[392]Coups de soleil, or strokes of the sun, are often mentioned incidentally in the works of the ancient authors, but no one has treated of them in any very systematic manner, as far as I recollect. On the effects of exposure to cold and heat, see, however,Paulus Ægineta, Vol. I., 49–51, Syd. Soc. edition.[393]Ῥηγματα καὶ σπάσματα. There has been much difference of opinion as to the exact import of these two terms. It would appear to me that they were intended to apply to a rupture or straining of the fibres, occasioned by external violence. M. Littré has a very interesting note on this subject, tom. v., p. 579. On these strainings see further Coacæ Prænotiones, 376, 418. M. Littré, l. c., relates a case of empyema brought on by lifting a heavy piece of wood. On these terms see further the Annotations on Demosthenes, Olynth. ii., 8, ed. Dobson; and Foës, Å’c. Hippocr.[394]Clifton translates this clause of the sentence thus: “Even if there be but a small distance between them,†and, I think, correctly, although Coray is not quite satisfied with this interpretation. The stadium wasnearlythe eighth part of a Roman mile, that is to say, it consisted of 94½ French toises, or 625 English feet.[395]In another place, I have given a summary of the information supplied by the ancient authors on this subject, (Paulus Æginata, Vol. I., 66.) Upon the whole, none of them gives so much valuable matter on it as our author. Coray has some elaborate annotations on this passage.[396]It can scarcely admit of a doubt that our author here alludes to scurvy. (See Coray at this place, and Lind on Scurvy, iii., 1.) He also describes the disease distinctly in the second book of Prorrhetics, that is to say, if Hippocrates be actually the author of that book. See also Epidem. ii., 1; de Affection., de inter. affect.; Cælius Aurelianus, Tard. Pass. iii., 4; Celsus, iv., 9; Aëtius, x., 11; Pliny, H. N., xxv., 3; Aretæus, Morb. Diuturn, i., 14; and Paulus Ægineta, iii., 49; Marcellus, de Medic. ii.[397]The leucophlegmasia is treated of in different parts of the Hippocratic treatises, as Aphor. vii., 29; de Morb. ii. By it he evidently meant a species of dropsy, as Galen remarks in his commentary on the Aphorisms (l. c.). It occurs in Aretæus’s chapter on dropsy. Morb. Diuturn. ii., 1; Octavius Horatianus, v. Celsus makes it to be synonymous with anasarca, iii., 21. Our author would seem to notice these varieties of dropsy as being affections to which pregnant women are subject.[398]On hydrops uteri see the authorities quoted in the Commentary onPaulus Æginata, B. III., 48, Syd. Soc. edition. It may appear singular that hydatids of the womb should be particularly prevalent in the case of women that drink unwholesome water from marshes, and yet our author’s observation is confirmed by a modern authority as quoted by Coray: “Il a été également prouvé par les observations des Modernes, que les fausses grossesses produites par les hydatides; sont très-communes dans les pays marécageux, ou la plupart des habitans ont une constitution lâche, propre à l’affection scorbutique, qui y est presque endémique, qu’elles terminent plus ou moins tard par l’excrétion de ces hydatides.â€â€”(Notes sur le Traité des Airs, &c., p. 106.) Sydenham, moreover, describes the symptoms of false pregnancy in much the same terms as our author. (Tract de Hydrop.)[399]On the Thermal waters of the ancients, seePaulus Æginata, Vol. I., 72. I have treated fully of the ancientalumandnitreunder στυπτηÏία and λίτÏον, in the Third Volume. Coray, in his notes on this passage, does not throw much light on this subject. The opinion here delivered by our author, that these metallic substances are produced by the operation of heat, is adopted and followed out by Aristotle towards the end of the third book on Meteorologia.[400]Corny appears to me to be unnecessarily puzzled to account for our author’s statement, that saltish waters, although held to be purgative, are, in fact, astringent of the bowels. But, although their primary effect certainly be cathartic, is it not undeniable that their secondary effect is to induce or aggravate constipation of the bowels? Certain it is, moreover, that all the ancient authorities held salts to be possessed of desiccant and astringent powers. SeePaulus Ægineta, Vol. III., under ἂλες.[401]Aristotle discusses the subject in his Problems, ii., 9, 36, 37; ii., 15; i., 53; v., 34, and arrives at nearly the same conclusions as Hippocrates. See also Theophrastus de Sudoribus.[402]I cannot hesitate in adopting the emendation suggested by Coray (ἀποσήθεσθαι) in place of the common reading (ἀποσήπεσθαι), which evidently has no proper meaning in this place. I am surprised that M. Littré should have hesitated in admitting it into the text.[403]Athenæus, in like manner, praises rain water. Deipnos ii., 5.[404]It appears singular that Athenæus, who is undoubtedly a most learned and judicious authority on all matters relating to Dietetics, speaks as favorably of water from ice as he does of rain water. Both he praises for their lightness, (l. c.) Celsus gives the character of the different kinds of water with his characteristic terseness and accuracy: “Aqua levissima pluvialis est; deinde fontana; tum ex flumine; tum ex puteo: post hæc ex nive, aut glacie; gravior his ex lacu; gravissima ex palude,†(ii., 19.) Galen treats of the medicinal and dietetical properties of water in several of his works, and uniformly agrees with Hippocrates in the judgment he pronounces on them. See in particular, De Ptisana; De Sanit. tuend. ii.; Comment. ii. in Libr. de Ratione victus in Morb. acut.[405]Athenæus, on the other hand, argues from the fact that ice is lighter than water, that water formed from ice must be light. Pliny gives a lucid statement of the opinions of those who held that water from ice is light and wholesome, and those who, like Hippocrates, held it to be just the reverse. He says in the words of Hippocrates, literally translated, “nec vero pauci inter ipsos e contrario ex gelu ac nivibus insaluberrimos potius prædicant, quoniam exactum sit inde, quod tenuissimum fuerit.†(H.N. xxxi., 21.) See also Seneca, Quæst. Natural. iv. It would appear that icedliqueurswere greatly relished at the tables ofgourmandsin those days. I need scarcely remark that there has been great difference of opinion in modern times regarding the qualities of water from melted snow and ice. It was at one time generally believed that it is the cause of the goîtres to which the inhabitants of the valleys bordering on the Alps are subject. This opinion, however, is by no means generally held at the present time.[406]This is a most interesting chapter, as containing the most ancient observations which we possess on the important subject of urinary calculi. The ancients never improved the theory, nor added much to the facts which are here stated by our author. We have given the summary of their opinions in the Commentary onPaulus Ægineta, B. III., 45. I would beg leave to remark that, notwithstanding the number of curious facts which modern chemistry has evolved regarding the composition of urinary calculi, the etiology of the disease is nearly as obscure now as it was in the days of Hippocrates.[407]Coray remarks that Prosper Martian, in his commentary on this passage, confirms the truth of the observation here made, that persons affected with calculus have the bowels constipated.[408]Theophilus, in his treatise De Urinis, would seem to contradict this observation of Hippocrates, when he states that the urine of calculous persons is thick and milky (8.) But, according to Prosper Martian, when the calculus is in the state of formation, its characters are as described by the latter, whereas, when the calculus is already formed, the urine is limpid, as described by Hippocrates.[409]It is worthy of remark that Celsus states just the reverse with regard to the practice of women laboring under the stone; he says: “Feminæ vero oras naturalium suorum manibus admotis scabere crebro coguntur.†(ii., 7.) Are we to suppose that he followed a different reading? Considering how well he shows himself acquainted with the works of Hippocrates, it cannot be thought that he had overlooked this passage.[410]Our author, it will be remarked, ascribes the comparative immunity from calculus which females enjoy to their freer use of liquids. Celsus, in laying down directions for the regimen of a calculous person, as preparatory for the operation, among other things, directs, “ut aquam bibat,†(vii., 26–2.) Coray collects the opinions of several modern authorities in favor of drinking water as a preventive of calculus. Thus Tissot states that the Chinese, who drink so much water with their tea, enjoy almost an immunity from the disease. (De la Santé des Gens de Lettres, p. 196,) Campfer, in like manner, affirms that calculus has become less common in Europe since the introduction of tea, which he justly attributes to the amount of water drunk with it, rather than to any virtues of the plant itself. (Comment de Reb. in scient. nat. et medic. gestis, vol. xvi., p. 594.) Metzger attributes the diminution of the number of calculous cases in Königsberg to the use of draughts of tepid water. (Journal de Médec., vol. lxvii., 348.) The Turks, according to Thevenot, owing to their free use of water, are almost exempt from the disease. (Voyage au Lévant, c. xxvii., p. 70.)[411]Coray makes the following remarks on the natural characters of the seasons in Greece. The natural temperature of the winter in Greece was cold and humid; thus a dry and northerly winter was reckoned an unnatural season. Spring was reckoned unnatural when the heat and rain were excessive. See further Theophrast. de Caus. Plant. ii., 1.[412]See Aphorism iii., 11.[413]The celebrated Haller charges Hippocrates with inaccurate observation in stating that dysenteries are epidemic in spring, which, he contends, is contrary to modern experience. (Bibl. Med. Pract., vol. i., p. 61.) Hippocrates, however, is defended by Gruner (Cens. libr. Hippocrat. ii., 5, p. 51), and by Coray. (Notes, etc., p. 159.) The latter justly argues, that although dysentery may not prevail at that season in Germany, that is no reason for holding why it may not be so in Greece. He also refers to the works of Birnstiel and Stoll for descriptions of epidemical dysentery, occurring in the season of spring.[414]See Aphorism iii., 12; also Aristot. Probl. i., 9; Celsus, ii., 1.[415]Coray, in this place, refers to an epidemic of the same description related by Caillar, which prevailed in the winter of 1751, and was treated by emetics more successfully than by bleeding.[416]By sphacelus of the brain Clifton understands “paralytic diseases,†which is not far removed from the conclusion which we have arrived at respecting it in the Commentary onPaulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p. 365. See Coray’s lengthened note on this passage.[417]Aphorism, iii., 13.[418]Aphorism, iii., 14.[419]I have stated in my analysis of the short treatise “On Purgative Medicines,†that the author of it forbids the administration of these medicines, that is to say, of drastic purgatives, during excessive heat or cold.[420]One may see, upon consulting the editions of Clifton, Coray, and Littré, that there are great varieties of readings in regard to the word which I have translated “affectionate.†It will be remarked that I have followed Coray and Littré in reading εÏοÏγητότεÏα. Clifton adopts ἀεÏγότεÏα, and translates it “unactive.â€[421]This expression of our author is ambiguous. Coray explains it thus: “il entend le lever d’été, qu’il place à 45 degrés de l’Est au Nord, dans l’horizon de la Grece, et particulièrement celui de l’île de Cos; et le lever d’hiver qu’il place à 45 degrés de l’Est au Sud.â€[422]The sense undoubtedly requires this addition, and therefore I have not scrupled to follow the reading of Cornarius, καὶ τοῡ θεÏμοῡ.[423]The term here used meant particularly the fructus horæi, or summer fruits; namely, cucumbers, gourds, and the like. (SeePaulus Ægineta, B. I., § 80.) Surely Coray forgot himself, when he wrote thus regarding the distinction between the summer and autumnal fruits of his country: “les Grecs entendoient particulièrement par ὡÏᾱια les fruits de la fin de l’été, c’est-à -dire, de cette partie de l’année qu’ils appelloient ὀπώÏαν, etc.â€[424]It is but too apparent that there is a lacuna in the text here. A chapter devoted to an examination of the peculiarities of the Egyptians and Libyans is evidently lost. As M. Littré has remarked, Galen appears to refer to the contents of the lost chapter. (Opera, tom. xvi., p. 392; ed. Kühn.)[425]That is to say, the Sea of Azoff. See Herodotus, iv., 86, who calls it Μαιῆτις. This was generally held to be the division between Europe and Asia, as stated by our author. As Coray remarks, its borders on the north-west are occupied by the inhabitants of Little Tartary: it has the Crimea on the south-west; the Tartars of Cuban and the Circassians on the south-east.[426]That the inhabitants of a country bear a resemblance to the country itself, is no doubt a profound and most philosophical remark, although it must be admitted that the comparisons which our author makes are somewhat quaintly expressed, and hence a German physician wished the passage expunged, as being unworthy of Hippocrates. (Comment de Reb. in Scient. Natur. et Med. gestis, vol. xx., p. 131.) There can be no question, however, that it embodies a grand general truth, although the particular application of it may not always be apparent.[427]On the Macrocephali, see Pliny, H. N. vi., 4; Stephanus, de Urbibus; Suidas and Harpocration in ΜακÏοκÎφαλοι; Pomponius Mela, i., 19; Strabo, xii.; Scholiast Apollon. Rhod., i.; Dionysius Periegetes.The exact situation of the savage nation of the Macrocephali cannot be precisely determined, but it was evidently not far from the Palus Mæotis, and most probably in the vicinity of the Caucasus. Little is known of them, except what our author says respecting the practice which they had of disfiguring their heads by squeezing them, in early infancy, into an elongated shape. It is well known that the same absurd usage prevailed among the early inhabitants ofMexico. I need scarcely say that much important information respecting them has been obtained of late years. M. Littré, in the fourth vol. of his edition of Hippocrates, supplies some very important information in illustration of this subject, from a recent publication of Dr. H. Rathke. Certain tumuli having been excavated at Kertch, in the Crimea, there were found in them, besides different utensils and statues, several skeletons, and it was most remarkable that the form of the head was greatly elongated, in the manner described by Hippocrates with regard to the Macrocephali. The author’s words are: “On y remarquait, en effet, un hauteur extraordinaire par rapport au diamètre de la base, et par là ils frappaient même les personnes qui n’avaient aucune connaissance de la structure du corps humain.â€[428]The same theory respecting the secretion of the semen is given in the treatises “De Genitura†and “De Morbo Sacro.†It is espoused by Galen, in his little work. “Quod animal sit quod utero continetur.†Coray remarks that Hippocrates’s theory on the origin of the fÅ“tus does not differ much from that of Buffon.[429]I need scarcely remark that both the river and city of this name are very celebrated in ancient mythology and history. See in particular Apollonius Rhodius, with his learned Scholiast, Arg. II.; Strabo, xi.; Pliny, H. N., vi., 4; Procopius, Pers., ii., 29; Mela, i., 85; Arrian, periplus. The river takes its rise in the Caucasus, and terminates in the Black Sea. It is calledRionby the inhabitants, and the river and a city situated upon it are calledFacheby the Turks. See Coray at this place, and Mannert., Geograph., iv., 394.[430]Coray quotes from Lamberti, a modern traveller, a description of the Colchide and its inhabitants, which agrees wonderfully with the account of both given by our author. The following is part of his description: “Il sito della Colchide porta seco un’ aria tanto humida che forse in altro luogo non si è veduta la simile. E la ragione si è perchè venendo dall’ occidente bagnata, dall’ Eusino, et dall’ oriente cinta dal Caucaso, dal quale sorgano gran quantità di fiumi rende da per tutto l’aria humidissima affatto. A questo s’ aggiungono la frequenza de’ boschi, fra quali non viene agitata l’aria da’ venti, et li spessi venti marini apportatoi di pioggie et de’ vapori del mare. Questa humidità si grande genera poi gran quantità de’ vapori, che sollevati in alto si dissolvono in frequentissime pioggie.â€â€”Relatione della Colchide, c. 27. He goes on to state that a great part of the inhabitants are fishers.[431]It is singular that Procopius, on the other hand, states that the Phasis is a very rapid river, and Chardin confirms his statement. (Voyage en Perse, vol. i., p. 105.) Lamberti reconciles these discrepant accounts by explaining that the river is rapid in its course near where it rises among the mountains, but quite smooth and stagnant when it arrives at the plain.—Relat. dell Colchid., 29.[432]The best practical proof of the justness of our author’s reflections in this place is the result of the battle of Salamis; and the noblest intellectual monument which ever the wit of man has raised to the triumph of freedom is the Persæ of Æschylus, in celebration of that event. A single line, descriptive of the Greeks, is sufficient to account for their superiority to the Asiatics:Οὔ τινος δοῦλοι κÎκληνται φωτὸς, οá½Î´' ὑπήκοοι.—1., 240.None seem to have felt the force of this great truth so much as the Persian despots themselves, or to have estimated the effects of civil liberty higher than they did. The younger Cyrus, before the battle of Cynaxa, addresses his Grecian soldiers in the following memorable words: á½® ἄνδÏες á¼Î»Î»Î·Î½ÎµÏ‚, οá½Îº ἀνθÏώπων ἀποÏῶν βαÏβάÏων συμμάχους ἡμᾶς ἄγω, ἀλλὰ νομίζων ἀμείνονας καὶ κÏείττους πολλπῶν βαÏβάÏων ὑμᾶς εἶναι διὰ τοῦτο Ï€ÏοσÎλαβον ὅπως οὖν ἔσεσθε ἄνδÏες ἄξιοι τῆς á¼Î»ÎµÏ…θεÏίας, ἧς κÎκτησθε, καὶ á½‘Ï€á½²Ï á¼§Ï‚ ὑμᾶς á¼Î³á½¼ εá½Î´Î±Î¹Î¼Î¿Î½Î¯Î¶Ï‰Â· εὖ Î³á½°Ï á¼´ÏƒÏ„Îµ, ὅτι τὴν á¼Î»ÎµÏ…θεÏίαν ἑλοίμην ἂν ἀντὶ ὧν ἔχω πάντων καὶ ἄλλων πολλαπλασίων.—Anab., i., 7. Such being the established opinions of the intelligent portion of mankind in the days of Hippocrates, the sentiment here expressed would then be regarded as a self-evident truth. Plato, indeed, modifies this opinion in so far when he holds despotism to be the consequence and not the cause of servility.—De Repub., viii.[433]The name Sauromatæ or Sarmatæ was applied by the ancient geographers to certain inhabitants of that vast and, to them, nearly unexplored country, extending from the Sinus CodanusorBaltic Sea, to the EuxineorBlack Sea. It comprehends, then, a large portion of Russia, Poland, and perhaps Prussia. (See Pomponius Mela, iii., 4; Ptolemy, Geograph.; and Maltebrun, Geograph., vol. i., p. 126.) That the Sarmatians and Scythians were the same race of men, although some of the authorities make a distinction between them, can scarcely admit of a doubt. Our author, it will be remarked, seems to restrict the name to a peculiar race of Scythians, who lived near the Palus Mæotis (orSea of Asaph). From the account which he gives of them it is impossible to doubt that he alludes to the Amazonians, so celebrated in ancient legends. The opinion which I entertain of them is pretty fully stated in the Argument to this treatise. That our author should not have doubted the real existence of the Amazonians need excite no wonder, considering the very positive and very circumstantial account of them given by his contemporary Herodotus (iv., 110–18).[434]It may at first sight appear singular that our author should have mixed up his account of the Scythians with allusions to the Egyptians; but he probably had in view Herodotus (ii., 103–6), who connects the Egyptians with the Scythians, and more especially with the tribe of them called Colchians. He states in particular that the Colchians and Egyptians resembled one another in the fashion of their linen, their whole course of life, and in their language.[435]Herodotus (iv., 28, 29) and Strabo (Geogr., vii.), assign the same reason for the Scythian cattle not having horns.[436]This description evidently applies to the wandering tribes which roam over the steppes of Tartary. The passage is of classical celebrity, for I cannot but fancy that certainly Virgil (Georg., iii., 349–83), and perhaps Horace (Od. iii., 24), had it in view when they drew their pictures of the nomadic life of the Scythians. The extraordinary cold of that region, notwithstanding its southern latitude, has not been exaggerated by ancient authors; but to account for it, as the modern traveller, Clark, remarks, is still a problem which no one has solved. Strabo mentions that carts were driven across the Palus Mæotis (Geogr., vii., 3). The chariots covered in from the inclemency of the weather with a roof of felt, are described also by Strabo (Geogr., l. c.); and, according to Dr. Coray, similar contrivances are still to be found among the Kalmucs and other savage nations. (Notes sur le Traité des Airs, etc., h. 1.) A preparation from milk resembling the hippace is still used by the inhabitants of that region. On the people who lived upon this composition from milk, see in particular Strabo, vii., 3.[437]The following lines of Virgil, referred to above, may be almost said to be a translation of this passage:“Semper hiems, semper spirantes frigora Cauri.Tum sol pallentes haud unquam discutit umbras;*****Talis Hyperboreo septem subjecta trioniGens effrena virûm Rhiphæo tunditur Euro.â€It was in this region of mist and cold that the celebrated race of the Cimmerians resided. See Herodot., i., 6, etc.; Homer, Odyss. x., 14. The montes Rhiphæi would appear to have been the Ural mountains which separate Russia from Siberia.[438]It is well known now that excessive cold has a tendency to retard the growth of animals. This opinion is confirmed in several instances by Pallas (Voy. en Russie, i., 197; iii., 431.) Strabo mentions, as the consequences of the cold which prevails in the country of the Getæ, that there are no asses in it, the cattle want horns, and the horses are small. (Geogr., vii., 3.)[439]Buffon, on the other hand, maintains that the Nomadic race are men of active habits. (Hist., Nat., tom. iii., p. 384.) Pallas, however, confirms the judgment of Hippocrates. (Voyag. en Russie, tom. i., p. 499.) See also Coray, ad. h. l.[440]It is to be borne in mind that Hippocrates, and after him most of the ancient authorities, held that the fÅ“tus is formed from the male semen. This doctrine prevailed generally down to the days of Harvey. Some of the ancient physiologists, however, maintained that “omne animal est ab ovo.†See Plutarch, de Placit. Philos.[441]ὙγÏότης, when applied to the body, may signify both humidity and relaxation, in like manner as the adjective (ὑγÏὸς) signifies humid and relaxed. We shall see an example of the latter signification in the Prognostics.[442]This practice came to be one of the regular operations of surgery, being performed with the view of correcting the tendency of a joint to dislocation. It is minutely described by Hippocrates (De Artic., xi.), Paulus Ægineta, (VI., 42), Albucasis (Chirurg., i., 27), Haly Abbas (Pract., ix., 78). See the Sydenham Society’s edition ofPaulus Ægineta, 1. c.[443]The meaning of this passage is ambiguous. I have followed Coray, who gives some very interesting annotations on it. He translates these words, “Ils sont naturellement d’une complexion lâche et trapus; premièrement, parceque dans leur enfance ils ne sont point emmaillotés, non plus que les Ægyptiens.†Clifton has given nearly the same meaning of the passage: “Their fluidness and breadth proceed first from their neglect of bandages, as in Egypt.†Littré, on the other hand, appears to give a different interpretation of the passage: “D’abord parceque on ne les emmaillotte pas, comme en Egypte.â€[444]A fat condition of the body was also supposed adverse to conception in the case of cattle. Virgil alludes to this opinion, and the means used to counteract the effects of an excessively fat state of the body in the following verses, which have been always admired as an example how delicately a great genius can touch upon an indelicate subject:“Ispa autem macie tenuant armenta volentes,Atque, ubi concubitus primos jam nota voluptasSollicitat, frondesque negant, et fontibus arcent.Sæpe etiam cursu quatiunt et sole fatigunt;Hoc faciunt nimio ne luxu obtusior ususSit genitali arvo, et sulcos oblimet inertes;Sed rapiat sitiens venerem, interiusque recondat.â€Georg., iii., 136.[445]On the nature of this affection see the Argument. There is a variety in the reading, most of the MSS. having ἀνανδÏιείς, but the one usually marked 2146, which is followed in the Aldine edition, reading ἀνδÏιεῖς. See a long discussion in Coray’s edition on this point. There seems to be no good reason for at all interfering with the text as it now stands.[446]Our author in this place, as in the treatise on the Sacred Disease, holds the philosophical opinion in opposition to the superstitious, that all diseases have natural causes, and that no one more than another is to be ascribed to the extraordinary interference of supernatural beings. Plato, his contemporary, would appear to have endeavored to steer a sort of middle course between the scientific and the popular belief. Thus he ascribes epilepsy, like all other diseases, to a natural cause, namely, in this instance, to a redundancy of black bile; but he qualifies this opinion by calling the passages of the brain (the ventricles?) most divine, and adds that the disease had been most appropriately denominated sacred. (Timæus, § 66.)[447]The origin and signification of this term are by no means well defined. See Galen (Exeges, etc.), Foës (Å’con. Hippocr.), and Coray (ad h. l.). It has been applied first, to certain varieties of morbus coxarius; secondly, to chronic buboes, superinduced by disease of the hip-joint; thirdly, to paralysis of the muscles about the genital organs; fourthly, aneurismal varix. (See Aretæus, Morb. Acut., ii., 8; and the note in Boerhaave’s edition.) I must own that I find some difficulty in deciding to which of these significations I should give the preference; I rather incline, however, to the first, from what our author says towards the end of this section, namely, that all men who ride much “are afflicted with rheums in the joints, sciatica and gout, and are inept at venery.â€[448]This opinion of our author was no doubt founded on the erroneous notion regarding the distribution of the veins which prevailed in his time, and which we find advocated in the tract “on the Nature of Man,†and elsewhere. (See Aristot., H. N., iii., 3.) Coray strives hard, in his annotations on this passage, to make out that the fact may be as stated by his ancient countryman, although the hypothesis by which he explained it be false. It is singular, however, that, after the lapse of more than two thousand years, Phrenology should have come to the assistance of Hippocrates in this case. I need scarcely remark that Gall and his followers hold that the cerebellum is the seat of the animal appetites, so that, if this be really the fact, a close sympathy between the back of the head and the genital organs may be very legitimately inferred. At all events, this coincidence between ancient observation and modern hypothesis must be admitted to be very remarkable.[449]Aristotle, on the other hand, holds that the effects of equitation are aphrodisiac. (Probl. iv., 12.) Coray attempts to reconcile the discordant opinions of the physician and philosopher, by supposing that moderate exercises may excite the venereal appetite, whereas excessive extinguish them. Van Swieten agrees with Hippocrates that inordinate exercise in riding may induce impotence. (Comment. in Boerh. Aphor., § 1063.)[450]It is a singular idea of our author that the wearing of breeches by confining the development of the genital organs impairs the sexual desires. It is curious, as remarked by Coray, that the same opinion is advocated by Hunter in his treatise on the Venereal Disease. Coray also quotes the following passage from Lalement: “Sæpe audivimus pistores et cæteros quorum partes pudendæ subligaculis non obteguntur sed liberius pendent crassos et bene nutritos habere testiculos.â€â€”Comment. in Hippocrat. de Aer., etc.[451]I trust I shall be excused in quoting entire Dr. Coray’s note on this section: “Trente mille Macédoniens (dit Pauw) ont conquis la Perse; quarante mille Mogols ont conquis les Indes; cinquante mille Tartares ont conquis la Chine, où l’on comptait alors plus de quarante millions d’habitans, qui abandonnèrent leurs souverains. On a vu de nos jours l’armée du grand Visir déserter presque complètement dans les environs de Varna; et jamais les Turcs n’eurent plus de bon sens qu’en cette occasion là ; car leurs tyrans ne méritent pas qu’on verse une seule goutte de sang pour les maintenir sur le trône de ces contrées qu’ils ont dévastées en voleurs et en brigands. (Recherch. philosoph. sur les Grecs.)—Par ce dernier exemple on voit encore combien les causes politiques ou morales, et les causes naturelles, peuvent se modifier réciproquement. Les Russes, quoique soumis à un gouvernement despotique, ont cependant été la terreur des Turcs, à cause, sans doute de la différence du climat, de la discipline militaire, et des progrès dans la civilisation. Ces circonstances ont concouru à mitiger le despotisme Russe, et à le rendre si différent du despotisme brutal des Turcs. Il en est de même des autres peuples Septentrionaux de l’Europe. Quoique gouvernés par des loix qui ne sont point leur ouvrage, ils sont très belliqueux, et par la nature de leur climat, et par les lumières que les sciences et les arts ont répandues parmi eux.â€[452]Aristotle, in drawing the traits of the European and Asiatic character, would appear to have borrowed freely from our author. He says the inhabitants of cold countries and of Europe are full of spirit, but deficient in intellect and skill; they therefore remain in a state of freedom, but without regular government, and they are incapable of governing their neighbors. The inhabitants of Asia are described by him as being intellectual and skilled in the arts, but deficient in courage, and therefore they are in constant subjection and slavery. The Greeks, he maintains, held an intermediate place between these two, have both courage and intellect, and therefore enjoy freedom and good government. (Polit., iii., 7.)[453]We have lately had a notable example of the warlike and independent spirit of mountaineers in the determined resistance which the Circassians have made to the colossal power of Russia. Great Britain, too, I may be permitted to remark, experienced disasters in contending with the mountaineers of Affganistan, such as she had never met with in the rich plains of India. And, by the way, the conqueror of Greece and of Persia was very nearly cut off by the same people. See Arrian, Exped. Alexandr., iv., 22, etc.[454]ἌναÏθÏοι. The meaning of this term seems to be, persons whose joints are indistinct owing to fatness.[455]Coray supposes, and apparently with justice, that our author in this passage tacitly refers to the inhabitants of Attica. It is worthy of remark that Thucydides ascribes the early civilization of the Athenians to the infertility of the soil. (Ἀττίκην λεπτόγεων, i., 2.) See Arnold’s Note, h., 1.; also the quotation from Aristotle at § 23; and Plato’s Timæus, tom. iii., p. 247; ed. Bekker. According to Coray (but perhaps he was partially disposed towards his adopted country), the characters of Provence and Marseilles are analogous to those of Attica and Athens, and the effects on the inhabitants similar. That Marseilles was at one time a flourishing seat of learning is undoubted; see Tacitus (Agricola) and Strabo (Geogr., iii.); but in literary celebrity it cannot surely aspire to be put on a level with the region which produced an Æschylus, a Thucydides, a Plato, and a Demosthenes! And it may be doubted whether even the Marseillais Hymn equals in masculine energy the war songs of Tyrtæus![456]Its title is, Specimen Historico-Medicum Inaugurale de Hippocratis Doctrina a Prognostice Oriunda. Lugduni Batavorum, 1832.[457]Cap. v.[458]Comment. in Prognos. ap. Dietz.[459]The opinion here advanced is expressed with great precision by a French writer who has been making some figure in the political world of late. “Great men,†says Louis Blanc, “only govern society by means of a force which they themselves borrow. They enlighten the world only by a burning focus of all the scattered rays emanating from itself.â€â€”Organization of Labor, p. 98, English edition.[460]Ascarus, a Theban statuary for one. See Pausanias, v., 24, 1.[461]See the Commentary of Simplicius. As I quote from memory I cannot refer to the page.[462]Galen, in his Commentary on this clause of the sentence, acutely remarks that patients are justly disposed to form a high opinion of a physician who points out to them symptoms of their complaint which they themselves had omitted to mention to him. And Stephanus further remarks that the patient naturally estimates highly the acumen of the physician who detects any errors in regimen which he has been guilty of, such as drinking water, or eating fruit when forbidden; (Ed. Dietz, p. 54;) or when he has some disease about him, such as bubo or inflammation, which he wishes to conceal. (Ibid., p. 63.)
[392]Coups de soleil, or strokes of the sun, are often mentioned incidentally in the works of the ancient authors, but no one has treated of them in any very systematic manner, as far as I recollect. On the effects of exposure to cold and heat, see, however,Paulus Ægineta, Vol. I., 49–51, Syd. Soc. edition.
[392]Coups de soleil, or strokes of the sun, are often mentioned incidentally in the works of the ancient authors, but no one has treated of them in any very systematic manner, as far as I recollect. On the effects of exposure to cold and heat, see, however,Paulus Ægineta, Vol. I., 49–51, Syd. Soc. edition.
[393]Ῥηγματα καὶ σπάσματα. There has been much difference of opinion as to the exact import of these two terms. It would appear to me that they were intended to apply to a rupture or straining of the fibres, occasioned by external violence. M. Littré has a very interesting note on this subject, tom. v., p. 579. On these strainings see further Coacæ Prænotiones, 376, 418. M. Littré, l. c., relates a case of empyema brought on by lifting a heavy piece of wood. On these terms see further the Annotations on Demosthenes, Olynth. ii., 8, ed. Dobson; and Foës, Œc. Hippocr.
[393]Ῥηγματα καὶ σπάσματα. There has been much difference of opinion as to the exact import of these two terms. It would appear to me that they were intended to apply to a rupture or straining of the fibres, occasioned by external violence. M. Littré has a very interesting note on this subject, tom. v., p. 579. On these strainings see further Coacæ Prænotiones, 376, 418. M. Littré, l. c., relates a case of empyema brought on by lifting a heavy piece of wood. On these terms see further the Annotations on Demosthenes, Olynth. ii., 8, ed. Dobson; and Foës, Œc. Hippocr.
[394]Clifton translates this clause of the sentence thus: “Even if there be but a small distance between them,†and, I think, correctly, although Coray is not quite satisfied with this interpretation. The stadium wasnearlythe eighth part of a Roman mile, that is to say, it consisted of 94½ French toises, or 625 English feet.
[394]Clifton translates this clause of the sentence thus: “Even if there be but a small distance between them,†and, I think, correctly, although Coray is not quite satisfied with this interpretation. The stadium wasnearlythe eighth part of a Roman mile, that is to say, it consisted of 94½ French toises, or 625 English feet.
[395]In another place, I have given a summary of the information supplied by the ancient authors on this subject, (Paulus Æginata, Vol. I., 66.) Upon the whole, none of them gives so much valuable matter on it as our author. Coray has some elaborate annotations on this passage.
[395]In another place, I have given a summary of the information supplied by the ancient authors on this subject, (Paulus Æginata, Vol. I., 66.) Upon the whole, none of them gives so much valuable matter on it as our author. Coray has some elaborate annotations on this passage.
[396]It can scarcely admit of a doubt that our author here alludes to scurvy. (See Coray at this place, and Lind on Scurvy, iii., 1.) He also describes the disease distinctly in the second book of Prorrhetics, that is to say, if Hippocrates be actually the author of that book. See also Epidem. ii., 1; de Affection., de inter. affect.; Cælius Aurelianus, Tard. Pass. iii., 4; Celsus, iv., 9; Aëtius, x., 11; Pliny, H. N., xxv., 3; Aretæus, Morb. Diuturn, i., 14; and Paulus Ægineta, iii., 49; Marcellus, de Medic. ii.
[396]It can scarcely admit of a doubt that our author here alludes to scurvy. (See Coray at this place, and Lind on Scurvy, iii., 1.) He also describes the disease distinctly in the second book of Prorrhetics, that is to say, if Hippocrates be actually the author of that book. See also Epidem. ii., 1; de Affection., de inter. affect.; Cælius Aurelianus, Tard. Pass. iii., 4; Celsus, iv., 9; Aëtius, x., 11; Pliny, H. N., xxv., 3; Aretæus, Morb. Diuturn, i., 14; and Paulus Ægineta, iii., 49; Marcellus, de Medic. ii.
[397]The leucophlegmasia is treated of in different parts of the Hippocratic treatises, as Aphor. vii., 29; de Morb. ii. By it he evidently meant a species of dropsy, as Galen remarks in his commentary on the Aphorisms (l. c.). It occurs in Aretæus’s chapter on dropsy. Morb. Diuturn. ii., 1; Octavius Horatianus, v. Celsus makes it to be synonymous with anasarca, iii., 21. Our author would seem to notice these varieties of dropsy as being affections to which pregnant women are subject.
[397]The leucophlegmasia is treated of in different parts of the Hippocratic treatises, as Aphor. vii., 29; de Morb. ii. By it he evidently meant a species of dropsy, as Galen remarks in his commentary on the Aphorisms (l. c.). It occurs in Aretæus’s chapter on dropsy. Morb. Diuturn. ii., 1; Octavius Horatianus, v. Celsus makes it to be synonymous with anasarca, iii., 21. Our author would seem to notice these varieties of dropsy as being affections to which pregnant women are subject.
[398]On hydrops uteri see the authorities quoted in the Commentary onPaulus Æginata, B. III., 48, Syd. Soc. edition. It may appear singular that hydatids of the womb should be particularly prevalent in the case of women that drink unwholesome water from marshes, and yet our author’s observation is confirmed by a modern authority as quoted by Coray: “Il a été également prouvé par les observations des Modernes, que les fausses grossesses produites par les hydatides; sont très-communes dans les pays marécageux, ou la plupart des habitans ont une constitution lâche, propre à l’affection scorbutique, qui y est presque endémique, qu’elles terminent plus ou moins tard par l’excrétion de ces hydatides.â€â€”(Notes sur le Traité des Airs, &c., p. 106.) Sydenham, moreover, describes the symptoms of false pregnancy in much the same terms as our author. (Tract de Hydrop.)
[398]On hydrops uteri see the authorities quoted in the Commentary onPaulus Æginata, B. III., 48, Syd. Soc. edition. It may appear singular that hydatids of the womb should be particularly prevalent in the case of women that drink unwholesome water from marshes, and yet our author’s observation is confirmed by a modern authority as quoted by Coray: “Il a été également prouvé par les observations des Modernes, que les fausses grossesses produites par les hydatides; sont très-communes dans les pays marécageux, ou la plupart des habitans ont une constitution lâche, propre à l’affection scorbutique, qui y est presque endémique, qu’elles terminent plus ou moins tard par l’excrétion de ces hydatides.â€â€”(Notes sur le Traité des Airs, &c., p. 106.) Sydenham, moreover, describes the symptoms of false pregnancy in much the same terms as our author. (Tract de Hydrop.)
[399]On the Thermal waters of the ancients, seePaulus Æginata, Vol. I., 72. I have treated fully of the ancientalumandnitreunder στυπτηÏία and λίτÏον, in the Third Volume. Coray, in his notes on this passage, does not throw much light on this subject. The opinion here delivered by our author, that these metallic substances are produced by the operation of heat, is adopted and followed out by Aristotle towards the end of the third book on Meteorologia.
[399]On the Thermal waters of the ancients, seePaulus Æginata, Vol. I., 72. I have treated fully of the ancientalumandnitreunder στυπτηÏία and λίτÏον, in the Third Volume. Coray, in his notes on this passage, does not throw much light on this subject. The opinion here delivered by our author, that these metallic substances are produced by the operation of heat, is adopted and followed out by Aristotle towards the end of the third book on Meteorologia.
[400]Corny appears to me to be unnecessarily puzzled to account for our author’s statement, that saltish waters, although held to be purgative, are, in fact, astringent of the bowels. But, although their primary effect certainly be cathartic, is it not undeniable that their secondary effect is to induce or aggravate constipation of the bowels? Certain it is, moreover, that all the ancient authorities held salts to be possessed of desiccant and astringent powers. SeePaulus Ægineta, Vol. III., under ἂλες.
[400]Corny appears to me to be unnecessarily puzzled to account for our author’s statement, that saltish waters, although held to be purgative, are, in fact, astringent of the bowels. But, although their primary effect certainly be cathartic, is it not undeniable that their secondary effect is to induce or aggravate constipation of the bowels? Certain it is, moreover, that all the ancient authorities held salts to be possessed of desiccant and astringent powers. SeePaulus Ægineta, Vol. III., under ἂλες.
[401]Aristotle discusses the subject in his Problems, ii., 9, 36, 37; ii., 15; i., 53; v., 34, and arrives at nearly the same conclusions as Hippocrates. See also Theophrastus de Sudoribus.
[401]Aristotle discusses the subject in his Problems, ii., 9, 36, 37; ii., 15; i., 53; v., 34, and arrives at nearly the same conclusions as Hippocrates. See also Theophrastus de Sudoribus.
[402]I cannot hesitate in adopting the emendation suggested by Coray (ἀποσήθεσθαι) in place of the common reading (ἀποσήπεσθαι), which evidently has no proper meaning in this place. I am surprised that M. Littré should have hesitated in admitting it into the text.
[402]I cannot hesitate in adopting the emendation suggested by Coray (ἀποσήθεσθαι) in place of the common reading (ἀποσήπεσθαι), which evidently has no proper meaning in this place. I am surprised that M. Littré should have hesitated in admitting it into the text.
[403]Athenæus, in like manner, praises rain water. Deipnos ii., 5.
[403]Athenæus, in like manner, praises rain water. Deipnos ii., 5.
[404]It appears singular that Athenæus, who is undoubtedly a most learned and judicious authority on all matters relating to Dietetics, speaks as favorably of water from ice as he does of rain water. Both he praises for their lightness, (l. c.) Celsus gives the character of the different kinds of water with his characteristic terseness and accuracy: “Aqua levissima pluvialis est; deinde fontana; tum ex flumine; tum ex puteo: post hæc ex nive, aut glacie; gravior his ex lacu; gravissima ex palude,†(ii., 19.) Galen treats of the medicinal and dietetical properties of water in several of his works, and uniformly agrees with Hippocrates in the judgment he pronounces on them. See in particular, De Ptisana; De Sanit. tuend. ii.; Comment. ii. in Libr. de Ratione victus in Morb. acut.
[404]It appears singular that Athenæus, who is undoubtedly a most learned and judicious authority on all matters relating to Dietetics, speaks as favorably of water from ice as he does of rain water. Both he praises for their lightness, (l. c.) Celsus gives the character of the different kinds of water with his characteristic terseness and accuracy: “Aqua levissima pluvialis est; deinde fontana; tum ex flumine; tum ex puteo: post hæc ex nive, aut glacie; gravior his ex lacu; gravissima ex palude,†(ii., 19.) Galen treats of the medicinal and dietetical properties of water in several of his works, and uniformly agrees with Hippocrates in the judgment he pronounces on them. See in particular, De Ptisana; De Sanit. tuend. ii.; Comment. ii. in Libr. de Ratione victus in Morb. acut.
[405]Athenæus, on the other hand, argues from the fact that ice is lighter than water, that water formed from ice must be light. Pliny gives a lucid statement of the opinions of those who held that water from ice is light and wholesome, and those who, like Hippocrates, held it to be just the reverse. He says in the words of Hippocrates, literally translated, “nec vero pauci inter ipsos e contrario ex gelu ac nivibus insaluberrimos potius prædicant, quoniam exactum sit inde, quod tenuissimum fuerit.†(H.N. xxxi., 21.) See also Seneca, Quæst. Natural. iv. It would appear that icedliqueurswere greatly relished at the tables ofgourmandsin those days. I need scarcely remark that there has been great difference of opinion in modern times regarding the qualities of water from melted snow and ice. It was at one time generally believed that it is the cause of the goîtres to which the inhabitants of the valleys bordering on the Alps are subject. This opinion, however, is by no means generally held at the present time.
[405]Athenæus, on the other hand, argues from the fact that ice is lighter than water, that water formed from ice must be light. Pliny gives a lucid statement of the opinions of those who held that water from ice is light and wholesome, and those who, like Hippocrates, held it to be just the reverse. He says in the words of Hippocrates, literally translated, “nec vero pauci inter ipsos e contrario ex gelu ac nivibus insaluberrimos potius prædicant, quoniam exactum sit inde, quod tenuissimum fuerit.†(H.N. xxxi., 21.) See also Seneca, Quæst. Natural. iv. It would appear that icedliqueurswere greatly relished at the tables ofgourmandsin those days. I need scarcely remark that there has been great difference of opinion in modern times regarding the qualities of water from melted snow and ice. It was at one time generally believed that it is the cause of the goîtres to which the inhabitants of the valleys bordering on the Alps are subject. This opinion, however, is by no means generally held at the present time.
[406]This is a most interesting chapter, as containing the most ancient observations which we possess on the important subject of urinary calculi. The ancients never improved the theory, nor added much to the facts which are here stated by our author. We have given the summary of their opinions in the Commentary onPaulus Ægineta, B. III., 45. I would beg leave to remark that, notwithstanding the number of curious facts which modern chemistry has evolved regarding the composition of urinary calculi, the etiology of the disease is nearly as obscure now as it was in the days of Hippocrates.
[406]This is a most interesting chapter, as containing the most ancient observations which we possess on the important subject of urinary calculi. The ancients never improved the theory, nor added much to the facts which are here stated by our author. We have given the summary of their opinions in the Commentary onPaulus Ægineta, B. III., 45. I would beg leave to remark that, notwithstanding the number of curious facts which modern chemistry has evolved regarding the composition of urinary calculi, the etiology of the disease is nearly as obscure now as it was in the days of Hippocrates.
[407]Coray remarks that Prosper Martian, in his commentary on this passage, confirms the truth of the observation here made, that persons affected with calculus have the bowels constipated.
[407]Coray remarks that Prosper Martian, in his commentary on this passage, confirms the truth of the observation here made, that persons affected with calculus have the bowels constipated.
[408]Theophilus, in his treatise De Urinis, would seem to contradict this observation of Hippocrates, when he states that the urine of calculous persons is thick and milky (8.) But, according to Prosper Martian, when the calculus is in the state of formation, its characters are as described by the latter, whereas, when the calculus is already formed, the urine is limpid, as described by Hippocrates.
[408]Theophilus, in his treatise De Urinis, would seem to contradict this observation of Hippocrates, when he states that the urine of calculous persons is thick and milky (8.) But, according to Prosper Martian, when the calculus is in the state of formation, its characters are as described by the latter, whereas, when the calculus is already formed, the urine is limpid, as described by Hippocrates.
[409]It is worthy of remark that Celsus states just the reverse with regard to the practice of women laboring under the stone; he says: “Feminæ vero oras naturalium suorum manibus admotis scabere crebro coguntur.†(ii., 7.) Are we to suppose that he followed a different reading? Considering how well he shows himself acquainted with the works of Hippocrates, it cannot be thought that he had overlooked this passage.
[409]It is worthy of remark that Celsus states just the reverse with regard to the practice of women laboring under the stone; he says: “Feminæ vero oras naturalium suorum manibus admotis scabere crebro coguntur.†(ii., 7.) Are we to suppose that he followed a different reading? Considering how well he shows himself acquainted with the works of Hippocrates, it cannot be thought that he had overlooked this passage.
[410]Our author, it will be remarked, ascribes the comparative immunity from calculus which females enjoy to their freer use of liquids. Celsus, in laying down directions for the regimen of a calculous person, as preparatory for the operation, among other things, directs, “ut aquam bibat,†(vii., 26–2.) Coray collects the opinions of several modern authorities in favor of drinking water as a preventive of calculus. Thus Tissot states that the Chinese, who drink so much water with their tea, enjoy almost an immunity from the disease. (De la Santé des Gens de Lettres, p. 196,) Campfer, in like manner, affirms that calculus has become less common in Europe since the introduction of tea, which he justly attributes to the amount of water drunk with it, rather than to any virtues of the plant itself. (Comment de Reb. in scient. nat. et medic. gestis, vol. xvi., p. 594.) Metzger attributes the diminution of the number of calculous cases in Königsberg to the use of draughts of tepid water. (Journal de Médec., vol. lxvii., 348.) The Turks, according to Thevenot, owing to their free use of water, are almost exempt from the disease. (Voyage au Lévant, c. xxvii., p. 70.)
[410]Our author, it will be remarked, ascribes the comparative immunity from calculus which females enjoy to their freer use of liquids. Celsus, in laying down directions for the regimen of a calculous person, as preparatory for the operation, among other things, directs, “ut aquam bibat,†(vii., 26–2.) Coray collects the opinions of several modern authorities in favor of drinking water as a preventive of calculus. Thus Tissot states that the Chinese, who drink so much water with their tea, enjoy almost an immunity from the disease. (De la Santé des Gens de Lettres, p. 196,) Campfer, in like manner, affirms that calculus has become less common in Europe since the introduction of tea, which he justly attributes to the amount of water drunk with it, rather than to any virtues of the plant itself. (Comment de Reb. in scient. nat. et medic. gestis, vol. xvi., p. 594.) Metzger attributes the diminution of the number of calculous cases in Königsberg to the use of draughts of tepid water. (Journal de Médec., vol. lxvii., 348.) The Turks, according to Thevenot, owing to their free use of water, are almost exempt from the disease. (Voyage au Lévant, c. xxvii., p. 70.)
[411]Coray makes the following remarks on the natural characters of the seasons in Greece. The natural temperature of the winter in Greece was cold and humid; thus a dry and northerly winter was reckoned an unnatural season. Spring was reckoned unnatural when the heat and rain were excessive. See further Theophrast. de Caus. Plant. ii., 1.
[411]Coray makes the following remarks on the natural characters of the seasons in Greece. The natural temperature of the winter in Greece was cold and humid; thus a dry and northerly winter was reckoned an unnatural season. Spring was reckoned unnatural when the heat and rain were excessive. See further Theophrast. de Caus. Plant. ii., 1.
[412]See Aphorism iii., 11.
[412]See Aphorism iii., 11.
[413]The celebrated Haller charges Hippocrates with inaccurate observation in stating that dysenteries are epidemic in spring, which, he contends, is contrary to modern experience. (Bibl. Med. Pract., vol. i., p. 61.) Hippocrates, however, is defended by Gruner (Cens. libr. Hippocrat. ii., 5, p. 51), and by Coray. (Notes, etc., p. 159.) The latter justly argues, that although dysentery may not prevail at that season in Germany, that is no reason for holding why it may not be so in Greece. He also refers to the works of Birnstiel and Stoll for descriptions of epidemical dysentery, occurring in the season of spring.
[413]The celebrated Haller charges Hippocrates with inaccurate observation in stating that dysenteries are epidemic in spring, which, he contends, is contrary to modern experience. (Bibl. Med. Pract., vol. i., p. 61.) Hippocrates, however, is defended by Gruner (Cens. libr. Hippocrat. ii., 5, p. 51), and by Coray. (Notes, etc., p. 159.) The latter justly argues, that although dysentery may not prevail at that season in Germany, that is no reason for holding why it may not be so in Greece. He also refers to the works of Birnstiel and Stoll for descriptions of epidemical dysentery, occurring in the season of spring.
[414]See Aphorism iii., 12; also Aristot. Probl. i., 9; Celsus, ii., 1.
[414]See Aphorism iii., 12; also Aristot. Probl. i., 9; Celsus, ii., 1.
[415]Coray, in this place, refers to an epidemic of the same description related by Caillar, which prevailed in the winter of 1751, and was treated by emetics more successfully than by bleeding.
[415]Coray, in this place, refers to an epidemic of the same description related by Caillar, which prevailed in the winter of 1751, and was treated by emetics more successfully than by bleeding.
[416]By sphacelus of the brain Clifton understands “paralytic diseases,†which is not far removed from the conclusion which we have arrived at respecting it in the Commentary onPaulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p. 365. See Coray’s lengthened note on this passage.
[416]By sphacelus of the brain Clifton understands “paralytic diseases,†which is not far removed from the conclusion which we have arrived at respecting it in the Commentary onPaulus Ægineta, Vol. I., p. 365. See Coray’s lengthened note on this passage.
[417]Aphorism, iii., 13.
[417]Aphorism, iii., 13.
[418]Aphorism, iii., 14.
[418]Aphorism, iii., 14.
[419]I have stated in my analysis of the short treatise “On Purgative Medicines,†that the author of it forbids the administration of these medicines, that is to say, of drastic purgatives, during excessive heat or cold.
[419]I have stated in my analysis of the short treatise “On Purgative Medicines,†that the author of it forbids the administration of these medicines, that is to say, of drastic purgatives, during excessive heat or cold.
[420]One may see, upon consulting the editions of Clifton, Coray, and Littré, that there are great varieties of readings in regard to the word which I have translated “affectionate.†It will be remarked that I have followed Coray and Littré in reading εÏοÏγητότεÏα. Clifton adopts ἀεÏγότεÏα, and translates it “unactive.â€
[420]One may see, upon consulting the editions of Clifton, Coray, and Littré, that there are great varieties of readings in regard to the word which I have translated “affectionate.†It will be remarked that I have followed Coray and Littré in reading εÏοÏγητότεÏα. Clifton adopts ἀεÏγότεÏα, and translates it “unactive.â€
[421]This expression of our author is ambiguous. Coray explains it thus: “il entend le lever d’été, qu’il place à 45 degrés de l’Est au Nord, dans l’horizon de la Grece, et particulièrement celui de l’île de Cos; et le lever d’hiver qu’il place à 45 degrés de l’Est au Sud.â€
[421]This expression of our author is ambiguous. Coray explains it thus: “il entend le lever d’été, qu’il place à 45 degrés de l’Est au Nord, dans l’horizon de la Grece, et particulièrement celui de l’île de Cos; et le lever d’hiver qu’il place à 45 degrés de l’Est au Sud.â€
[422]The sense undoubtedly requires this addition, and therefore I have not scrupled to follow the reading of Cornarius, καὶ τοῡ θεÏμοῡ.
[422]The sense undoubtedly requires this addition, and therefore I have not scrupled to follow the reading of Cornarius, καὶ τοῡ θεÏμοῡ.
[423]The term here used meant particularly the fructus horæi, or summer fruits; namely, cucumbers, gourds, and the like. (SeePaulus Ægineta, B. I., § 80.) Surely Coray forgot himself, when he wrote thus regarding the distinction between the summer and autumnal fruits of his country: “les Grecs entendoient particulièrement par ὡÏᾱια les fruits de la fin de l’été, c’est-à -dire, de cette partie de l’année qu’ils appelloient ὀπώÏαν, etc.â€
[423]The term here used meant particularly the fructus horæi, or summer fruits; namely, cucumbers, gourds, and the like. (SeePaulus Ægineta, B. I., § 80.) Surely Coray forgot himself, when he wrote thus regarding the distinction between the summer and autumnal fruits of his country: “les Grecs entendoient particulièrement par ὡÏᾱια les fruits de la fin de l’été, c’est-à -dire, de cette partie de l’année qu’ils appelloient ὀπώÏαν, etc.â€
[424]It is but too apparent that there is a lacuna in the text here. A chapter devoted to an examination of the peculiarities of the Egyptians and Libyans is evidently lost. As M. Littré has remarked, Galen appears to refer to the contents of the lost chapter. (Opera, tom. xvi., p. 392; ed. Kühn.)
[424]It is but too apparent that there is a lacuna in the text here. A chapter devoted to an examination of the peculiarities of the Egyptians and Libyans is evidently lost. As M. Littré has remarked, Galen appears to refer to the contents of the lost chapter. (Opera, tom. xvi., p. 392; ed. Kühn.)
[425]That is to say, the Sea of Azoff. See Herodotus, iv., 86, who calls it Μαιῆτις. This was generally held to be the division between Europe and Asia, as stated by our author. As Coray remarks, its borders on the north-west are occupied by the inhabitants of Little Tartary: it has the Crimea on the south-west; the Tartars of Cuban and the Circassians on the south-east.
[425]That is to say, the Sea of Azoff. See Herodotus, iv., 86, who calls it Μαιῆτις. This was generally held to be the division between Europe and Asia, as stated by our author. As Coray remarks, its borders on the north-west are occupied by the inhabitants of Little Tartary: it has the Crimea on the south-west; the Tartars of Cuban and the Circassians on the south-east.
[426]That the inhabitants of a country bear a resemblance to the country itself, is no doubt a profound and most philosophical remark, although it must be admitted that the comparisons which our author makes are somewhat quaintly expressed, and hence a German physician wished the passage expunged, as being unworthy of Hippocrates. (Comment de Reb. in Scient. Natur. et Med. gestis, vol. xx., p. 131.) There can be no question, however, that it embodies a grand general truth, although the particular application of it may not always be apparent.
[426]That the inhabitants of a country bear a resemblance to the country itself, is no doubt a profound and most philosophical remark, although it must be admitted that the comparisons which our author makes are somewhat quaintly expressed, and hence a German physician wished the passage expunged, as being unworthy of Hippocrates. (Comment de Reb. in Scient. Natur. et Med. gestis, vol. xx., p. 131.) There can be no question, however, that it embodies a grand general truth, although the particular application of it may not always be apparent.
[427]On the Macrocephali, see Pliny, H. N. vi., 4; Stephanus, de Urbibus; Suidas and Harpocration in ΜακÏοκÎφαλοι; Pomponius Mela, i., 19; Strabo, xii.; Scholiast Apollon. Rhod., i.; Dionysius Periegetes.The exact situation of the savage nation of the Macrocephali cannot be precisely determined, but it was evidently not far from the Palus Mæotis, and most probably in the vicinity of the Caucasus. Little is known of them, except what our author says respecting the practice which they had of disfiguring their heads by squeezing them, in early infancy, into an elongated shape. It is well known that the same absurd usage prevailed among the early inhabitants ofMexico. I need scarcely say that much important information respecting them has been obtained of late years. M. Littré, in the fourth vol. of his edition of Hippocrates, supplies some very important information in illustration of this subject, from a recent publication of Dr. H. Rathke. Certain tumuli having been excavated at Kertch, in the Crimea, there were found in them, besides different utensils and statues, several skeletons, and it was most remarkable that the form of the head was greatly elongated, in the manner described by Hippocrates with regard to the Macrocephali. The author’s words are: “On y remarquait, en effet, un hauteur extraordinaire par rapport au diamètre de la base, et par là ils frappaient même les personnes qui n’avaient aucune connaissance de la structure du corps humain.â€
[427]On the Macrocephali, see Pliny, H. N. vi., 4; Stephanus, de Urbibus; Suidas and Harpocration in ΜακÏοκÎφαλοι; Pomponius Mela, i., 19; Strabo, xii.; Scholiast Apollon. Rhod., i.; Dionysius Periegetes.
The exact situation of the savage nation of the Macrocephali cannot be precisely determined, but it was evidently not far from the Palus Mæotis, and most probably in the vicinity of the Caucasus. Little is known of them, except what our author says respecting the practice which they had of disfiguring their heads by squeezing them, in early infancy, into an elongated shape. It is well known that the same absurd usage prevailed among the early inhabitants ofMexico. I need scarcely say that much important information respecting them has been obtained of late years. M. Littré, in the fourth vol. of his edition of Hippocrates, supplies some very important information in illustration of this subject, from a recent publication of Dr. H. Rathke. Certain tumuli having been excavated at Kertch, in the Crimea, there were found in them, besides different utensils and statues, several skeletons, and it was most remarkable that the form of the head was greatly elongated, in the manner described by Hippocrates with regard to the Macrocephali. The author’s words are: “On y remarquait, en effet, un hauteur extraordinaire par rapport au diamètre de la base, et par là ils frappaient même les personnes qui n’avaient aucune connaissance de la structure du corps humain.â€
[428]The same theory respecting the secretion of the semen is given in the treatises “De Genitura†and “De Morbo Sacro.†It is espoused by Galen, in his little work. “Quod animal sit quod utero continetur.†Coray remarks that Hippocrates’s theory on the origin of the fœtus does not differ much from that of Buffon.
[428]The same theory respecting the secretion of the semen is given in the treatises “De Genitura†and “De Morbo Sacro.†It is espoused by Galen, in his little work. “Quod animal sit quod utero continetur.†Coray remarks that Hippocrates’s theory on the origin of the fœtus does not differ much from that of Buffon.
[429]I need scarcely remark that both the river and city of this name are very celebrated in ancient mythology and history. See in particular Apollonius Rhodius, with his learned Scholiast, Arg. II.; Strabo, xi.; Pliny, H. N., vi., 4; Procopius, Pers., ii., 29; Mela, i., 85; Arrian, periplus. The river takes its rise in the Caucasus, and terminates in the Black Sea. It is calledRionby the inhabitants, and the river and a city situated upon it are calledFacheby the Turks. See Coray at this place, and Mannert., Geograph., iv., 394.
[429]I need scarcely remark that both the river and city of this name are very celebrated in ancient mythology and history. See in particular Apollonius Rhodius, with his learned Scholiast, Arg. II.; Strabo, xi.; Pliny, H. N., vi., 4; Procopius, Pers., ii., 29; Mela, i., 85; Arrian, periplus. The river takes its rise in the Caucasus, and terminates in the Black Sea. It is calledRionby the inhabitants, and the river and a city situated upon it are calledFacheby the Turks. See Coray at this place, and Mannert., Geograph., iv., 394.
[430]Coray quotes from Lamberti, a modern traveller, a description of the Colchide and its inhabitants, which agrees wonderfully with the account of both given by our author. The following is part of his description: “Il sito della Colchide porta seco un’ aria tanto humida che forse in altro luogo non si è veduta la simile. E la ragione si è perchè venendo dall’ occidente bagnata, dall’ Eusino, et dall’ oriente cinta dal Caucaso, dal quale sorgano gran quantità di fiumi rende da per tutto l’aria humidissima affatto. A questo s’ aggiungono la frequenza de’ boschi, fra quali non viene agitata l’aria da’ venti, et li spessi venti marini apportatoi di pioggie et de’ vapori del mare. Questa humidità si grande genera poi gran quantità de’ vapori, che sollevati in alto si dissolvono in frequentissime pioggie.â€â€”Relatione della Colchide, c. 27. He goes on to state that a great part of the inhabitants are fishers.
[430]Coray quotes from Lamberti, a modern traveller, a description of the Colchide and its inhabitants, which agrees wonderfully with the account of both given by our author. The following is part of his description: “Il sito della Colchide porta seco un’ aria tanto humida che forse in altro luogo non si è veduta la simile. E la ragione si è perchè venendo dall’ occidente bagnata, dall’ Eusino, et dall’ oriente cinta dal Caucaso, dal quale sorgano gran quantità di fiumi rende da per tutto l’aria humidissima affatto. A questo s’ aggiungono la frequenza de’ boschi, fra quali non viene agitata l’aria da’ venti, et li spessi venti marini apportatoi di pioggie et de’ vapori del mare. Questa humidità si grande genera poi gran quantità de’ vapori, che sollevati in alto si dissolvono in frequentissime pioggie.â€â€”Relatione della Colchide, c. 27. He goes on to state that a great part of the inhabitants are fishers.
[431]It is singular that Procopius, on the other hand, states that the Phasis is a very rapid river, and Chardin confirms his statement. (Voyage en Perse, vol. i., p. 105.) Lamberti reconciles these discrepant accounts by explaining that the river is rapid in its course near where it rises among the mountains, but quite smooth and stagnant when it arrives at the plain.—Relat. dell Colchid., 29.
[431]It is singular that Procopius, on the other hand, states that the Phasis is a very rapid river, and Chardin confirms his statement. (Voyage en Perse, vol. i., p. 105.) Lamberti reconciles these discrepant accounts by explaining that the river is rapid in its course near where it rises among the mountains, but quite smooth and stagnant when it arrives at the plain.—Relat. dell Colchid., 29.
[432]The best practical proof of the justness of our author’s reflections in this place is the result of the battle of Salamis; and the noblest intellectual monument which ever the wit of man has raised to the triumph of freedom is the Persæ of Æschylus, in celebration of that event. A single line, descriptive of the Greeks, is sufficient to account for their superiority to the Asiatics:Οὔ τινος δοῦλοι κÎκληνται φωτὸς, οá½Î´' ὑπήκοοι.—1., 240.None seem to have felt the force of this great truth so much as the Persian despots themselves, or to have estimated the effects of civil liberty higher than they did. The younger Cyrus, before the battle of Cynaxa, addresses his Grecian soldiers in the following memorable words: á½® ἄνδÏες á¼Î»Î»Î·Î½ÎµÏ‚, οá½Îº ἀνθÏώπων ἀποÏῶν βαÏβάÏων συμμάχους ἡμᾶς ἄγω, ἀλλὰ νομίζων ἀμείνονας καὶ κÏείττους πολλπῶν βαÏβάÏων ὑμᾶς εἶναι διὰ τοῦτο Ï€ÏοσÎλαβον ὅπως οὖν ἔσεσθε ἄνδÏες ἄξιοι τῆς á¼Î»ÎµÏ…θεÏίας, ἧς κÎκτησθε, καὶ á½‘Ï€á½²Ï á¼§Ï‚ ὑμᾶς á¼Î³á½¼ εá½Î´Î±Î¹Î¼Î¿Î½Î¯Î¶Ï‰Â· εὖ Î³á½°Ï á¼´ÏƒÏ„Îµ, ὅτι τὴν á¼Î»ÎµÏ…θεÏίαν ἑλοίμην ἂν ἀντὶ ὧν ἔχω πάντων καὶ ἄλλων πολλαπλασίων.—Anab., i., 7. Such being the established opinions of the intelligent portion of mankind in the days of Hippocrates, the sentiment here expressed would then be regarded as a self-evident truth. Plato, indeed, modifies this opinion in so far when he holds despotism to be the consequence and not the cause of servility.—De Repub., viii.
[432]The best practical proof of the justness of our author’s reflections in this place is the result of the battle of Salamis; and the noblest intellectual monument which ever the wit of man has raised to the triumph of freedom is the Persæ of Æschylus, in celebration of that event. A single line, descriptive of the Greeks, is sufficient to account for their superiority to the Asiatics:
Οὔ τινος δοῦλοι κÎκληνται φωτὸς, οá½Î´' ὑπήκοοι.—1., 240.
Οὔ τινος δοῦλοι κÎκληνται φωτὸς, οá½Î´' ὑπήκοοι.—1., 240.
Οὔ τινος δοῦλοι κÎκληνται φωτὸς, οá½Î´' ὑπήκοοι.—1., 240.
Οὔ τινος δοῦλοι κÎκληνται φωτὸς, οá½Î´' ὑπήκοοι.—1., 240.
None seem to have felt the force of this great truth so much as the Persian despots themselves, or to have estimated the effects of civil liberty higher than they did. The younger Cyrus, before the battle of Cynaxa, addresses his Grecian soldiers in the following memorable words: á½® ἄνδÏες á¼Î»Î»Î·Î½ÎµÏ‚, οá½Îº ἀνθÏώπων ἀποÏῶν βαÏβάÏων συμμάχους ἡμᾶς ἄγω, ἀλλὰ νομίζων ἀμείνονας καὶ κÏείττους πολλπῶν βαÏβάÏων ὑμᾶς εἶναι διὰ τοῦτο Ï€ÏοσÎλαβον ὅπως οὖν ἔσεσθε ἄνδÏες ἄξιοι τῆς á¼Î»ÎµÏ…θεÏίας, ἧς κÎκτησθε, καὶ á½‘Ï€á½²Ï á¼§Ï‚ ὑμᾶς á¼Î³á½¼ εá½Î´Î±Î¹Î¼Î¿Î½Î¯Î¶Ï‰Â· εὖ Î³á½°Ï á¼´ÏƒÏ„Îµ, ὅτι τὴν á¼Î»ÎµÏ…θεÏίαν ἑλοίμην ἂν ἀντὶ ὧν ἔχω πάντων καὶ ἄλλων πολλαπλασίων.—Anab., i., 7. Such being the established opinions of the intelligent portion of mankind in the days of Hippocrates, the sentiment here expressed would then be regarded as a self-evident truth. Plato, indeed, modifies this opinion in so far when he holds despotism to be the consequence and not the cause of servility.—De Repub., viii.
[433]The name Sauromatæ or Sarmatæ was applied by the ancient geographers to certain inhabitants of that vast and, to them, nearly unexplored country, extending from the Sinus CodanusorBaltic Sea, to the EuxineorBlack Sea. It comprehends, then, a large portion of Russia, Poland, and perhaps Prussia. (See Pomponius Mela, iii., 4; Ptolemy, Geograph.; and Maltebrun, Geograph., vol. i., p. 126.) That the Sarmatians and Scythians were the same race of men, although some of the authorities make a distinction between them, can scarcely admit of a doubt. Our author, it will be remarked, seems to restrict the name to a peculiar race of Scythians, who lived near the Palus Mæotis (orSea of Asaph). From the account which he gives of them it is impossible to doubt that he alludes to the Amazonians, so celebrated in ancient legends. The opinion which I entertain of them is pretty fully stated in the Argument to this treatise. That our author should not have doubted the real existence of the Amazonians need excite no wonder, considering the very positive and very circumstantial account of them given by his contemporary Herodotus (iv., 110–18).
[433]The name Sauromatæ or Sarmatæ was applied by the ancient geographers to certain inhabitants of that vast and, to them, nearly unexplored country, extending from the Sinus CodanusorBaltic Sea, to the EuxineorBlack Sea. It comprehends, then, a large portion of Russia, Poland, and perhaps Prussia. (See Pomponius Mela, iii., 4; Ptolemy, Geograph.; and Maltebrun, Geograph., vol. i., p. 126.) That the Sarmatians and Scythians were the same race of men, although some of the authorities make a distinction between them, can scarcely admit of a doubt. Our author, it will be remarked, seems to restrict the name to a peculiar race of Scythians, who lived near the Palus Mæotis (orSea of Asaph). From the account which he gives of them it is impossible to doubt that he alludes to the Amazonians, so celebrated in ancient legends. The opinion which I entertain of them is pretty fully stated in the Argument to this treatise. That our author should not have doubted the real existence of the Amazonians need excite no wonder, considering the very positive and very circumstantial account of them given by his contemporary Herodotus (iv., 110–18).
[434]It may at first sight appear singular that our author should have mixed up his account of the Scythians with allusions to the Egyptians; but he probably had in view Herodotus (ii., 103–6), who connects the Egyptians with the Scythians, and more especially with the tribe of them called Colchians. He states in particular that the Colchians and Egyptians resembled one another in the fashion of their linen, their whole course of life, and in their language.
[434]It may at first sight appear singular that our author should have mixed up his account of the Scythians with allusions to the Egyptians; but he probably had in view Herodotus (ii., 103–6), who connects the Egyptians with the Scythians, and more especially with the tribe of them called Colchians. He states in particular that the Colchians and Egyptians resembled one another in the fashion of their linen, their whole course of life, and in their language.
[435]Herodotus (iv., 28, 29) and Strabo (Geogr., vii.), assign the same reason for the Scythian cattle not having horns.
[435]Herodotus (iv., 28, 29) and Strabo (Geogr., vii.), assign the same reason for the Scythian cattle not having horns.
[436]This description evidently applies to the wandering tribes which roam over the steppes of Tartary. The passage is of classical celebrity, for I cannot but fancy that certainly Virgil (Georg., iii., 349–83), and perhaps Horace (Od. iii., 24), had it in view when they drew their pictures of the nomadic life of the Scythians. The extraordinary cold of that region, notwithstanding its southern latitude, has not been exaggerated by ancient authors; but to account for it, as the modern traveller, Clark, remarks, is still a problem which no one has solved. Strabo mentions that carts were driven across the Palus Mæotis (Geogr., vii., 3). The chariots covered in from the inclemency of the weather with a roof of felt, are described also by Strabo (Geogr., l. c.); and, according to Dr. Coray, similar contrivances are still to be found among the Kalmucs and other savage nations. (Notes sur le Traité des Airs, etc., h. 1.) A preparation from milk resembling the hippace is still used by the inhabitants of that region. On the people who lived upon this composition from milk, see in particular Strabo, vii., 3.
[436]This description evidently applies to the wandering tribes which roam over the steppes of Tartary. The passage is of classical celebrity, for I cannot but fancy that certainly Virgil (Georg., iii., 349–83), and perhaps Horace (Od. iii., 24), had it in view when they drew their pictures of the nomadic life of the Scythians. The extraordinary cold of that region, notwithstanding its southern latitude, has not been exaggerated by ancient authors; but to account for it, as the modern traveller, Clark, remarks, is still a problem which no one has solved. Strabo mentions that carts were driven across the Palus Mæotis (Geogr., vii., 3). The chariots covered in from the inclemency of the weather with a roof of felt, are described also by Strabo (Geogr., l. c.); and, according to Dr. Coray, similar contrivances are still to be found among the Kalmucs and other savage nations. (Notes sur le Traité des Airs, etc., h. 1.) A preparation from milk resembling the hippace is still used by the inhabitants of that region. On the people who lived upon this composition from milk, see in particular Strabo, vii., 3.
[437]The following lines of Virgil, referred to above, may be almost said to be a translation of this passage:“Semper hiems, semper spirantes frigora Cauri.Tum sol pallentes haud unquam discutit umbras;*****Talis Hyperboreo septem subjecta trioniGens effrena virûm Rhiphæo tunditur Euro.â€It was in this region of mist and cold that the celebrated race of the Cimmerians resided. See Herodot., i., 6, etc.; Homer, Odyss. x., 14. The montes Rhiphæi would appear to have been the Ural mountains which separate Russia from Siberia.
[437]The following lines of Virgil, referred to above, may be almost said to be a translation of this passage:
“Semper hiems, semper spirantes frigora Cauri.Tum sol pallentes haud unquam discutit umbras;*****Talis Hyperboreo septem subjecta trioniGens effrena virûm Rhiphæo tunditur Euro.â€
“Semper hiems, semper spirantes frigora Cauri.Tum sol pallentes haud unquam discutit umbras;*****Talis Hyperboreo septem subjecta trioniGens effrena virûm Rhiphæo tunditur Euro.â€
“Semper hiems, semper spirantes frigora Cauri.Tum sol pallentes haud unquam discutit umbras;
“Semper hiems, semper spirantes frigora Cauri.
Tum sol pallentes haud unquam discutit umbras;
*****
*****
Talis Hyperboreo septem subjecta trioniGens effrena virûm Rhiphæo tunditur Euro.â€
Talis Hyperboreo septem subjecta trioni
Gens effrena virûm Rhiphæo tunditur Euro.â€
It was in this region of mist and cold that the celebrated race of the Cimmerians resided. See Herodot., i., 6, etc.; Homer, Odyss. x., 14. The montes Rhiphæi would appear to have been the Ural mountains which separate Russia from Siberia.
[438]It is well known now that excessive cold has a tendency to retard the growth of animals. This opinion is confirmed in several instances by Pallas (Voy. en Russie, i., 197; iii., 431.) Strabo mentions, as the consequences of the cold which prevails in the country of the Getæ, that there are no asses in it, the cattle want horns, and the horses are small. (Geogr., vii., 3.)
[438]It is well known now that excessive cold has a tendency to retard the growth of animals. This opinion is confirmed in several instances by Pallas (Voy. en Russie, i., 197; iii., 431.) Strabo mentions, as the consequences of the cold which prevails in the country of the Getæ, that there are no asses in it, the cattle want horns, and the horses are small. (Geogr., vii., 3.)
[439]Buffon, on the other hand, maintains that the Nomadic race are men of active habits. (Hist., Nat., tom. iii., p. 384.) Pallas, however, confirms the judgment of Hippocrates. (Voyag. en Russie, tom. i., p. 499.) See also Coray, ad. h. l.
[439]Buffon, on the other hand, maintains that the Nomadic race are men of active habits. (Hist., Nat., tom. iii., p. 384.) Pallas, however, confirms the judgment of Hippocrates. (Voyag. en Russie, tom. i., p. 499.) See also Coray, ad. h. l.
[440]It is to be borne in mind that Hippocrates, and after him most of the ancient authorities, held that the fœtus is formed from the male semen. This doctrine prevailed generally down to the days of Harvey. Some of the ancient physiologists, however, maintained that “omne animal est ab ovo.†See Plutarch, de Placit. Philos.
[440]It is to be borne in mind that Hippocrates, and after him most of the ancient authorities, held that the fœtus is formed from the male semen. This doctrine prevailed generally down to the days of Harvey. Some of the ancient physiologists, however, maintained that “omne animal est ab ovo.†See Plutarch, de Placit. Philos.
[441]ὙγÏότης, when applied to the body, may signify both humidity and relaxation, in like manner as the adjective (ὑγÏὸς) signifies humid and relaxed. We shall see an example of the latter signification in the Prognostics.
[441]ὙγÏότης, when applied to the body, may signify both humidity and relaxation, in like manner as the adjective (ὑγÏὸς) signifies humid and relaxed. We shall see an example of the latter signification in the Prognostics.
[442]This practice came to be one of the regular operations of surgery, being performed with the view of correcting the tendency of a joint to dislocation. It is minutely described by Hippocrates (De Artic., xi.), Paulus Ægineta, (VI., 42), Albucasis (Chirurg., i., 27), Haly Abbas (Pract., ix., 78). See the Sydenham Society’s edition ofPaulus Ægineta, 1. c.
[442]This practice came to be one of the regular operations of surgery, being performed with the view of correcting the tendency of a joint to dislocation. It is minutely described by Hippocrates (De Artic., xi.), Paulus Ægineta, (VI., 42), Albucasis (Chirurg., i., 27), Haly Abbas (Pract., ix., 78). See the Sydenham Society’s edition ofPaulus Ægineta, 1. c.
[443]The meaning of this passage is ambiguous. I have followed Coray, who gives some very interesting annotations on it. He translates these words, “Ils sont naturellement d’une complexion lâche et trapus; premièrement, parceque dans leur enfance ils ne sont point emmaillotés, non plus que les Ægyptiens.†Clifton has given nearly the same meaning of the passage: “Their fluidness and breadth proceed first from their neglect of bandages, as in Egypt.†Littré, on the other hand, appears to give a different interpretation of the passage: “D’abord parceque on ne les emmaillotte pas, comme en Egypte.â€
[443]The meaning of this passage is ambiguous. I have followed Coray, who gives some very interesting annotations on it. He translates these words, “Ils sont naturellement d’une complexion lâche et trapus; premièrement, parceque dans leur enfance ils ne sont point emmaillotés, non plus que les Ægyptiens.†Clifton has given nearly the same meaning of the passage: “Their fluidness and breadth proceed first from their neglect of bandages, as in Egypt.†Littré, on the other hand, appears to give a different interpretation of the passage: “D’abord parceque on ne les emmaillotte pas, comme en Egypte.â€
[444]A fat condition of the body was also supposed adverse to conception in the case of cattle. Virgil alludes to this opinion, and the means used to counteract the effects of an excessively fat state of the body in the following verses, which have been always admired as an example how delicately a great genius can touch upon an indelicate subject:“Ispa autem macie tenuant armenta volentes,Atque, ubi concubitus primos jam nota voluptasSollicitat, frondesque negant, et fontibus arcent.Sæpe etiam cursu quatiunt et sole fatigunt;Hoc faciunt nimio ne luxu obtusior ususSit genitali arvo, et sulcos oblimet inertes;Sed rapiat sitiens venerem, interiusque recondat.â€Georg., iii., 136.
[444]A fat condition of the body was also supposed adverse to conception in the case of cattle. Virgil alludes to this opinion, and the means used to counteract the effects of an excessively fat state of the body in the following verses, which have been always admired as an example how delicately a great genius can touch upon an indelicate subject:
“Ispa autem macie tenuant armenta volentes,Atque, ubi concubitus primos jam nota voluptasSollicitat, frondesque negant, et fontibus arcent.Sæpe etiam cursu quatiunt et sole fatigunt;Hoc faciunt nimio ne luxu obtusior ususSit genitali arvo, et sulcos oblimet inertes;Sed rapiat sitiens venerem, interiusque recondat.â€Georg., iii., 136.
“Ispa autem macie tenuant armenta volentes,Atque, ubi concubitus primos jam nota voluptasSollicitat, frondesque negant, et fontibus arcent.Sæpe etiam cursu quatiunt et sole fatigunt;Hoc faciunt nimio ne luxu obtusior ususSit genitali arvo, et sulcos oblimet inertes;Sed rapiat sitiens venerem, interiusque recondat.â€Georg., iii., 136.
“Ispa autem macie tenuant armenta volentes,Atque, ubi concubitus primos jam nota voluptasSollicitat, frondesque negant, et fontibus arcent.Sæpe etiam cursu quatiunt et sole fatigunt;Hoc faciunt nimio ne luxu obtusior ususSit genitali arvo, et sulcos oblimet inertes;Sed rapiat sitiens venerem, interiusque recondat.â€Georg., iii., 136.
“Ispa autem macie tenuant armenta volentes,
Atque, ubi concubitus primos jam nota voluptas
Sollicitat, frondesque negant, et fontibus arcent.
Sæpe etiam cursu quatiunt et sole fatigunt;
Hoc faciunt nimio ne luxu obtusior usus
Sit genitali arvo, et sulcos oblimet inertes;
Sed rapiat sitiens venerem, interiusque recondat.â€
Georg., iii., 136.
[445]On the nature of this affection see the Argument. There is a variety in the reading, most of the MSS. having ἀνανδÏιείς, but the one usually marked 2146, which is followed in the Aldine edition, reading ἀνδÏιεῖς. See a long discussion in Coray’s edition on this point. There seems to be no good reason for at all interfering with the text as it now stands.
[445]On the nature of this affection see the Argument. There is a variety in the reading, most of the MSS. having ἀνανδÏιείς, but the one usually marked 2146, which is followed in the Aldine edition, reading ἀνδÏιεῖς. See a long discussion in Coray’s edition on this point. There seems to be no good reason for at all interfering with the text as it now stands.
[446]Our author in this place, as in the treatise on the Sacred Disease, holds the philosophical opinion in opposition to the superstitious, that all diseases have natural causes, and that no one more than another is to be ascribed to the extraordinary interference of supernatural beings. Plato, his contemporary, would appear to have endeavored to steer a sort of middle course between the scientific and the popular belief. Thus he ascribes epilepsy, like all other diseases, to a natural cause, namely, in this instance, to a redundancy of black bile; but he qualifies this opinion by calling the passages of the brain (the ventricles?) most divine, and adds that the disease had been most appropriately denominated sacred. (Timæus, § 66.)
[446]Our author in this place, as in the treatise on the Sacred Disease, holds the philosophical opinion in opposition to the superstitious, that all diseases have natural causes, and that no one more than another is to be ascribed to the extraordinary interference of supernatural beings. Plato, his contemporary, would appear to have endeavored to steer a sort of middle course between the scientific and the popular belief. Thus he ascribes epilepsy, like all other diseases, to a natural cause, namely, in this instance, to a redundancy of black bile; but he qualifies this opinion by calling the passages of the brain (the ventricles?) most divine, and adds that the disease had been most appropriately denominated sacred. (Timæus, § 66.)
[447]The origin and signification of this term are by no means well defined. See Galen (Exeges, etc.), Foës (Å’con. Hippocr.), and Coray (ad h. l.). It has been applied first, to certain varieties of morbus coxarius; secondly, to chronic buboes, superinduced by disease of the hip-joint; thirdly, to paralysis of the muscles about the genital organs; fourthly, aneurismal varix. (See Aretæus, Morb. Acut., ii., 8; and the note in Boerhaave’s edition.) I must own that I find some difficulty in deciding to which of these significations I should give the preference; I rather incline, however, to the first, from what our author says towards the end of this section, namely, that all men who ride much “are afflicted with rheums in the joints, sciatica and gout, and are inept at venery.â€
[447]The origin and signification of this term are by no means well defined. See Galen (Exeges, etc.), Foës (Å’con. Hippocr.), and Coray (ad h. l.). It has been applied first, to certain varieties of morbus coxarius; secondly, to chronic buboes, superinduced by disease of the hip-joint; thirdly, to paralysis of the muscles about the genital organs; fourthly, aneurismal varix. (See Aretæus, Morb. Acut., ii., 8; and the note in Boerhaave’s edition.) I must own that I find some difficulty in deciding to which of these significations I should give the preference; I rather incline, however, to the first, from what our author says towards the end of this section, namely, that all men who ride much “are afflicted with rheums in the joints, sciatica and gout, and are inept at venery.â€
[448]This opinion of our author was no doubt founded on the erroneous notion regarding the distribution of the veins which prevailed in his time, and which we find advocated in the tract “on the Nature of Man,†and elsewhere. (See Aristot., H. N., iii., 3.) Coray strives hard, in his annotations on this passage, to make out that the fact may be as stated by his ancient countryman, although the hypothesis by which he explained it be false. It is singular, however, that, after the lapse of more than two thousand years, Phrenology should have come to the assistance of Hippocrates in this case. I need scarcely remark that Gall and his followers hold that the cerebellum is the seat of the animal appetites, so that, if this be really the fact, a close sympathy between the back of the head and the genital organs may be very legitimately inferred. At all events, this coincidence between ancient observation and modern hypothesis must be admitted to be very remarkable.
[448]This opinion of our author was no doubt founded on the erroneous notion regarding the distribution of the veins which prevailed in his time, and which we find advocated in the tract “on the Nature of Man,†and elsewhere. (See Aristot., H. N., iii., 3.) Coray strives hard, in his annotations on this passage, to make out that the fact may be as stated by his ancient countryman, although the hypothesis by which he explained it be false. It is singular, however, that, after the lapse of more than two thousand years, Phrenology should have come to the assistance of Hippocrates in this case. I need scarcely remark that Gall and his followers hold that the cerebellum is the seat of the animal appetites, so that, if this be really the fact, a close sympathy between the back of the head and the genital organs may be very legitimately inferred. At all events, this coincidence between ancient observation and modern hypothesis must be admitted to be very remarkable.
[449]Aristotle, on the other hand, holds that the effects of equitation are aphrodisiac. (Probl. iv., 12.) Coray attempts to reconcile the discordant opinions of the physician and philosopher, by supposing that moderate exercises may excite the venereal appetite, whereas excessive extinguish them. Van Swieten agrees with Hippocrates that inordinate exercise in riding may induce impotence. (Comment. in Boerh. Aphor., § 1063.)
[449]Aristotle, on the other hand, holds that the effects of equitation are aphrodisiac. (Probl. iv., 12.) Coray attempts to reconcile the discordant opinions of the physician and philosopher, by supposing that moderate exercises may excite the venereal appetite, whereas excessive extinguish them. Van Swieten agrees with Hippocrates that inordinate exercise in riding may induce impotence. (Comment. in Boerh. Aphor., § 1063.)
[450]It is a singular idea of our author that the wearing of breeches by confining the development of the genital organs impairs the sexual desires. It is curious, as remarked by Coray, that the same opinion is advocated by Hunter in his treatise on the Venereal Disease. Coray also quotes the following passage from Lalement: “Sæpe audivimus pistores et cæteros quorum partes pudendæ subligaculis non obteguntur sed liberius pendent crassos et bene nutritos habere testiculos.â€â€”Comment. in Hippocrat. de Aer., etc.
[450]It is a singular idea of our author that the wearing of breeches by confining the development of the genital organs impairs the sexual desires. It is curious, as remarked by Coray, that the same opinion is advocated by Hunter in his treatise on the Venereal Disease. Coray also quotes the following passage from Lalement: “Sæpe audivimus pistores et cæteros quorum partes pudendæ subligaculis non obteguntur sed liberius pendent crassos et bene nutritos habere testiculos.â€â€”Comment. in Hippocrat. de Aer., etc.
[451]I trust I shall be excused in quoting entire Dr. Coray’s note on this section: “Trente mille Macédoniens (dit Pauw) ont conquis la Perse; quarante mille Mogols ont conquis les Indes; cinquante mille Tartares ont conquis la Chine, où l’on comptait alors plus de quarante millions d’habitans, qui abandonnèrent leurs souverains. On a vu de nos jours l’armée du grand Visir déserter presque complètement dans les environs de Varna; et jamais les Turcs n’eurent plus de bon sens qu’en cette occasion là ; car leurs tyrans ne méritent pas qu’on verse une seule goutte de sang pour les maintenir sur le trône de ces contrées qu’ils ont dévastées en voleurs et en brigands. (Recherch. philosoph. sur les Grecs.)—Par ce dernier exemple on voit encore combien les causes politiques ou morales, et les causes naturelles, peuvent se modifier réciproquement. Les Russes, quoique soumis à un gouvernement despotique, ont cependant été la terreur des Turcs, à cause, sans doute de la différence du climat, de la discipline militaire, et des progrès dans la civilisation. Ces circonstances ont concouru à mitiger le despotisme Russe, et à le rendre si différent du despotisme brutal des Turcs. Il en est de même des autres peuples Septentrionaux de l’Europe. Quoique gouvernés par des loix qui ne sont point leur ouvrage, ils sont très belliqueux, et par la nature de leur climat, et par les lumières que les sciences et les arts ont répandues parmi eux.â€
[451]I trust I shall be excused in quoting entire Dr. Coray’s note on this section: “Trente mille Macédoniens (dit Pauw) ont conquis la Perse; quarante mille Mogols ont conquis les Indes; cinquante mille Tartares ont conquis la Chine, où l’on comptait alors plus de quarante millions d’habitans, qui abandonnèrent leurs souverains. On a vu de nos jours l’armée du grand Visir déserter presque complètement dans les environs de Varna; et jamais les Turcs n’eurent plus de bon sens qu’en cette occasion là ; car leurs tyrans ne méritent pas qu’on verse une seule goutte de sang pour les maintenir sur le trône de ces contrées qu’ils ont dévastées en voleurs et en brigands. (Recherch. philosoph. sur les Grecs.)—Par ce dernier exemple on voit encore combien les causes politiques ou morales, et les causes naturelles, peuvent se modifier réciproquement. Les Russes, quoique soumis à un gouvernement despotique, ont cependant été la terreur des Turcs, à cause, sans doute de la différence du climat, de la discipline militaire, et des progrès dans la civilisation. Ces circonstances ont concouru à mitiger le despotisme Russe, et à le rendre si différent du despotisme brutal des Turcs. Il en est de même des autres peuples Septentrionaux de l’Europe. Quoique gouvernés par des loix qui ne sont point leur ouvrage, ils sont très belliqueux, et par la nature de leur climat, et par les lumières que les sciences et les arts ont répandues parmi eux.â€
[452]Aristotle, in drawing the traits of the European and Asiatic character, would appear to have borrowed freely from our author. He says the inhabitants of cold countries and of Europe are full of spirit, but deficient in intellect and skill; they therefore remain in a state of freedom, but without regular government, and they are incapable of governing their neighbors. The inhabitants of Asia are described by him as being intellectual and skilled in the arts, but deficient in courage, and therefore they are in constant subjection and slavery. The Greeks, he maintains, held an intermediate place between these two, have both courage and intellect, and therefore enjoy freedom and good government. (Polit., iii., 7.)
[452]Aristotle, in drawing the traits of the European and Asiatic character, would appear to have borrowed freely from our author. He says the inhabitants of cold countries and of Europe are full of spirit, but deficient in intellect and skill; they therefore remain in a state of freedom, but without regular government, and they are incapable of governing their neighbors. The inhabitants of Asia are described by him as being intellectual and skilled in the arts, but deficient in courage, and therefore they are in constant subjection and slavery. The Greeks, he maintains, held an intermediate place between these two, have both courage and intellect, and therefore enjoy freedom and good government. (Polit., iii., 7.)
[453]We have lately had a notable example of the warlike and independent spirit of mountaineers in the determined resistance which the Circassians have made to the colossal power of Russia. Great Britain, too, I may be permitted to remark, experienced disasters in contending with the mountaineers of Affganistan, such as she had never met with in the rich plains of India. And, by the way, the conqueror of Greece and of Persia was very nearly cut off by the same people. See Arrian, Exped. Alexandr., iv., 22, etc.
[453]We have lately had a notable example of the warlike and independent spirit of mountaineers in the determined resistance which the Circassians have made to the colossal power of Russia. Great Britain, too, I may be permitted to remark, experienced disasters in contending with the mountaineers of Affganistan, such as she had never met with in the rich plains of India. And, by the way, the conqueror of Greece and of Persia was very nearly cut off by the same people. See Arrian, Exped. Alexandr., iv., 22, etc.
[454]ἌναÏθÏοι. The meaning of this term seems to be, persons whose joints are indistinct owing to fatness.
[454]ἌναÏθÏοι. The meaning of this term seems to be, persons whose joints are indistinct owing to fatness.
[455]Coray supposes, and apparently with justice, that our author in this passage tacitly refers to the inhabitants of Attica. It is worthy of remark that Thucydides ascribes the early civilization of the Athenians to the infertility of the soil. (Ἀττίκην λεπτόγεων, i., 2.) See Arnold’s Note, h., 1.; also the quotation from Aristotle at § 23; and Plato’s Timæus, tom. iii., p. 247; ed. Bekker. According to Coray (but perhaps he was partially disposed towards his adopted country), the characters of Provence and Marseilles are analogous to those of Attica and Athens, and the effects on the inhabitants similar. That Marseilles was at one time a flourishing seat of learning is undoubted; see Tacitus (Agricola) and Strabo (Geogr., iii.); but in literary celebrity it cannot surely aspire to be put on a level with the region which produced an Æschylus, a Thucydides, a Plato, and a Demosthenes! And it may be doubted whether even the Marseillais Hymn equals in masculine energy the war songs of Tyrtæus!
[455]Coray supposes, and apparently with justice, that our author in this passage tacitly refers to the inhabitants of Attica. It is worthy of remark that Thucydides ascribes the early civilization of the Athenians to the infertility of the soil. (Ἀττίκην λεπτόγεων, i., 2.) See Arnold’s Note, h., 1.; also the quotation from Aristotle at § 23; and Plato’s Timæus, tom. iii., p. 247; ed. Bekker. According to Coray (but perhaps he was partially disposed towards his adopted country), the characters of Provence and Marseilles are analogous to those of Attica and Athens, and the effects on the inhabitants similar. That Marseilles was at one time a flourishing seat of learning is undoubted; see Tacitus (Agricola) and Strabo (Geogr., iii.); but in literary celebrity it cannot surely aspire to be put on a level with the region which produced an Æschylus, a Thucydides, a Plato, and a Demosthenes! And it may be doubted whether even the Marseillais Hymn equals in masculine energy the war songs of Tyrtæus!
[456]Its title is, Specimen Historico-Medicum Inaugurale de Hippocratis Doctrina a Prognostice Oriunda. Lugduni Batavorum, 1832.
[456]Its title is, Specimen Historico-Medicum Inaugurale de Hippocratis Doctrina a Prognostice Oriunda. Lugduni Batavorum, 1832.
[457]Cap. v.
[457]Cap. v.
[458]Comment. in Prognos. ap. Dietz.
[458]Comment. in Prognos. ap. Dietz.
[459]The opinion here advanced is expressed with great precision by a French writer who has been making some figure in the political world of late. “Great men,†says Louis Blanc, “only govern society by means of a force which they themselves borrow. They enlighten the world only by a burning focus of all the scattered rays emanating from itself.â€â€”Organization of Labor, p. 98, English edition.
[459]The opinion here advanced is expressed with great precision by a French writer who has been making some figure in the political world of late. “Great men,†says Louis Blanc, “only govern society by means of a force which they themselves borrow. They enlighten the world only by a burning focus of all the scattered rays emanating from itself.â€â€”Organization of Labor, p. 98, English edition.
[460]Ascarus, a Theban statuary for one. See Pausanias, v., 24, 1.
[460]Ascarus, a Theban statuary for one. See Pausanias, v., 24, 1.
[461]See the Commentary of Simplicius. As I quote from memory I cannot refer to the page.
[461]See the Commentary of Simplicius. As I quote from memory I cannot refer to the page.
[462]Galen, in his Commentary on this clause of the sentence, acutely remarks that patients are justly disposed to form a high opinion of a physician who points out to them symptoms of their complaint which they themselves had omitted to mention to him. And Stephanus further remarks that the patient naturally estimates highly the acumen of the physician who detects any errors in regimen which he has been guilty of, such as drinking water, or eating fruit when forbidden; (Ed. Dietz, p. 54;) or when he has some disease about him, such as bubo or inflammation, which he wishes to conceal. (Ibid., p. 63.)
[462]Galen, in his Commentary on this clause of the sentence, acutely remarks that patients are justly disposed to form a high opinion of a physician who points out to them symptoms of their complaint which they themselves had omitted to mention to him. And Stephanus further remarks that the patient naturally estimates highly the acumen of the physician who detects any errors in regimen which he has been guilty of, such as drinking water, or eating fruit when forbidden; (Ed. Dietz, p. 54;) or when he has some disease about him, such as bubo or inflammation, which he wishes to conceal. (Ibid., p. 63.)