris doctrinæ essent.”—Exercit. de Hydrope.
[233]Acut. Morb., iii., 17.
[233]Acut. Morb., iii., 17.
[234]Perspiratio dicta Hippocrati.
[234]Perspiratio dicta Hippocrati.
[235]By Nature, the ancient philosophers understood an immaterial principle diffused through all the works of creation, that is to say, an internal principle of motion and of rest, which presides over the growth and nourishment of all substances. It is well defined by Aristotle in different parts of his works. See De Anima, ii., 4; and Auscultationes Naturales, pluries. That truly learned and ingenious author Bishop Berkeley, in his “Siris,” describes nature as being mind so fuddled with matter as to have lost its consciousness. Probably, the distinction between a material and immaterial principle as the cause of the vital phenomena was not so well understood until after Plato and Aristotle had cultivated mental philosophy with so great success; for, as we shall see in the next section, Hippocrates seems to identify mind with heat, that is to say, he confounds the cause of motion and of change with its first instrument,orco-cause (συνάιτιον).
[235]By Nature, the ancient philosophers understood an immaterial principle diffused through all the works of creation, that is to say, an internal principle of motion and of rest, which presides over the growth and nourishment of all substances. It is well defined by Aristotle in different parts of his works. See De Anima, ii., 4; and Auscultationes Naturales, pluries. That truly learned and ingenious author Bishop Berkeley, in his “Siris,” describes nature as being mind so fuddled with matter as to have lost its consciousness. Probably, the distinction between a material and immaterial principle as the cause of the vital phenomena was not so well understood until after Plato and Aristotle had cultivated mental philosophy with so great success; for, as we shall see in the next section, Hippocrates seems to identify mind with heat, that is to say, he confounds the cause of motion and of change with its first instrument,orco-cause (συνάιτιον).
[236]See the references given by Gruner, Ackerman, and Littré.
[236]See the references given by Gruner, Ackerman, and Littré.
[237]See Musonius, Ap. Stobæi Sentent., xviii. It occurs frequently in Galen.
[237]See Musonius, Ap. Stobæi Sentent., xviii. It occurs frequently in Galen.
[238]Des Maladies de la France dans leurs Rapports avec les Saisons, p. 193. Paris, 1840.
[238]Des Maladies de la France dans leurs Rapports avec les Saisons, p. 193. Paris, 1840.
[239]Natural. Facult., ii., 8; de Placit. Plat. et Hippocrat., viii., 5.
[239]Natural. Facult., ii., 8; de Placit. Plat. et Hippocrat., viii., 5.
[240]Opera, tom. v., pp. 257, 479; ed. Basil.
[240]Opera, tom. v., pp. 257, 479; ed. Basil.
[241]Deipnos, ii., 46.
[241]Deipnos, ii., 46.
[242]Zuinger considers it in the light of extracts from the Note-book of Hippocrates (or Hippocratea Adversaria).
[242]Zuinger considers it in the light of extracts from the Note-book of Hippocrates (or Hippocratea Adversaria).
[243]Ad Aphor. v., 37.
[243]Ad Aphor. v., 37.
[244]De Fœtus fabricat.
[244]De Fœtus fabricat.
[245]Comment. in Libr. de Fract. ap. Foës, p. 147.
[245]Comment. in Libr. de Fract. ap. Foës, p. 147.
[246]Somnium Scipionis, i., 6.
[246]Somnium Scipionis, i., 6.
[247]Vol. i., p. 386; ed. Kühn.
[247]Vol. i., p. 386; ed. Kühn.
[248]Even Zuinger admits that, both in style and matter, these treatises are unlike the genuine works of Hippocrates.
[248]Even Zuinger admits that, both in style and matter, these treatises are unlike the genuine works of Hippocrates.
[249]Vol. i., p. 371; ed. Kühn.
[249]Vol. i., p. 371; ed. Kühn.
[250]Ibid., p. 387.
[250]Ibid., p. 387.
[251]Ibid., p. 420.
[251]Ibid., p. 420.
[252]In Gloss. in voce ἄλφιτα, etc.
[252]In Gloss. in voce ἄλφιτα, etc.
[253]See Foës, Œconom. Hippocrat. in voce κιών.
[253]See Foës, Œconom. Hippocrat. in voce κιών.
[254]Bibl. Græc., ii., 24, p. 801.
[254]Bibl. Græc., ii., 24, p. 801.
[255]Aristotle refers this opinion to Leophanes, De Generatione Animalium, v., 1.
[255]Aristotle refers this opinion to Leophanes, De Generatione Animalium, v., 1.
[256]De Placit. Hippocrat. et Plat., ix.
[256]De Placit. Hippocrat. et Plat., ix.
[257]Comment., tom. xv., p. 224; ed. Kühn.
[257]Comment., tom. xv., p. 224; ed. Kühn.
[258]Noct. Attic., iii., 16.
[258]Noct. Attic., iii., 16.
[259]Ap. Foës; ed. Hippocrat.
[259]Ap. Foës; ed. Hippocrat.
[260]Comment. in Galen; ed. Dietz.
[260]Comment. in Galen; ed. Dietz.
[261]Hist. Med., P. i., iii., 2, 257.
[261]Hist. Med., P. i., iii., 2, 257.
[262]In Boerhaav. Meth. Stud. Med., i., 3, p. 594.
[262]In Boerhaav. Meth. Stud. Med., i., 3, p. 594.