TheOriginalfrom which thisMapis copied was published in 1608 by the authority ofPhilip IV. King of Spain,in the 1stEdition ofTorquemadasMonarquia IndianaVol. 1.
TheOriginalfrom which thisMapis copied was published in 1608 by the authority ofPhilip IV. King of Spain,in the 1stEdition ofTorquemadasMonarquia IndianaVol. 1.
Cortezwrote to the Emperor that he had sent People on Discovery, both by Land and Water, it was not designed that their Discoveries should be communicated, asCortezintended to turn them to his own private Advantage. But whenMendozafitted out two Armaments, one by Land under the Command ofCoronado, and the other by Sea underAlarcon;Alarconwas ordered to Latitude 53, to join the Land Forces, and to make a Survey of the Coast, and see ifthere was a Passage or a Communication by Water through those Countries whichCoronadowas to discover and subdue, with theSouth Sea. As toCoronado, theFranciscanshad been before in those Parts, and they gave Information and Direction as to his Part of the Expedition; but as to the Part thatAlarconhad, on what Information he was ordered to go to Latitude 53, and what Probability there was that it was possible for him to find such Passage, and join the Land Forces, does not appear. But from his not finding such Passage, not joining the Land Forces, and proceeding no further than the Lat. 36, though his Reason for not going further is, that the Land then trended to the Northward, which he supposed would put him further off from the Army, whom he knew were in ten Days March of him, and the Excuse of Sickness and ill Condition of his Vessels, occasioned him to return before his Time; yet his Conduct threw the whole Disgrace of the ill Success of that Expedition onAlarcon, both with the Emperor and the Viceroy: And what he wrote to the Emperor was not attended to. He wrote to the Emperor, 'That it was for him only, and not in Subordination to the Viceroy, that he had conquered, discovered, and entered on theCalifornias, and all those Lands on the Coasts of theSouth Sea; that he had learnt that some of those Lands were not far from the Coasts ofGrand China; that there was but a small Navigation to theSpiceIslands, which he knew was wished for at that Time; that it engaged all his Thoughts, and was his most ardent Desire to undertake such Navigation.'Torquem.Vol. i. P. 609.
OnAlarcon's ReturnJuan Rodrique de Cabrillowas fitted out, who went as far as Lat. 44. Sickness, Want of Provisions, and his Ships not being of sufficient Strength for those Northern Seas, obliged him to return, though he was designed to go further to Northward. The Ships returning from thePhilippines, which was also an Expedition in the Time of Viceroyship ofMendoza, fell in with the Land in Lat. 42, and found it all to beTerra Firma, from a Cape there, which they namedMendocinoto the Port ofLa Navidad. In 1602Vizcainowent, and then the Discovery was made byMartin de Aguilar; andTorquemadatells us, Vol. i. Lib. 5. P. 725. That if there had not been, only fourteen healthy Persons when they were at CapeBlanco, they were resolved to pass thro' the Streight, which they namedAnian, and which Streight is said to be there; and P. 719, speaking of the Entrance ofMartin Aguilar, it isunderstood to be a River, by which you may pass to a great City, which theHollandersdiscovered coming through the Streight, which is the Streight ofAnian, and which City, he says, was namedQuivira.
These Voyages, and we have Accounts of no others, could not have furnished the Cosmographers the principal Materials for composing their Map, and it must have been agreeable to those Materials, besides the Accounts of these Voyages sent toOld Spain, that they set down the utmost Limits of the Western Coast to be in the Longitude of 135 Decrees from the Meridian ofFerro. Therefore it was their Opinion at that Time that one Hundred and thirty-five Degrees was near the Difference of Longitude of the Entrance of the Streight ofAnianin theSouth Sea, accounting the Longitude from the Meridian ofFerro. For which Reason theSpaniardscan never be understood to mean by the Streight ofAnianthe Streight which separatesAsiaandAmerica, now namedBeering'sStreight, and by which there is a Communication between the Sea ofTartary, or theFrozen Ocean, and theSouth Sea.
It is something remarkable, and supports what hath been before said as to Deficiency of theSpanishRecords, what JesuitVenegas, the Author of the History ofCalifornia, says, Vol. ii. P. 228, 'I was extremely desirous of finding Capt.Sebastian Vizcaino's Narrative, and the Representations of the Council to his MajestyPhilipthe Third, especially the Maps, Plans, Charts of his Voyage and Discoveries, in order to communicate the Whole to the Publick. Accordingly at my Request Search was made in the Secretary's Office of the Council of theIndies: But in this Intention of being serviceable to the Publick I have been disappointed.' And he again observes, on the Governor ofCinaloabeing ordered to pass over and take a Survey of the Coasts, Islands, Bays, Creeks, and the Disposition of the Ground ofCalifornia, in the Year 1642, Vol. i. P. 188, 'There would have been little Occasion, says he, for this preparatory Survey, after so many others which had been continually making for above a Century, had the Reports, Narratives, Charts, Draughts and Maps, which were made, or should have been made, by so many Discoveries still continued in being. But these are the Effects of a Want of a proper Care in preserving Papers, a Fault to be regretted by Persons in Power, to whom they would be of Service in the Conduct of Affairs, and by private Persons,on the Account of their Interest, or as Entertainments of a commendable Curiosity.'—'But by the Loss of some Papers, either thro' a Change in the Government, or Irregularity in the Records, the whole Advantage of an Expedition is lost.'
From this Declaration by one who being a Jesuit, and ofMexico, composing a Work entirely for the publick Service, under the Direction of the Jesuits; by their Influence could attain the Sight of any Papers which were thought interesting as to the Work he was composing; and his last Reflection is not confined to the Records ofOld Spainonly; it is apparent what Uncertainty there is of attaining any Evidence from such Records, as to the Discoveries made in the first Century after the Conquest ofMexico, and for a long Time after. The Narrative ofVizcaino's Voyage, and every Thing thereto relating, as to any remaining Records might have become disputable, had notTorquemadacollected it, and published it amongst other Accounts; yet whatTorquemadahath preserved is but imperfect, as is apparent from a Journal of that Voyage, preserved in a private Hand atManilla, and a Sight of large Extracts from which the Author hath been favoured by a Gentleman inLondon. It is owing to whatTorquemadaand some others have collected of the Accounts which the Religious were the Authors of, that the Publick have the Accounts of those Parts; but such Voyages and Accounts as have not met with the same Means of being preserved, the Publick, from such Neglect, know nothing of them. It is plain fromGomara's Account, also fromAcosta's, that great Discoveries had been made in these Parts, but as to many of such Discoveries, by whom is not known; andVenegassays, Vol. i. P. 30, the RiverSanto Thomewas discovered in the Year 1684; 'And tho' I do not find, says he, in the Narratives of that Expedition (of AdmiralOtondo) thatOtondoever went ashore only to visit the Harbours of the Eastern Coast and the Gulph; yet from the ardent Curiosity of FatherKino, and the great Concern he had in the Affairs ofCalifornia, I cannot think that he should be mistaken in any Particular relating to the Discovery: That FatherKino, both in his large Manuscript Map, and likewise in the lesser Impression, places the River ofSanto Thomeas rising between the 26th and 27th Degrees of N. Latitude, and, after crossing the whole Peninsula,discharging itself into theSouth Sea, in the 26th Deg. and forming at its Mouth a large Harbour, which he callsPuerto de Anno Nuevo, being discovered in the Year 1685. On both Sides the River are Christian Villages, as is evident from their Names;Santiago,Santo Innocentes,&c.yet, in the Accounts of that Time, I do not meet with any Intelligence of this Discovery; to which I must add, that in the subsequent Relations no mention is made of any such River, Settlements or Harbours, though even little Brooks, are taken Notice of.' And he observes many other Difficulties occur about this Coast. This Harbour made by the RiverSanto Thome, is evidently that whichde Fonteand others callChristabel. Some Settlements had been made there, as these Names were given, but either deserted from the Barrenness of the Country, or had been only frequented by those who went out private Adventurers, in order to trade with the Natives. But as to which River, Settlements and Harbour, were not the Names preserved by FatherKino, it would not have been known that any Persons had been in those interior Parts ofCalifornia, or that there were such River and Harbour. FatherKinolooked upon it as a Thing so well known, as he had no Occasion to defend himself, by giving the Reason of his inserting those Names to protect himself from the Reproach of Posterity. AndVenegasbefore tells us, that as to the Discoveries which had been made for a Century passed, the Papers were lost.
Between the Year sixteen Hundred and eighty-five, and the Time ofVenegas's Publication, though in the Year sixteen Hundred and eighty-five, it was well known that there was such a River asSt. Thome, this River is exploded out of the Maps by the Geographers, on Account of the Uncertainty; not duly considering that there was as full a Proof as could be required with respect to so unfrequented a Part. The Account being from a Person whose Business it was to make Observations there, who had been so laborious and accurate as to discover, what had been so long desired to be known, whetherCaliforniawas an Island or not, as to which he was believed; and the Truth hath been confirmed by later Observations of what he had reported, That it was not an Island. Therefore there was no Foundation for any Uncertainty in this Case, the same as with respect to the Letter ofde Fonte, owing to the Neglect of a properEnquiry into the Circumstances relating to it, by such an Inquiry the Uncertainty would have been removed.
What hath been said is to shew that the Argument on which so great a Stress is laid, that there is no Account of this Voyage amongst theSpanishRecords, is an Argument of no Weight against the Authenticity of this Account; and that as a Publication of this Voyage was not permitted, an Account of such Voyage could not be perpetuated by the Religious, the only probable Means at that Time of preferring it from Oblivion. As it was intended what was the Effect of this Expedition should be kept a Secret, it is not consistent there should be many written Accounts of it; the Officers concerned would be cautious of letting Transcripts be made from their Journals; and it may be attributed to an extraordinary Accident, rather than to what could be expected, that a Copy of the Letter ofde Fonteshould ever come into the Possession of theEnglish.
These Observations being previously made, we are better enabled to consider, what we have before inserted, the Objection ofVenegasfor not inserting this Account ofde Fonte, as being of little Credit; but he seems rather to wish that we would be of his Opinion, than to imagine that he could convince us by any Arguments; therefore excuses himself as to the Length of the Dispute he might be engaged in. His Manner of expressing himself with respect to this Disappointment in the Secretary's Office, shews he hath a Manner of Address that his Words will admit of a further constructive Meaning than what is set down. The principal Object of his Writing is to incite the Court ofSpainto prepare in Time against the ill Consequences of theEnglishmaking a Discovery of a Passage; and he is to be understood, that it is not only his Opinion that the finding of such a Passage is practicable, but he apprehends it is of the Opinion of the Court also. Declares, that such Opinion hath prevailed from the first settling ofMexico, and that there really is a Passage in such a Manner as a Person who published an Account of this Sort would be permitted to express himself, to have it pass the Approbation of the Licenser; and does not desire to suppress the Account ofde Fonte, as it is an absolute Contradiction to what he would infer, there being aPassage, and in such Letter it is declared there is no North-west Passage. For he must have had further and better Authorities for his Assertions of there being a Passage than such, as that single Assertion would prevail against. But desired to suppress this Account, as it was an Account which he knew it was more consistent with the Designs of the Court, it should be continued in Oblivion than revived. Mentions it therefore as theContents of aPaper published inLondon, which contained a Narrative of little Credit; and to give the better Authority to what he says, as he could not trust to the Opinion that might be had of such Account on a fair Representation of the Title; to support the Character he gave of it, therefore uses Art, misrepresenting such Title; says it wasby Order of the Viceroy ofPeru,in the Year1640, andgiving an Account of the most material Transactions and Adventures in this Voyage. Was the Letter so entituled, theTransactionsandAdventuresof a Commander in Chief of the Navy, inNew Spain, he would not be singular in his Opinion, but it would be understood by every one as a Romance, and not deserving of Credit.
This Misrepresentation is intentionally done; for if he never saw the Letter, or had not a right Account of it, on what Authority could he assert it was of little Credit; and that it would engage him in a long Dispute, a Dispute which his Sagacity would point out to him how to determine in a very few Lines, by proving that there was no such Person asde Fonte, Admiral ofNew Spain; which it was in his Power to do had it been the Case. But what he mentions is so far from a Denial of there being such a Person Admiral ofNew Spain, that he gives us the Name, and sets forth the Characterde Fontewas in, in a more proper Manner than we have it expressed in the Title of the Letter.Bartholomew de Fuentes, Commander in Chief of the Navy in New Spain and Peru, and President of Chili; and he is to be understood not to mean that there was no such Person, but that the Narrative is not credible as to any such Voyage having been made by Admiralde Fonte.
By a Schedule of the King ofSpainin 1606 to the Governor of thePhilippines,Vizcainowas to be again fitted out to discover a Harbour on the Western Coast ofCalifornia, for the Reception of theAquapulcoShip; but the Death ofVizcainoprevented that Design being carried into Execution; as the Court had found so many Disappointments, and such ill Success in these Undertakings, they did not think proper to entrust it to any other Person in thePhilippinesorNew Spain. AndVenegassays, Hist ofCal.Vol. i. P. 180. 'During the succeeding nine Years inconsiderable Voyages only were made toCalifornia, and these rather to fish for Pearls, or procure them by Barter, than to make any Settlement, and therefore they have been thought below any separate Account, especially as in the subsequent Royal Commissions they are only mentioned in general without any Circumstances.' Though Commissions were given to go into these Parts, without any Account remaining to whom, and on what particular Occasion; it is not to be doubted as in all Commissions of this Nature they would be under an Obligation to make a Report to the Court, and it is not to be understood that these Commissions were continued for nine Years only; and therefore what hath been said as toParmentiersand the Jesuits, their having been in these Parts, is not the least improbable. By these Commissions they were not confined to the Gulph ofCalifornia, is evident from FatherKino, as already mentioned, giving Names in his Map to Villages, or occasional Settlements rather, on the RiverSanto Thome: And he says, P. 299, what made FatherKinodesirous of discovering whetherCaliforniawas an Island or not, 'That all the Moderns had placed it as an Island, there being extant also some Journals of Mariners, according to which they went roundCaliforniathrough a Streight, and gave the Parts and Places through which they passed their own Names.' It appears from this Account they were permitted, by these Commissions, to rove about, though not to make Settlements, induced by their private Advantage, and the Advantage to the Government was from their Discoveries. Also Vol. i. P. 182, he mentions, 'That a great many private Persons, from the Coast ofCuliacanandChametla, made Trips in small Boats to the Coast ofCalifornia, either to fish for Pearls, or purchase them of theIndians;' which is agreeable tode Fonte's Account of the Master and Mariners he procured atZalaguaandCompostilo. We may also observe what the Missionaries say, as to the Tides at the Head of the Bay, which still adds to the Authenticity of this Account. 'In those Parts the Tideshifts every six Hours; the Flood, with a frightful Impetuosity, rises from three to seven Fathoms, overflowing the flat Country for some Leagues, and the Ebb necessarily returns with the same dangerous Violence.—However the Pilot went on Shore in the Pinnace, at several Parts, in order to make a complete Drawing of it for his Chart; was equally convinced that this Cape was the Extremity of the Gulph ofCalifornia, and that the Waters beyond it were those of the RiverColorado.' Therefore it was, from the exact Observation of the Tide which this Pilot took so much Pains to make, an unsettled Point from whence the Tide proceeded. Which, at the Time ofde Fonte's Expedition, was said to come from the Northward, agreeable to the then prevailing Opinion ofCaliforniabeing an Island. According to the usual Practice, though the true Cause of a Phænomena is unknown, to quote that Phænomena that favours a System which there is a Desire to establish as a Truth, not only in support of but to confirm such System, as to render the Truth of it unquestionable.
AfterVizcaino's Death, and though the Court ofSpainwas disappointed as to finding able and sufficient Persons inNew Spainwhom they could intrust, yet Adventures were made by private Persons, at their own Expence, both for Discovery and Settlements; yet these could not be undertaken without the Permission of his Majesty, who had taken it into his own Hand to grant such Commissions, and mostly required a Voyage toOld Spainto attain them; and the next Expedition that was made, at the Crown's Expence, was conducted by an Admiral fromOld Spain, who arrived inNew Spainin 1643, AdmiralCassanate, with full Power and Necessaries to equip a Fleet, and make Settlements inCalifornia; and he sailed on such Expedition in 1644. By which it is apparent that there were Ships at that Time inNew Spainproper for such Expeditions. As he came into these Parts within three Years afterde Fonte's Expedition, and took the Command as Admiral ofNew Spainwhen he arrived, it is to be supposed the ExpeditionCassanatewas sent on was too fatiguing forde Fonte, who was therefore retired to his Government ofChili. In the Year 1649 AdmiralCassanate, in Reward for his Services, being after the same Manner promoted to the GovernmentofChili,de Fontemust be dead at that Time. This Circumstance fixes the Period in which the Copy of this Letter was taken.
As whatVenegassays as to the Account (which Account hath been before mentioned) given bySeyxas y Lovera, as to its wanting the necessary Authenticity. Besides the usual Licences, wherein the Licencers declare there is nothing contrary to good Manners, and besides being dedicated to the King in his Royal and Supreme Council of theIndies,Seyxas's Book hath the Licence and Approbation of the Professor of Divinity in the University ofAlcara, Preacher to the King, and Principal of a College of Jesuits inMadrid. Hath also the Approbation and Licence of the Professor of Erudition and Mathematicks in the Imperial College of the Company of the Jesuits atMadrid. What unfavourable Opinion soever we may entertain of the Principles of these Persons, we must have such an Opinion of their Prudence, that they would not sign their Approbation to a Book while it contained an unnecessary Lie, which could be easily expunged, or until they were satisfied as to the Authenticity of this Account whichSeyxasgives ofPeche's Voyage, having been published in various Places. And it is indisputable from the Countenance his Book received, he was looked on at that Time as a deserving honest Man.
Venegasdesignedly omits other Accounts dispersed in various Books for Want of necessary Authenticity; but it is not to be understood that he absolutely denies that such Accounts are true. Neither is there so great an Improbability in such Discoveries having been made, as some of these Accounts mention, as is imagined, when such Accounts are duly considered.
We have already mentioned one Account which engaged the Attention of the King ofSpain, therefore must have been of some Authority. There is another Account (unless it be the same Account differently represented) of a Ship that, to the Northward of CapeBlanco, on the Coast ofCalifornia, passed through the Streight into theNorth Sea, and toOld Spain, which was also made known to the King ofSpain, mentioned byTorquemada, Vol. i. P. 725.
Most of the Discoveries are reported to have been made by Ships coming from theMoluccas, or from thePhilippineIslands to the Eastward, and which have met with bad Weather. And what, in those Times, Ships were necessitated to do, if there was a Continuance of hard Gales of Wind, we may learn from the Schedule ofPhilipthe Third, History ofCalifornia, Vol. i. P. 175, after mentioning a Harbour found byVizcaino, on the Western Coast ofCalifornia, adds, 'And lies very convenient for Ships returning from thePhilippineIslands to put into, and thus, in case of Storms, avoid the Necessity of making forJapan, as they have several Times done, and expended great Sums of Money. Besides, they usually have Sight of the Coast ofChina, which is an additional Benefit, as knowing where they are, they will not as formerly, in case of bad Weather, make forJapan, or those Islands, as the same Winds which would carry them thither, bring them into this Harbour. Again, P. 177, considering how much it concerns the Security of Ships coming from those Islands, in a Voyage of no less than 2000 Leagues, on a wide and tempestuous Sea, that they should be provided with a Port where they might put in and furnish themselves with Water, Wood, and Provisions: That the said Port ofMontereylies in 37 Degrees, nearly about half Way the Voyage.'
A Ship flying before the Wind, and the People steering her towards the Coast ofAmerica, to avoidJapanand the Islands, making a Cape Land on the Coast ofCalifornia, would run for what they supposed a Harbour, and the bad Weather continuing might proceed up the Bay or Opening they were then in, to meet with the Inhabitants, in order to obtain Refreshments, and to learn where they were, by which Means find a Passage. As Ships were distressed in hard Gales of Wind, in the Manner the Schedule mentions, there is no Improbability of a Passage being first accidentally discovered by a single Ship coming from Sea with a leading Wind into a large Opening, in Expectation of a Harbour, though such Discovery hath not been made by Ships intentionally sent along Shore for that Purpose.
It is to be observed, the People of thePhilippineIslands are those who most talked of a Passage: They informedPecheand others; and it is easily accounted for why they should do so: For if thePortuguezemadethe Discovery in a Ship from theMoluccas, there was a constant Intercourse between them and the People of thePhilippines; and whether the Discovery was made by theSpaniardsorPortugueze, some of the Company who were aboard such Ship as had passed through the Streight from theSouthto theNorth Sea, would return to theMoluccasor thePhilippines; and others would meet their Acquaintance from thence inPortugalorOld Spain; who would take Pleasure in relating to them the Accounts of their Voyage, and which they who heard those Accounts would be equally fond of communicating to others, especially when they returned back to theIndies. By which Means it would be known that there had been such a Discovery; and it would be out of the Power of the King ofSpainorPortugalto prevent its being so far known, but could prevent the Account of such Discovery being published, or the Particulars communicated to Foreigners.
In the Year 1568Salvatierra, a Gentleman ofSpain, who had accidentally landed inIrelandfrom theWest Indies, gave an Account of a Passage having been made by oneAndrew Urdanietta, and by the Circumstances of that Account it was about the Year 1556 or 1557. ThisUrdaniettawas a Friar, was with and greatly assistedAndrew Miguel Lopez de Legaspiin the Expedition to thePhilippineIslands in the Year 1564, and was called the celebrated ReligiousAndrew de Urdanietta. His being thus employed, and so serviceable in this Expedition to thePhilippineIslands, as he is said to have been, implies, that he had a prior Knowledge of those Parts, and must have been there before; and the Character thatSalvatierragave of him to SirHugh Sydney, then Lord Deputy ofIreland, and SirHumphrey Gilbert, was, that he was the greatest Discoverer by Sea that was in that Age.
Salvatierrasaid thata North-west Passagewas constantly believed to be inAmericanavigable; and thatUrdaniettahad shewed him atMexicoeight Years beforeSalvatierraarrived inIreland, a Chart made from his own Observations in a Voyage in which he came fromMare del ZurintoGermany, through this North-west Passage, wherein such Passage was expressed, agreeing withOrtelius's Map: ThatUrdaniettahad told the King ofPortugalof it as he came there fromGermanyin his returnhome; but the King earnestly intreated him not to discover this Secret to any Nation:For that(said he)ifEnglandhad once a Knowledge and Experience of it, it would greatly hinder the King ofSpainand me. AndSalvatierrawas himself persuaded of a Passage by the FriarUrdanietta, and by the common Opinion of theSpaniardsinhabitingAmerica.
It was this Account with some other that gained the Attention of the greatest Men of that Age to pursue the Discovery of a North-west Passage. Neither wouldDudley,Walsingham, or SirHumphrey Gilbert, and other honourable Persons about the Court, be deceived with fictitious Stories, and pursue a Phantom. Could the great Abilities and Penetration of aWalsinghambe defective in this Respect, which was so perfect in all other Respects, as to be the Admiration of the present Age. Those who condemn this Account, and some other Accounts of this Sort, have not considered, that upon a slight Surmise or Suspicion only they put their Judgments in Competition with and in Contradiction to the Judgments of those great Men, who embraced no Opinion as to any Matter but what was founded in Reason, and all the Circumstances relating to which they had first fully considered, and which Opinion they adhered to. As to a North-west Passage, making a Distinction between the Disappointments as to the effecting the Discovery of a Passage, and the Probability there was of their being such Passage. The King ofSpainwas equally successless as to the Execution, and at the same Time as much assured of the Practicability of making it; for which Reason SecretaryWalsinghamwas concerned at his Death, as the Attention of the Publick was drawn to aNorth-eastPassage, by which nothing more was proposed than a Trade toCathæyorChina, and that a North-west Passage was neglected on the Part of theEnglish.
It was an Opinion received inEnglandin the Year 1560, or earlier, that there was such a Passage; and before thePhilippineswere settled by theSpaniards. Soon after the Discovery ofUrdanietta,Frobisher, who set out in 1576, is said to have projected his Design, and made an Application for fifteen Years before. Did not succeed in the City probably, as they might not see any certain Advantage; but when he applied to the Court he succeeded. On what Plan he went is also evident, to find an Entrance to Northward of theLabrador; for when he fell in withthe South-west Part ofGreenland, it was supposed by him to be theLabradorCoast.
There is another Account on the Oath ofThomas CowlesofBedmester, taken the 9th ofApril1579, at a Time when Oaths were considered by all People as solemn and sacred Obligations to declare the Truth. He says that six Years before, he heard aPortuguezeread a Book which he set out six Years before in print in thePortugalTongue, declaring that he,Martin Chacke, had found, now twelve Years past, a Way from thePortugal Indiesthrough the Gulph ofNewfoundland, which he thought to be in Latitude 59° of the North Pole, by Means that he being in the saidIndieswith four Ships of great Burthen, and he himself being in a small Ship of eighty Ton, far driven from the Company of the other four Ships with a West Wind; after that he had passed along by a great Number of Islands, which were in the Gulph of the saidNewfoundland, and after that he overshot the Gulph, he set no more Sight on any other Land, until he fell in with the North-west Part ofIreland; and from thence he took his Course homeward, and by that Means came toLisbonfour or five Weeks before the other Ships. But the Books were afterwards called in by the King's Order.
This Passage was made about ten Years after that ofUrdanietta; and it is probableChackewas encouraged to proceed through such Passage, from the Report or an Account which he had heard of such Passage having been before made. It is evident he met with some Difficulties in such Passage which delayed him, as the Ships were atLisbonso soon after him, and as he expresses that he was far driven from the other four Ships he left them in a low Latitude, and being got to the Northward, without any Expectation of rejoining them, proceeded intentionally to make his Voyage by the Passage; which he would not have done to the Hazard of losing his Vessel and Cargo, for he was not on Discovery, but returning toLisbonin Company with other loaden Vessels, from whom he was separated, unless he had been assured that what he undertook was practicable, and a Passage had been made by some Vessel before that Time. This Account was received as a Truth by the principal People of the Kingdom, who certainly made a due Enquiry as to the Character of the Person who made the Affidavit with respect to hisCapacity, there would be a proper Precaution also, at the Time of administering such Affidavit, that it was exact and only what he knew positively as to this Matter, tho' there might be other Circumstances which he was not so positive in. And as this Account was at that Time believed, it must have been on better Reasons than can be at present urged by any one to call the Veracity of this Account in Question.
Juan de Fuca(the Account is fromPurchaseandNorth-west Fox) was an ancient Pilot, who had been in theWest IndiaofSpainfor near forty Years, and had sailed as Mariner and Pilot to many Places thereof in Service of theSpaniards.
He was Pilot of three small Ships which theViceroyofMexicosent from thence, armed with a hundred Soldiers, under aSpaniardCaptain, to discover the Streights ofAnianalong the Coast of theSouth Sea, and to fortify in that Streight, to resist the Passage of theEnglishNation, but by Reason of a Mutiny which happened amongst the Soldiers, for some ill Practices of the Captain, the Voyage was overset, and they returned toNew Spain.
The Viceroy sentde Fucaout again in 1592, with a small Caravel and Pinnace, armed with Mariners only, for the Discovery of the said Streights. Finding the Land to trend North and North-east, with a broad Inlet between 47 and 48, he entered it, and sailing therein more than twenty Days, found the Land trending still, sometimes North-west, sometimes North-east, and also South-eastward, far broader Sea than at the said Entrance; and passed by diverse Islands in that Entrance.
He went upon Land in several Places, and saw some People on Land, clad in Beasts Skins; and that the Land was very fruitful, and rich of Gold and Silver, and Pearls, and other Things likeNova Hispania.
Being entered thus far in the said Streight, and come into theNorth Seaalready, and finding the Sea wide enough every where, and to be about thirty or forty Leagues wide in the Streight where he entered; he thought he had well discharged his Office, and done the Thing he was sent to do; and that he not being armed to resist the Force of thesavage People, that might happen to assault him, therefore set sail and returned toNova Hispania, where he arrived atAquapulco, Anno 1592, hoping to be well rewarded by the Viceroy for his Voyage so performed.
The Viceroy received him kindly, and gave him Promises; but after an Expectation of two Years the Viceroy wished him to go toSpain, where the King would reward him; and he accordingly went.
He was well received at Court; but after long Suit could get no Reward to his Content, so stole away and came toItaly, to live amongst his Kindred in his own Country, being very old, aGreekby Birth, born in the Island ofSepholonica, and his proper NameApostollos Valerianos.
De Fucawent first toLeghorn, then toFlorence, where he met oneJohn Dowlass, anEnglishman, a famous Mariner, ready coming forVenice, to be a Pilot for aVenetianShip toEngland; they went in Company toVenice.Dowlassbeing acquainted with Mr.Lock, at least a considerable Merchant if not a Consul there; gave him an Account of thisde Fuca, and introduced him to Mr.Lock, who gave Mr.Lockthe preceding Account; and made a Proposal, if QueenElizabethwould make up the Loss which he had sustained aboard theAquapulcoShip taken by CaptainCavendish, which was to the Value of sixty Thousand Ducats, he would go toEngland, and serve her Majesty to discover theNorth-west Passageinto theSouth Sea, and engage his Life for the Performance, with a Ship of forty Tons and a Pinnace. They had two several Meetings on this Occasion; andLock, atde Fuca's Request, wrote to the old LordTreasurer Cecil, SirWalter Rawleigh, and Mr.Richard Hackluit, the Cosmographer, desiring a Hundred Pounds for to pay his Passage toEngland. His Friends wroteLockWord, the Action was very well liked, if the Money could be procured. As no great Expectations were to be had from this Answer,de FucaleftVenicein a Fortnight after, pursued his Design of going toGreece, and there died.
There is nothing in this Relation but what is very natural and simple.De Fuca's Demand was excessive, for which Reason, probably, as a Man who over-rated his Services, he was not rewarded by theViceroyor theKing; yet theViceroyavailed himself of him, by sending him to Court to give an Account of his Voyage, which he might be ordered to do,as another Expedition was desired, and a Representation for that Purpose made by the ViceroyLuis Velasco, as is mentioned in the Schedule of the King. History ofCalifornia, P. 173.
It did not appear that he could certainly perform what he undertook, concluding he was in theNorth Sea, from such Sea returned back toNew Spain, therefore had not acquired a Knowledge of the Entrance into the Streights from the Eastward; which was the Difficulty that obstructed this Discovery on the Part of theEnglish, and had been so much sought after, but unsuccessfully. His Age was also a very material Objection, that he would scarce be able to bear the Fatigue of such a Voyage, his Desire to undertake which immediately proceeded from his Avarice: Nor was it confident that the Hundred Pounds should be sent over to bring him toEngland, if the other Part of the Terms could not be complied with; which seems to be the Meaning of the Expression, the Action is well liked of if the Money could be procured. Andde Fuca, whose Motive for proposing this Undertaking, was to be satisfied for his Loss by CaptainCavendish, would not have altered his Design of going into his own Country, and proceeded toEngland, unless he was assured of his being so gratified on a Performance of what he undertook.
Dowlass, who was a good Mariner, as he travelled with him, and kept his Company, would have had particular and frequent Conversation withde Fuca, and who, as a Mariner, was more capable of finding out if his Account was true, and was thoroughly satisfied it was so, as he spoke to Mr.Lockabout him. NeitherLocknorDowlasscould have any sinister Views, but only animated by a publick Spirit to do their Country so acceptable a Service, which it was thought to be inEngland, as it is said the Action is well liked of.
As tode Fucabeing taken Prisoner by CaptainCavendish, and how did he escape out of the Hands of theEnglish? When the Ship was taken all the People were put ashore on the Coast ofCalifornia, the Goods were taken out, and then the Ship was set a Fire, which burnt to the Water Mark, the Wreck floated ashore, they erected Jury-masts in her, and fortunately got toAquapulco.
De Fucasays, the Cause he thought of the ill Reward he had of theSpaniardswas, that they understood very well theEnglishNation had now given over all their Voyages for the Discovery of aNorth-west Passage, wherefore they feared not them to come any more that Way into theSouth Sea; and therefore they needed not his Service therein any more: Which is so far agreeable to the Accounts of those Times, that, after the Death of SirFrancis Walsingham, the Discovery of a North-west Passage had no Patron at Court; and SirFrancishad particularly interested himself in procuringDavisto go on his last Expedition. The Discovery was not re-assumed until the Year 1602, by theMuscovyCompany, who had never engaged as a Company in this Discovery; but having made some successless Attempts, as to the North-east Passage, fitted out Capt.George Weymouthfor the Discovery of a North-west Passage, which it is observable was the same Year withVizcaino's Expedition. And it is observable the next Expedition for the Discovery of a North-west Passage, was not until the Year 1606, when Mr.John Knightwas fitted out; and the same Year the King ofSpainordersVizcainoon a third Expedition, butVizcainodied, though in the interimVizcainohad been toOld Spain, to make Application to make a fresh Attempt, at his own Expence, and he could not obtain Permission of his Majesty. As the Expeditions which the Court ofSpainorder peremptorily to be undertaken, correspond as to the Time with those fromEngland, shews a Jealousy on the Part of the King ofSpainthat theEnglishmight succeed as to a Passage through the Streights. And though it is mentioned as the principal Design in the Expeditions by Order of the King ofSpain, is the Discovery of a Harbour for theAquapulcoShip, the Publick understood there was yet a farther Design, and as much may be collected from the King ofSpain's Schedule in 1606. Countde Monterey, 'by pursuing the Discovery intended byDon Luis de Velasco, wrote to me concerning, and was of Opinion that small Vessels from the Harbour ofAquapulcowere the fittest; and that in the Discovery might be included the Coasts and Bays of the Gulph ofCalifornia, and of the Fishery, to which, in my Letter of the 27th ofSeptember1599, I ordered to be answered, that the Discovery, and making Draughts, with Observations of that Coast, and the Bays along it, having appeared to mehighly convenient, it was my Will he shouldimmediately put it in Execution, without troubling himself aboutCalifornia, unless occasionally—AndSebastian Vizcainocarefully informed himself of theseIndians, and many others, whom he discovered along the Coast for above eight Hundred Leagues; and they all told him, that up the Country there were large Towns, Silver, and Gold; whence he is inclined to believe that great Riches may be discovered, especially as, in some Parts of the Land, Veins of Metal are to be seen; and that the Time of their Summer being known, a farther Discovery might be made of them bygoing withinthe Country, and that the Remainder of it may be discovered along the Coast, as it reaches beyond 42 Degrees, the Limits specified to the saidSebastian Vizcainoin his Instructions.' Though these Orders were received inMexicoin 1599, no Voyage was set out on until 1602, the Time thatWeymouthsailed, then probably enforced by additional Orders from the Court ofSpain. The Expedition which was overturned by the Mutiny of the Soldiers, seems to have been about the Time of CaptainDavis's Expedition; forde Fucasays, after the Voyage was so ill ended, the Viceroy set him out again in 1592, which implies a Distance of Time between the first and second Voyage.
The InstructionsVizcainohad in the first Voyage were given by the Viceroy, for it was the Viceroy who appointed him, and were formed according to the Opinion that the Land beyond forty-two Degrees took a Course to Westward and Southward of West. And the Maps were constructed agreeable thereto, therefore the King says, 'Vizcainohad represented to him that the Coast, as far as 40 Degrees, lies North-west and South-east, and that in the two other Degrees, which makes up the 42 Degrees, it lies North and South,' and, as before mentioned, says, 'and that the Remainder of it may be discovered along the Coasts, as it reaches beyond 42 Degrees, the Limits specified to the saidSebastian Vizcainoin his Instructions.' Therefore whenMartin Aguilargot to 43 Degrees and found an Opening, he concluded, as the Coast was represented to be terminated to the Northward, by the Maps and Charts in Use, that this must be the desired Streights; and therefore said on their Return, 'they should have performed a great deal more, had their Health not failed them; for it is certain that only fourteen Persons enjoyed it atCape Blanco. The General and those that were withhim had a mind to go through the Streight, which they call ofAnian, and is said to be thereabouts. It had been entered by the foreign Ship, who gave Intelligence of it to the King, describing its Situation, and how through that Passage one might reach theNorth Sea, and then sail back toSpain, alongNewfoundlandand the Islands ofBaccalaos, to bring an Account of the Whole to his Majesty.'Torquemada, Vol. i. P. 725. But it is very plain the King had another Information of this Matter, and as to the Extent of the Land to Northward.Luis de Velascowas the Viceroy in whose Time the Expedition ofde Fucawas; and the Expedition ofVizcainowas under the Direction of the Countde Monterey, who was either not informed of what had been done byde Fuca, or might not thinkde Fuca's Account of sufficient Authority to justify him, the Viceroy, in drawing his Instructions agreeable thereto; contrary to the general Opinion of the Cosmographers at that Time, and the Description they gave of the Coasts in their Maps.
It must appear from what hath been said that there are no such great Improbabilities in the Accounts ofSalvatierre,Chacke, orde Fuca, as hath been represented. It is also evident that theEnglishhad great Expectations of succeeding; and the Court ofSpainhad great Apprehensions we should meet with Success, and be enabled to attain a Passage by the Streight ofAnianinto theSouth Sea; for which there must have been some reasonable Foundation both on the Part of the one and the other. TheEnglishwere first induced to attempt the Discovery of such a Passage, from the Accounts which they had fromSpainof there being such a Passage. The Court ofSpainentertained, as hath been shewn, an Opinion of there being such a Passage from the Time they conqueredMexico; and, agreeable to whatTorquemadasays, had a certain Account of it, or at least an Account which appeared to the King to be authentick. What that Account really contained we do not know, nor was it consistent that it should be made publick; therefore what is said as to the Particulars of it are but Conjecture, and Representations upon Reports, for which the Reporters could have no real Authority. AsVizcainoregretted being prevented, by the Sickness of his People that he could not go round the World, and have carried home toOld Spainhis Account of his Expedition. This firm Persuasion that he should have accomplished his Passage toOld Spain, by the Streight ofAnian, musthave been from some Information which he had received before he set out, that such Passage was practicable: Neither is it mentioned as if he proposed making a Discovery of it, but as of a Thing before done. It was the Opinion of all those who were with him, that it was practicable; which is agreeable to whatSalvatierrainformed SirHugh Sydney, and SirHumphrey Gilbert, That aNorth-west Passage from us toCathaywas constantly believed inAmericanavigable.Vizcaino, who is represented as a Commander of great Conduct and Discretion (and which the Account of his Voyage expresses him to have been) would not have attempted to make a Passage thro' such Streights, to the Hazard, perhaps entire Loss, of the King's Ships, and what he had before done rendered of no Effect, unless he had a discretionary Power either to pass toOld Spainby these Streights, or return toAquapulco.
After the Expedition ofKnightfailed, andVizcainodied, we hear of no other Expeditions at the Expence of or by the positive Order of the Court ofSpainuntil that of AdmiralCassanate, who went the third Year after the Expedition ofde Fonte, to make a Survey of the Coast ofCalifornia; yet we have no Reason to conclude there were no other Expeditions, but it is rather to be supposed that, after theEnglishhad proceeded in their Discoveries as far asHudson's Bay, the Court ofSpainthought it necessary, and found an effectual Way of keeping their Expeditions, both in respect to their Equipment and what was done on such Expeditions a Secret, by sending Officers fromOld Spainto conduct them, and as to which the Religious would not think themselves at Liberty to make any Publication without the Permission of the Court.
Having no Intercourse by Trade with those Parts, we cannot be acquainted with what is transacted in those Parts, any further than what theSpanishWriters are permitted to inform us, and the imperfect and uncertain Intelligence of those who have been cruizing in those Seas. TheSpanishNation have been particularly cautious of keeping the Knowledge of their Coast secret: Neither was it known, in the Year 1745, that an exact Survey was made of those Coasts untilPasco Thomasannexed to his Account of LordAnson's Expedition, published in 1745, a Copy of a Manuscript, which Manuscript contained an Account of the Latitudesand Longitudes of all the most noted Places in theSouth Sea, corrected from the latest Observations byManuel Monz Prieto, Professor of Arts inPeru, and are composed with as much Precision and Exactness, as Tables of that Sort are usually made; but when these Coasts were surveyed to the Northward, to attain a Knowledge of which was formerly attended with such immense Difficulty; and to what Purpose and what Trade is carried on there, we are at present entire Strangers to. It is by Accident only that we have this Account; and if theSpanishNation have used this Precaution, with respect to the Knowledge of their Coasts, undoubtedly they would use the same Caution with respect to giving us any Insight as to how we might find a more ready Access to such Coasts by aNorth-westPassage.
The Point ofSueste del Estrech d'Anian, inserted in such Tables, shews the Opinion of the Streights is far from being exploded; but it is acknowledged by the Geographers ofPeruandNew Spain, at the present Time, that there are such Streights. The naming theSouth Pointof theStreightimplies there is Land to the Northward, as to which it doth not seem to be consistent with the Purpose of the Person who composed this Table to take any Notice, but that there is such Land is confirmed by theRussianDiscoveries.
The Extent ofAmericato Northward and Westward, thatAmericaandAsiawere contiguous and only separated by a Streight, thatCaliforniawas an Island, that aPassageby theNorth-eastwas practicable, have been by laterGeographerstreated asChimeras, contrary to the earliest Accounts, and the Reports of the first Discoverers, and which, by later Accounts, the Consequence of actual Observations are found to be true. There was a Simplicity and Honour in the People of that Age; there was no Motive for telling the Lie, that they faithfully reported the Discoveries they made, and if a Falshood was discovered it might be dangerous in the Consequences; their Voyages were not lucrative Jobs, in Hopes of a Repetition of which they formed their Accounts accordingly. There was no particular System to support, for the Parts they went to were entirely unknown, that a Reward and Reputation should be procured through a prevailing Interest to such as spoke in Favour of the System. While those to whose Fidelity and Assiduity aloneit would be owing that such Discoveries were made, though repeated Endeavours were used to render the Undertaking ineffectual; and through whose Means alone the Truth would be made known to the Publick; should be ill spoken of, accused of Bribery, discountenanced, and the whole Merit ascribed to, where it would be least deserved, and, in Truth, where there could not be the least Pretension. Nevertheless the Reward given would be an Instance of a generous Regard in those who had Power to bestow of rewarding Merit, though they were inevitably deceived as to the proper Persons to whom such Reward should have been given.
No Authorities have been produced from Tradition or History which oppose the Probability of there being a North-west Passage, or the Reality of this Account ofde Fonte, which the more we examine the less there appears to be of a Falsity, the Circumstances of it so consistent and united, and there are so many extra Circumstances which concur with that Account, that we cannot but admit to be an incontestable Truth. We have not had a full Account of the Voyages and Expeditions of theSpaniardsinNew Spain, as some of them have not been permitted to be published.Venegasparticularly mentions, Vol. i. P. 14, and in other Parts, There are also Accounts of Voyages made to other Parts of the World, which are only preserved in the Collections of the Curious, and it is known but to few Persons that such Voyages were ever made. There are some Voyages which are mentioned to have been made, but cannot, after the most diligent Inquiries, be procured; yet it is no just Objection to the Authenticity of such Voyages, or as to their not having been made. What the first Discoverers represented as to the Extent ofAmerica, its being contiguous toAsia, as toCalifornia, and as to a North-east Passage, being in all Respects found to be true, there is the greatest Reason to believe that there is a North-west Passage; and it is consistent with that Precaution which theSpanishNation have made Use of, that we should not have any authentick Accounts relating to such Passage, which they were desirous of discovering as a shorter Way to theSpiceIslands and theIndies. But when the King ofPortugalandSpaincame to an Agreement as to theMoluccas, the principal Reason for making such Discovery was determined, and it became their mutual Interest that it should not be known that there was such a Passage. Their continued Silence with respect to such Passage, implies they areacquainted with there being such a Passage, though not to an Exactness. It cannot imply they are dubious, when we consider the Number of Circumstances there are already mentioned, which express the contrary.
There are Circumstances inde Fonte's Account which shew the Inference of there being noNorth-west Passageis not just, though just as far as it appeared tode Fonte, as the RiverParmentierswas not navigable for Shipping. One Circumstance is, that in the RiverHaro, and LakeVelasco, there were Salmon Trouts and large white Perch; also inLos Reyesand LakeBelle, but in Lakede Fonteexcellent Cod and Ling; which are Fish that always abide in the Salt Water, the others come out of the Salt Water into the fresh Waters to spawn. Whichde Fontewould account for that they came into the Lakede Fontefrom theNorth Sea, and when he passed the Streight ofRonquillo, supposed himself to be in that Sea, or from the Intelligence that he obtained fromShapleythat he was in a Gulph or Branch of it. Another Circumstance, as it flowed in the RiverLos Reyestwenty-two Feet, and inHarotwenty-four, and but a small Tide went into LakeBelle,de Fonteconcluded that the Western Tide terminated there, and that as the Waters rose to such a Heighth at the Entrance of those Rivers, that it was a Gulph he was in which confined these Waters and occasioned their rise at such Entrances of the Rivers. That the Tides inParmentiers, Lakede Fonte, and the Streights ofRonquillo, were from theNorth Sea. But by later Observations of the Rise of the Tides, a Tide cannot proceed fromHudson's Bay to that Sea whereShapleywas met byde Fonte, than through the Streights ofRonquillointo the great Lake ofde Fonte, and afterwards to rise so high in the RiverParmentiers. Neither can such a Tide proceed through the broken Land to Northwards ofHudson's Streights, namedCumberlandIsles (formerlyEstotland) and which extend as far as Latitude 70; for it is evident the Strength of such Tides is spent inHudson's Bay andBaffin's Bay: For at the Bottom ofHudson's Bay it flowed but two Feet, at the Bottom ofFretum DavisorBaffin's Bay, but one Foot. Which is agreeable to the Opinion of all the Discoverers of that Time, as to the Eastern Tide from the Proportion that the great Spaces or Seas which were to receive it bore to the Inlets by which it came in, that the Force of such Tide must be consumed in such Seas, and therefore expected to meet with a Tide from Westward, which counterchecked the Eastern Tide. On the other Hand, if we consider this Tide to befrom the Western Ocean, such Tide forced through various Entrances up a Streight as that ofde Fuca, must enter the Sea whereShapleywas met, with great Impetuosity; rise in Heighth proportionable to the Width in all Openings that there are to receive it. As it is the Tide roundGreenland, and that which comes from the Southward along the Coast ofLabrador, being both received in those Indraughts ofHudson's Streights, and the broken Lands ofCumberlandIsles, which causes the Rise of the Tides there. It may be supposed that theNorth-eastPart of theSouth Sea, and the Streight ofde Fuca, received the Tides which set to Eastward along the Western Main fromBeering's Streights, and the Tide which comes from the Southward along the Coast ofCalifornia. That the Tide is not from theTartarian Sea, in Lakede Fonte,&c.is evident fromBernarda's Account, who shews there is no Communication with that Sea and the Sea thatShapleywas met in.
As to the Cod and Ling in Lakede Fonte, or as to Salmon, it is not known that there are either Cod, Ling or Salmon inHudson's Bay: Neither have there been found Shoals or Banks to which the Cod could repair; nor is it known that any Cod have been catched beyond Latitude 57; an Article to whichDaviswas particularly attentive: Therefore it is not probable that they should come from theNorth SeathroughHudson's Bay to Lakede Fonte.De Fontementions Shoals in the North-east Part of theSouth Sea, which he passed up. And inVizcaino's Voyage there is an Account that, off the IslandGeronymoon the Coast ofCalifornia, the Ships Companies supplied themselves with Cod and Ling; which shews there are Cod and Ling in those Seas. It was reasonable forde Fonteto suppose that the Cod and Ling came from the Eastward from theBaccaloos, neither could he otherwise suppose, as the contrary is only known from Observations made much later than that Time.
Foxhad advanced in 1635, when he published the Account of his Voyage, that there was a free and open Communication of the Western Ocean withHudson's Bay: Which was looked on as an incontestable Fact until the Voyage of CaptainMiddleton. WhatFoxsaid was consistent with the Opinion which all the Discoverers had of the Proximity of the Western Ocean; who therefore judged of the Probability of their Success in the Parts they went into, from the Course of the Tides, whichif there was no Western Tide there was no Passage. This probably prevented that Success, as to a Discovery of a Passage, which through their Assiduity might otherwise have been obtained, had they not paid such a Regard to the Tides, but made a due Survey of the Inlets and Openings of the Coast, which on their not finding that a Western Tide came from thence they deserted, which was also the Case as to CaptainMoorin the Search ofPistol Bayas called, to Southward of LordSouthwell's Isles, there was no Western Tide; therefore a compleat Discovery of that Part was not made.
It is to be considered that the Northern and Eastern Parts ofAmerica, are more intermixed with Waters than the Parts to Southward are, being a high mountainous Country. The Mountains chiefly consisting of a brown rocky Substance, not penetrable by the melting Snows or Spring Rains, which therefore run off into the Levels and Valleys, and form inland Seas, great Lakes, and Inlets, which vent their Waters into the Ocean, necessary for carrying off that great Quantity and vast Bodies of Ice which are formed in the Winter in those Parts, not to be dissolved, as the greater Part is which is formed to the Southward, by the Influence of the Sun. The Northern and Westward Part ofAmericais also mountainous, and high Ridges of Mountains were seen from the Head ofWagerBay on the opposite Shore of what appeared to be a Lake; therefore there must be Lakes and Seas to Westward, Reservoirs for the melting Snows and Rains, also some Outlet or Channel to carry off the great Quantities of Ice also formed in those Parts; and with whichBarnarda's Account is consistent, and the greatest Reservoir and Discharge seems to be to the Northward by that North-east Part of theTartarian Sea. The LakeVelasco, LakeBelle, Lakede Fonte, may be all supposed to proceed from the same Cause, the melting Snows and Rains, receive the Ice from the Waters which run into them, which, from the Strength of the Currents and Tides, is soon shot from the Shores of such Lakes, broken to Pieces and carried off into some Passage or Inlet into theSouth Sea; and such a Vent or Channel to carry off such Bodies of Ice must necessarily be, agreeable to what is known by Observation in other Parts. The Objection of the great Distance it is between the Ocean and the Sea at the Back ofHudson's Bay, and whereShapleywas met, will appear of no Validity when we consider the Distance betweenthe Streights ofGibraltarand the Northern Part of theBlack Sea. Between the Entrance of theSoundto the Entrance of theWhite Sea, between which there is Communication of Waters, or very nearly so. And from PointComfortinHudson's Bay to AldermanSmith's Sound inBaffin's Bay, between which there is a Communication of Waters without entering into theOceanorDavisStreights. From LakeSuperiorto the Streights ofBelle Isleat the Back ofNewfoundland, or toCape Breton, is near forty Degrees of Longitude, or equal to 390 Leagues. And LakeSuperiorhath a Communication withHudson's Bay.
This great Afflux of Waters form such Meanders and Labyrinths, as it is impossible to say whether there is a Communication of Waters, or whether the Waters are divided by smaller or larger Tracts or Slips of Land, without an absolute Survey. The Lands so double or fold one within the other, that unless you get a proper Sight of such Lands so as to distinguish this, to discover the Opening that is between them, there is an Appearance of a Continuance of the Land, and consequently of a Termination of the Waters. So long as the Tide Argument prevailed it was not thought necessary to be so accurate in the Searches. A Sight of the Land trending a Course contrary to that Course which the Discoverers were to pursue to make a Passage, and the Tide coming from the Eastward, rendered a Search any further in those Parts unnecessary: and it may be owing to the great Impropriety of adopting a particular System, more than to any other Cause, that the Discovery of a North-west Passage was not made by those brave industrious Discoverers, who in a Series succeeded each other fromFrobishertoJamesandFox.
This seems to be certain, that there must be one great Channel, asHudson's Streights are to Eastward, also to Westward though intricate by which the Waters to Westward pass into theSouth Sea, and as that to Northward, the North-east Part of theTartarian Sea. We already know there is not a Communication byHudson's Bay, thro' any Inlet by which the Waters do come in there or sufficient for that Purpose; neither round the Head ofRepulseBay, for then the Current would have been met coming from Westward. Therefore such Channel must be to Southward and Westward, consistent withde Fuca's Account of a Streight, in somesuch Manner as is represented in the Map annexed. Which Account also agreeable to that ofPeche.
De Fucasays, he sailed twenty-six Days up such Streight before he entered the Sea; that the Streight grew wider before he entered the Sea. If we allow him fifteen Leagues a Day, from the Entrance of such Streights out of theSouth Seato where he entered the Sea, by him supposed theNorth Sea, the Distance is 390 Leagues. As he mentions that he found it wide enough every where, this Expression shews that he did not suppose himself in the Ocean, but in a Gulph of the Ocean. AndMartin Chackeexpresses himself, that after he overshot theGulph, he set no more Sight on any other Land. Therefore the Distance is agreeable to that Distance whichde Fucamust have gone to come into that Sea wherede FontemetShapley; the Description that he saw both Shores, makes a Consistency also in those Accounts. Beforede Fonte's Expedition,Hudson's Bay had been discovered, yet that Discovery made no Alteration as to the Accounts ofde FucaandChacke, asFoxsaid beyond Lat. 64, round that Land there was incontestably a Communication with the Western Ocean. Here is an Agreement in three Accounts, by separate Persons at a Distance of Time, who had no Intelligence of what had been done by each other; forChackewas aPortugueze; and asde Fucahad made his Report to the Viceroy ofNew Spainof what he had done, and what he had done seems to be mostly accounted of by himself, therefore no Regard might be had to it in drawingde Fonte's Instructions: All which three Accounts agree in there being a Sea to Westward ofHudson's Bay.
De Fucamentions he was ashore; saw Marks of Gold and Silver; Marquisates the same which was made such an Account of afterFrobisher's return from his first Voyage, and from which it may be inferred it was a barren mountainous Country whichde Fucapassed through. He was afraid of the Natives, who were clad in Beast Skins; and from whose Behaviour he must have had some Apprehension that they would cut him off, as he mentions that he was not armed against them.De Fonteis very express as to the civil Behaviour of thoseIndianshe met with, so contrary to the Character of those whomde Fucasaw. Therefore those whomde Fucasaw were theEskemaux, who frequent the mountainous and desolate Parts, and near to the Salt Waters where they can catchFish, also the Seal and the Whale, from which they get many Conveniencies besides what is necessary for their Subsistance; who are mentioned to be also on other Parts of the Coast ofCalifornia; are represented as a fierce and barbarous People, who hold no Treaty or Amity with their Neighbours, who are always in Fear of them.
Thatde Fonteshould not pass up the North-east Part of theSouth Sea, but go through Land, must have been, that the North-east Part of theSouth Seawas represented as a Gulph, not a Streight, from some Observations made prior to that Expedition, as to which the Observers might be deceived, by its taking a Southerly Course through some Inlet or Opening obscured by Islands, or the Entrance narrow, that they concluded it only to be some small Branch which soon terminated; having, at the same Time, a large open Channel before them, which they finding afterwards surrounded with Land, concluded there was no Communication with any other Waters, but that they had seen the Extremity of these Waters to Eastward. That these Waters took a Course through that desert mountainous Country, until they joined with the Waters of the Streights thatde Fucacame up, the People ofConossetmight not be able to give a just Account of, as they lived so far to Northward and Eastward. Though they, as the Natives ofConibassetalso came occasionally into the North-east Part of theSouth Sea; the one mostly frequented to Northward and Eastward, the other to Northward and Westward, as is apparent fromde Fonte's Account; where they had level and fruitful Tracts, as they produced so much Maiz; a hunting Country, as there were three Sorts of Deer; also Fish in their Waters. Whereas the Country on the opposite Shore of the North-east Part of theSouth Sea, as is apparent from being the Resort of theEskemaux, would be rugged, rocky, and remarkably barren, with little Intermixtures of level and fruitful Spots. Therefore the People ofConosset, orConibasset, would have no Inducements to go into those Parts. May be supposed the opposite Coast was the Limits of their Enemy's Country, with whom if they went to War, and knew that the Waters of the North-east Part of theSouth Seadid communicate to Southward with other Waters; yet it cannot be imagined that they went up those Waters so far in their Enemy's Country of so wild a Disposition, where they were always in Danger of being surprized, as to know whether those Waters joined with the Seain whichShapleywas met. Might also be jealous if the Jesuits, orParmentiers, or others who came there, were very particular in their Enquiries, that they intended to go and reside amongst their Enemies, which, as the Nature ofIndiansis, would cause them to be on the Reserve, and slack in their Informations, as to those Parts.
That those Persons who were in those Parts before this Expedition ofde Fonte, got no Information of this Streight, or of the Waters, as to the Course of them to Southward, there must be a considerable main Land to Southward of LakeBelleand Lakede Fonte, as is expressed in the Map, and as to the Sea to Eastward, that Part of it which was to Southward ofRonquillo, no more would be apprehended of it, being unacquainted as to the Streight, than that it was a Part of that Sea contiguous toHudson's Bay; and it not being known at that Time but the Tides came from the Eastward, would have no Reason to infer, from the Sea running to Southward, that it communicated with a Streight there.
To take away the Improbability of what is here advanced, we should reflect what Assurances former Discoverers gave, that had but the Season permitted to proceed, they should certainly have made a Passage; though when an Attempt was again made they found their Mistake; and from Observations then made, they saw good Reason to have a different Opinion as to the Nature of the Passage from what they had before, and very reasonable, as their Searches were made in Parts entirely unknown; and as to the Appearance of the Land, the Course of the Waters, and the Set of the Tides, the most judicious might be deceived.
TheSpanishNation had not been able to make out a Passage by their various Attempts, agreeable to the Accounts of private Persons, which probably might give an Opportunity for the Representations of the Jesuits to be attended to, who would urge every Argument in Behalf of their Discovery, and endeavour to invalidate the former Accounts as to a Passage; which by that Time, from the ill Success as to discovering a Passage, might not be at that Time so much thought of; and as Difference in Time produces a Change in Opinions, whatever makes for the reigning Opinion is adopted, as every Thing that is contradictory isdepreciated. The Arguments for the Opinion which prevailed before for a navigable Passage might be treated as fallacious and insignificant, and the Instructions for the Expedition ofde Fontemight be drawn agreeable to the Jesuits Plan, whom it is evident knew nothing of a Streight, but considered the Land ofAmericaas one continued Continent to Latitude 66. And whatever Weight this Conjecture may have, it is apparent from the Consideration ofde Fonte's Letter, that the Instructions were drawn from the Information of some who had been before in those Parts: And by whom can it be supposed more properly that the Court received the Information which they had than from the Jesuits, whose Understanding and Character would admit them to a free Converse with the Minister on a less Occasion than they would now have, to give an Account of those Parts they had been in.
TheCourtofSpaindoes not seem, from the Proceedings, to be of the same Opinion with theJesuits, orde Fonteafter his return. As the Governor ofCinoloais immediately ordered to take a Survey of the Coasts and Harbours ofCalifornia. And the next Year AdmiralCassanateis sent fromOld Spain; and it is probable the Court was not of the Opinion of theJesuitswhen they gave this Information, but formed the Instructions forde Fonteagreeable thereto. As the most expedient Method, at that Time, for intercepting the People fromBoston, was to go the Way they gave an Account of with the Boats through Land, as the Ships might meet with Difficulties and Delays in passing up the Streights, also ran great Hazard; theBostonShip might pass them unperceived. Whereas, on the Plan which was pursued, if they heard by the Natives that theBostonShip had passed, and taken her Course further to Southward or Westward,de Fontewould have repaired aboard his Ship, proceeded downLos Reyes, and with the Diligence which he would have made Use of, fell in with theBostonShip either in suchNorth-eastPart of theSouth Sea, or on the Coast ofCalifornia, leaving Orders forBarnardohow to act in this Respect on his return. From which Conduct, and the Look-out that was kept on the Coast ofMexicoandPeru, it would have been also impossible for theBostonPeople, unacquainted with these Parts, and not expecting such a Diligence was used to intercept them, to have made a successful Voyage.
That there is a Sea to the Westward ofHudson's Bay is reported by theIndians, and is represented to have Ice in it likeHudson's Bay.
GovernorDobbs, in his Account of the Countries adjoining toHudson's Bay (P. 19.) mentions fromJoseph le France, that their Savages reported that in the Bottom of the Northern Bay there is a Streight, they can easily discover Land on the other Side: They had never gone to the End of that Streight. They say there is Ice there all the Year, which is drove by the Wind, sometimes one Way sometimes another.
TheIndians, who are calledNorthern Indians, having their Habitations to North-west ofChurchill, mention a Sea to the Westward of them, and which is fromChurchillFactory inHudson's Bay twenty-five Days Journey, not a direct Course, but from the round they are obliged to take. They speak of theEskemaux Indiansto Eastward of them, but never give an Account of any other Nations to Northward or Westward of them. Mr.Scroggs, who was sent out by theHudson's Bay Company in 1722, had two NorthernIndians, whom he carried with him, when he was in about Lat. 62. knew the Country very well, and had a great Desire to go home, saying they were but two or three Days Journey from their Family. And the NorthernIndianswho were with CaptainMiddleton, were desirous of his going near the Shore, between Lat. 62 Deg. and 64. In Lat. 63° and 14´, CaptainMiddletonput two of theIndiansashore, who were desirous of returning to their own Country. And the Author saw anIndian, whose Daughter had married a NorthernIndianand been home with her, direct his own Son to sketch out on a Board with a burnt Stick, the Coast of that Sea, which his Son did, and the Father afterwards took and corrected it where he said the Son had mistook.