The Title affixed, and on other Circumstances relating to the Letter of Admiralde Fonte,shewing the Authenticity of that Letter, and of the Account therein contained.
Observationshave been made by several Geographers of different Nations on the Letter of Admiralde Fonte, to shew that such Letter is not deserving of Credit, is to be thought of as a mere Fiction or Romance, and is a Forgery composed by some Person to serve a particular Purpose. But it will appear, as we proceed in a more particular Consideration of the Title and Circumstances relative to the Letter of Admiralde Fontethan hath been hitherto used, and from the following Remarks on the Subject of such Letter6, That those Observations made by the Geographers have many of them no just Foundation, the rest afford not a sufficient Evidence to invalidate the Authenticity of that Letter, and of the Account it contains.
It is only from a Copy of the Letter ofde Fontethat the Translation hath been made, which is now published, as is plain from a Title being affixed,A Letter from AdmiralBartholomew de Fonte,then Admiral ofNew SpainandPeru,and now Prince ofChili. AsPrinceis never used in this Sense with us, it is apparently a literal Translation of theSpanishWordPrincipe, consequently this Title was wrote in theSpanishLanguage, and we cannot otherwise conclude but in the same Language with the Letter. From this and other Defects of the like Sort, which will be noticed as we proceed in our Observations, the Translator must be acquitted from all Suspicion of being any way concerned in this pretended Forgery.By the Copiest affixing this Title, it is evident he was well assured that there had been such an Expedition.
The Anecdotes, as to the Vice-admiralPennelossa, in the Body of the Letter, what is therein mentioned as to the Jesuits, evidence that a minute and particular Inquiry was made by the Copiest; that he had thoroughly informed himself of every Particular of this Affair; that he was assured that the Account by him copied contained the most material Transactions in a Journal ofde Fonte's, and thatde Fontewas then, probably from his advanced Age, in the Service of the Government in another Station.
This Expedition not being solely to intercept the Navigators fromBoston, but also to discover whether there was a Passage in those Parts thro' which theEnglishexpected to make a Passage,viz.by the back Part ofVirginia, byHudson's or byBaffin's Bay; it was an Undertaking which required that the Person who had the conducting of it should not only be a Man of good Understanding, but a judicious and experienced Seaman. The Time required to attain such Qualifications implies, thatde Fontemust have been of a mature Age when he went on this Command; andde Fontebeing alive at the Time that the Copy was taken, it must have been taken within twenty Years, or in a less Time after such Expedition, as the Copiest speaks ofPennelossaas a young Nobleman. The Copiest therefore could not be imposed on, as his Inquiries were made in such a Time, either with respect to the Persons concerned, or with respect to the Letter not being a genuine Account of the Voyage.
A Person might be so circumstanced as to attain the Favour of copying such Letter, induced by some private Motive, without an Intention of making it publick, as Publications were not at that Time so frequent as of late Days; neither is it less probable that a Copy so taken may, in Process of Time, come into other Hands and then be published.
Mr.Gageobserves, in his Dedication to LordFairfax, 'The Reason of his publishing a New Survey of theWest Indiesto be, because that nothing had been written of these Parts for these hundred Years lastpast, which is almost ever since from the first Conquest thereof by theSpaniards, who are contented to lose the Honour of that Wealth and Felicity, which they have since purchased by their great Endeavours, so that they may enjoy the Safety of retaining what they have formerly gotten in Peace and Security.' And thoughde Fontedeclares that there was no North-west Passage, yet that there should be no Publication of the Account of the Voyage is consistent with this established Maxim.
The North-west Passage he mentions is not to be understood, in an unlimited Sense, for a Passage between theAtlantickand Western Ocean to the Northward, but the Meaning is confined to that Passage expected byHudson's Bay: Forde Fontesays, that he was to make a Prize ofany seeking a North-west or West Passage7; by the latter he meant wherePennelossawas sent to search; andBernardasays, there was no Communication out of theSpanishorAtlantickSea, byDavisStreight; and there was an Extent of Coast whichde Fonteonly ran along, and had, but at Times, a distant View of; and as to the Jesuits, by whatever Means they got into those Parts, it is evident they had not seen all the intermediate Country. Therefore tho' the Court ofSpainwas satisfied that the Passage was not wherede Fontehad searched; yet there might be a Passage where he had not searched, and publishing this Account of the Voyage would be an Assistance to the Adventurers, as it would confine them in their Searches to those other Parts which were cursorily passed byde Fonte, and where perhaps they might succeed: Or this Account particularly describing the Northern and Western Part ofAmerica, not hitherto known, would be of great Service to Rovers, who had already found their Way into those Seas, by directing them to the Coast and Harbours, and giving them an Account of a Country where they could retire to with tolerable Security from any Interruption from theSpaniards, a good Climate, hospitable People, and a Plenty of Provisions to be had; Circumstances which might enable them to continue their cruizing in those Seas much longer than without such Lights as they would receive from this Account they would be enabled to do.It is well known that theSpaniardsclaimed all to the Northward as their Dominion, which they intended in due Time to acquire the Possession of, and the Publication might give an Insight to theEnglish; Settlers inAmericato be beforehand with them in attaining a Settlement in those Parts.
Their Attempt to intercept theEnglishSubjects, when made Publick to the World, would have given Umbrage to the Court and People ofEngland, which theSpaniardswould not unnecessarily, and especially at a Time when they had their Hands full of a War with theFrench, who had also incited theCataloniansto rebel, and had joined them with their Troops. TheSpaniardswere, at the same Time, endeavouring to recover the Dominions ofPortugal. Andde Fontehad respect to the critical Situation their Affairs were in, even before he set out on his Voyage, hence his political Behaviour when he met with the Navigators fromBoston, committed no Act of Hostility, yet made Use of the most effective Means to prevent their proceeding further.
As no Publication was permitted of this Expedition, this therefore could come but to the Knowledge only of a very few Persons inOld Spain. Such a singular Transaction being soon, from their Attention to other Matters, and their Ministry soon after entirely changed, no more talked of, unless it should have been revived by something of the like Nature again happening on the Part of theEnglish. As no Attempt was made by theEnglishfor almost a Century, this Transaction, in that Time, fell into Oblivion. At the Time such Attempt was renewed, then theSpaniardswere better acquainted with the Purpose of our settling inAmerica, they had altered their Designs of extending their own Possessions, there was also another Power who might pretend that such Passage, if made, was Part in their Dominion, so obstruct our free proceeding and interrupt our settling; theSpaniardstherefore having no immediate Occasion for any Researches back to the Records to acquaint themselves as to the Practicability or Impracticability of our Attempts, or to take Directions for their own Proceedings, the Remembrance of this Expedition continued dormant.
InNew Spain, the fitting four Ships to go on Discovery, as such Undertakings had been very frequent, it would not engage any extraordinary Attention of the Publick there; it often happened that what was done on such Voyages was kept a Secret. The more curious and inquisitive Persons would attain but an imperfect Account, by Inquiry from the People on board the Ships, as the Ships were divided, and they would receive no satisfactory Information of what was most material, and the principal Object of their Inquiry by those who went in the Boats, as Seamen delighting in Stories often tell what they neither heard or saw. The Consequences of the Voyage not known, because not understood, a weak Tradition of this Expedition would remain to Posterity; and the only Knowledge or Certainty to be acquired, as to this Expedition, would be from Journals accidentally preserved, of some Persons who had gone the Voyage.
Mons.de Lislegives us an Extract of a Letter from Mons.Antonio de Ulloa, wrote fromAranguerthe 19th ofJunein the Year 17538, to Mons.Bouguer e le Mounier, to answer the Queries they had made on the Subject of the Letter of Admiralde Fuente. That curious and ableSpanishOfficer sent them in Answer, That in the Year 1742 he commanded a Ship of War theRose, in the South Sea; he had on board him a Lieutenant of the Vessel namedDon Manuel Morel, an antient Seaman, who shewed him a Manuscript;Mons. Ulloaforgot the Author's Name, but believes it to beBarthelemi de Fuentes, the Author in that Manuscript reported, that in Consequence of an Order which he had received from the then Viceroy ofPeru, that he had been to the Northward ofCalifornia, to discover whether there was a Passage by which there was a Communication between the North and South Sea; but having reached a certain Northern Latitude, whichMons. Ulloadid not recollect, and having found nothing that indicated such Passage, he returned to the Port ofCallao, &c.Mons. Ulloaadds, he had a Copy of such Relation, but he lost it when he was taken by theEnglishon his return fromAmerica.It is evident, from this Account being seen in 1742, it is not the same from which the Translation is made which we now have, that being published in 1708. And asMons. de Lisleasserts, that the Letter is conformable with whatMons. Ulloasaid atParisthree Years before, with this Difference only, that he said positively at that Time, that the Relation which he had seen atPeru, and of which he had taken a Copy, was of Admiralde Fonte, this Manuscript, which contained the Account of the Voyage, may rather be supposed to be a Relation, or Journal kept by some Person, who was aboard Admiralde Fonte's Ship, a Friend or Ancestor ofMorel, than a Copy the same with this Letter, as it only mentioned the Purport of the Voyage, seems not to have the particular Circumstances as to intercepting theBostonMen. This Account is an Evidence so far in Favour of this Letter, as it proves that this Letter is not the only Account that there is of this Voyage, and that another Account was seen and copied atPerumany Years after this Letter was published inEngland. But if it be supposed that it is one and the same Account, and that from theEnglish, it would not have been accepted of and kept byMorel, and shewed as a Curiosity, unless he was satisfied that it was a true genuine Account of such Voyage, and as to which he would naturally inquire, being on the Spot, where he might probably be informed, and unless he was at a Certainty that what that Account contained was true, would he have produced the Manuscript, or permitted his Captain to take a Copy of it as genuine; yet we may with greater Probability suppose, that this Manuscript whichMorelhad was no Translation from theEnglish, but in itself an Original. Mons.Ulloaspeaking ofMorelas an antient Seaman, cannot mean that he was in the Expedition ofde Fonte, only implies his being acquainted with some one who was, with whom, from his Course of Years, he might have sailed, and attained this Journal.
What is said in the Letter of Mons.Ulloa, that he forgot the Name of the Author of the Manuscript, but believes it wasBartelemi de Fuentes, that the Author of that Manuscript gave an Account of. It must be considered, that when Mons.Ulloawrote he was inOld Spain, many Years after he had seen the Account, and three Years after he was atParis; and though he genteelly answers the Inquiries sent him, agreeableto his Conversation atParis, yet does not express himself so positively as when atParis, as in the Letter he only believes it to beBartelemi de Fonte.Mons. Ulloawould sooner not have answered the Letter than deny what he had formerly said; and if Mons.de Lislehad advanced that for which he had no proper Authority, both as a Gentleman and an Officer he would not have submitted to such a Falshood: But from Mons.Ulloabeing tender in the Account, being of a Matter which might not make any great Impression on him at the Time he received it, ten Years since, out of his Hands, and three Years after he was atParis, this Account is more worthy of Credit, and he might be more cautious, now he was to give it under his Hand, to soften the Reproach of his Countrymen for his not acting like a trueSpaniard, in being so communicative in this Matter. The Account which Mons.de Lislehath given, was with a Permission of Mons.Ulloato make Use of his Name, as the Letter Mons.Ulloasent testifies. Where Mons.de Lislehath not the Liberty to mention the Name of his Author, he only says, that there was a Person equally curious, and as well instructed in the Affair as Mons.de Ulloa, who assured him positively that there was such a Relation.
Though Mons.de Lislehad a particular System to support, yet, at the same Time, he had a great publick Character to preserve. Mons.Bougier,Mounier, andUlloa, were living at the Time he gave this Account to the Publick; they would be asked as to what they knew of the Affair; and a more particular Inquiry would be made of Mons.de Lisle, as to the Information he received from the nameless Person; and as there were several of his Countrymen who did not adopt his System, a Trip in this Affair, as to the Evidence he brings in Support of the Authority of this Account ofde Fonte, would have given them an Advantage which they would not have neglected, and have done Justice to the Publick, by letting them know there was little of Truth in this Account; but as no Reflections have appeared, we have no Reason to question the Veracity of Mons.de Lislein this Relation, on any Surmises of Strangers, on no better Authority than meer Opinion, without a single Reason produced in Support of what they insinuate.
This Letter, when published in 1708, was considered only as an Account that was curious; was looked on as of no Importance, and didnot engage the Attention of the Publick until the Discovery of the North-west Passage became the Topick of common Conversation, and would have lain, without having any further Notice taken of it, had not the Attempts to discover a North-west Passage been revived. It is from their being produced in a proper Season, that Accounts of this Sort become permanent, assisting in some favourite Design, being thus useful they are preserved from Obscurity and Oblivion. We have an Account, the Author CaptainDon Francisco de Seixas, a Captain in theSpanishNavy, and is frequently quoted by theSpanishWriters, though he is little known amongst us.—He says, P. 71. 'Thomas Peche, anEnglishman, having been at Sea twenty-eight Years, and made eight Voyages to theEast-IndiesandChinaduring sixteen Years of that Time, spent the other twelve in Trading and Piracies in theWest-Indies, from whence he returned toEnglandin 1669; and, after continuing there four Years, in 1673, with other Companions, fitted out at the Port ofBristolone Ship of five hundred Tons, with forty-four Guns, and two light Frigates of one hundred and fifty Tons, and in each eighteen Guns, giving out that he was bound on a trading Voyage to theCanaries; whence they bore away with the three Vessels, and went through the StreightLe Maire, with two hundred and seventy Men, which he carried directly to trade at theMoluccasandPhilippinas.
'And after continuing in those Parts twenty-six Months and some Days, it appearing to the saidThomas Pechethat from thePhilippinashe could return toEnglandin a shorter Time by the Streight ofAnianthan by the East or StreightMagellan, he determined to pass this Rout with his large Ship, and one small one, the other having lost Company by bad Weather, or worse Design in those who commanded it.
'And having, as he says, sailed one hundred and twenty Leagues within the Streights ofAnian, relates, that as the Month ofOctoberwas far advanced, in which the northerly Winds reign much, and drove the Waters from the North to the South, that the Currents of the said Streight ofAnianwere such, and so strong, that had they continued longer they must, without Doubt, have been lost; wherefore, finding it necessary to return back, sailing along the Coast ofCalifornia(after having sailed out of the Channel ofAnian) and those ofNew SpainandPeru, he went through the Streight ofMagellaninto the North Sea in sixteen Hundred and seventy-seven, with the Vessels and much Riches, great Part whereof was of aSpanishVessel which they took on the Coast ofLugan.'
Wherefore passing over all the rest of what the Author says in his Voyage, only mentioning what regarded the Currents, he relates, that when he entered into the Streight ofAnianhe found, from CapeMendocinoinCalifornia, for above twenty Leagues within the Channel, the Currents set to the N. E. all which and much more the Curious will find in the Voyage of the saidThomas Peche, which in sixteen Hundred and seventy-nine was printed inFrenchandEnglish, in many Parts ofHolland,France, andEngland, in less than twenty Sheets Quarto: And (he adds) further I can affirm, that I have seen the Author many Times in the Year eighty-two, three and four inHolland, who had along with him aSpanishMestize born in thePhilippinas, together with aChinese.
It can scarce be imagined the Whole is without Foundation, though no such Voyage is at present to be come at,Seyxaspublishing his Work soon after the Publication byPeche, to which he particularly refers, seems to obviate all Doubt of his Sincerity; and there are too many Circumstances, which are collateral Evidence, mentioned, to imagine he could be entirely deceived. He published his Work atMadridin sixteen Hundred and eighty-eight, dedicated to the King, as President in his Royal Council of theIndies, and to the Marquisde les Velez; the Work intituled,Theatro Naval Hydrographico de Los Fluxos, &c. This Account was received as a true and faithful Relation of a Voyage performed, as it was published in various Languages; yet the Want of this Account is a Particular, some Reason for Exception with us, that we cannot receive it as a Certainty. And we are more suspicious as to the Truth of any Accounts that we have received relating to the North-west Part ofAmerica, than to any other Part of the Globe. Our Opinion being in a great Measure influenced by the System we embrace, as, Whether there is a North-west Passage, or not? And for this Reason only, no Part of the Globe hath more engaged the Attention of the Geographers, and with respect to which they had more different Opinions.Those whose Opinion it was thatAsiaandAmericawere contiguous, had, for many Years, their Opinion rejected, but now confirmed to be true by theRussianDiscoveries; and we may conclude they had a good Authority for what they advanced, which was not transmitted down to us, as they had such an Assurance of what they had advanced, as they supposed there could never be the least Doubt of it. Those who advanced that there was Passage between theAtlantickand Southern Ocean, by a Streight in the Northern and Western Parts ofAmerica, and very likely on a good Authority, have their Opinion opposed, all Accounts of Voyagers treated as fabulous, and for the same Reason that the Opinion ofAsiaandAmericabeing contiguous was rejected, as they could produce nothing further for it than Tradition, and as to which the Tradition now appears to have had its Foundation in Truth. Soon afterAmericawas discovered, and theSpaniardshad settled inNew Spain, the Report of there being a Streight prevailed, the Truth of this Report hath not been disproved, and we have no just Reason to reject this Tradition for positive Assertions which are produced without any Evidence, but that our Attempts have not succeeded. Which is an Inference deduced from a false Principle, for our not having had the expected Success hitherto, doth not imply that we may not succeed hereafter, as we proceed in our future Attempts; and all that hath been said, as to there being no North-west Passage, is not adequate to the Tradition of there being such a Passage. This Tradition is also supported by a few Accounts, which we reject too absolutely. These Accounts are given by various Persons, at different Times, without any Concern, Connection, or even Acquaintance the one with the other; which Accounts shew that the Opinion of their being such a Streight prevailed. These Accounts were given by Foreigners; we could not receive them from any other, as we did not frequent those Seas, and at present have no ready Access to them. And as it was but occasionally that any Persons went into those Parts, it is but by a few Persons only we could receive any Information respecting thereto. Nor could we attain such Information as we have in another Manner, than from what our own Countrymen accidentally picked up, as a regular Publication of such Account was not permitted, and as some thought themselves interested to keep the most material Part a Secret, in hopes to turn it to Advantage, by being employed, or receiving a Gratuity for their Discovery. And Allowancesshould be made, without declaring a Person immediately too credulous, who reports what he hears only in Conversation from another; he may, in such Conversation, omit many Circumstances which it would have been necessary for him to be informed of, in order to give that Satisfaction to others to whom he reports this Information, which he himself received of the Truth of what was related to him at the Time of the Conversation. And we have no Reason to censure those as too credulous who have published these Accounts, until we get a more perfect Information as to the North-west Parts ofAmerica, which at present remain unknown. A Dispute arises as to the Situation of such a Streight; and Accounts given byIndiansare produced to prove that the Streight cannot be in such a Part, where it is supposed to be so far to the Southward as to have its Entrance from the South Sea, in Latitude 51; whereas, on a little Examination, it would appear that thoseIndians, whose Accounts are produced, are almost equal Strangers as to those Parts with theEuropeans. They do not seek inhospitable Countries, where there is little Produce, no Plenty of Fuel, great and frequent Waters, Mountains and Swamps, having no Inducement from Trade or on Account of War, as they would not go into those Parts to seek their Enemy, whom, with less Hazard and a greater Certainty of finding them, they could attack when returned from their Summer hunting and fishing to their Retirements, where they live more comfortably than in those Parts into which, by Necessity, they are obliged to go on Account of the Chace, as they could not otherwise subsist themselves and Families. And on due Examination it will appear all the Accounts we have from theIndiansare erroneously made use of, to evince that there is no Streight in the Part that is contended for. Instead of too severe a Censure on the Credulity of others, we should be cautious that our Diffidence does not lead us into an unreasonable Incredulity, and prevent our using such Testimony as is presented to us so candidly as we ought to do, and prevent our getting a true Insight into an Affair of such Importance; and the utmost that can be said of it is, that it is a Point yet undetermined, whether there is a North-west Passage or not.
As to the original Letter ofde Fonte, we interest ourselves in the important Matter it contains, and therefore become more suspicious anddiffident, as to its Authenticity, than upon a due Use of our Reason it will appear that we ought to be. As we have no Reason, as is apparent from what hath been said, that the original Letter should ever come to our Hands; and if it appear, as we proceed, that it is rather to be attributed to inevitable Accidents, than there not having been such a Letter, that we cannot attain any particular Information respecting thereto. If it is considered that we have a Publication of such Letter, the Deficiencies in which are not, as it will appear, any other than the Errors of the Translator and Printer. That there are a great many concurring Circumstances in Support of and conformable with what the Letter contains. And the Account is composed of such Particulars as exceed the Industry and Ingenuity of those who employ their Fancy in composing ingenious Fictions. These various Branches of Evidence cannot be rejected, if we make a fair Judgment in this Matter: There must be a Prepossession from common Fame, a Prejudice from a prior Opinion, or an Interest and Design to support a particular System, that prevents our accepting of it, as a Probability next to a Certainty, of this being a true Account; and there is only wanting, to our receiving it absolutely as such, that the Copy be produced from which the Translation was made, or a full and compleat Evidence as to what is become of such Copy.
Why we cannot obtain a particular Information as to the original Letter ofde Fonte, appears from the Account, which shews that the Court ofSpainhad a secret Intelligence of this Undertaking. And as that Court would not openly declare that they had such an Information, or how they intended to defeat the Design, the Orders sent, and consequently the Account of the Execution of those Orders, and whatever related thereto, would besecretPapers, and as such kept in a Manner that few Persons would have a free Access; and by those few who had, as the publick Business did not require it, might never be taken in Hand, unless they accidentally catched the Eye of some who was particularly curious. Thus neglected, in a Century of Time it might not be known, if the Subject was revived, where they were deposited, and being so few in Number would take up but a small Space, which might make it difficult to find them.
The Politeness and Civility which prevail in this Age, will not admit of such a Complaisance to curious Inquirers as to gratify them in that, which, in Policy, from good Reasons of State, might as well be omitted. There are Instances of late Discoveries being made, as to the Whole of which, from particular Views, as it is said, the Curious have not been gratified. And if this Expedition ofde Fontewas remembered, and the Papers relating thereto could be brought to light, it might immediately encourage us to proceed on making a further Attempt for the Discovery of a North-west Passage, therefore we can have no Reason to expect the Court ofSpainwould assist us with what might determine us to a Proceeding at which they must take Umbrage, as we are now become the only Power who shareNorth Americawith them, from the Advantages that such a Discovery would give us in case of a future Rupture between the two Crowns; though our present Intention is to increase our Commerce, by opening a Trade toJapan, and carrying on a Trade in a more advantageous Manner toChina.
We cannot be assured, if full Permission was given to find these Papers, and more particular Pains and Application used, than is customary with People in publick Offices, when the Occasion of the Search being to little other Purpose than satisfying Curiosity, whether such Search might not be rendered unsuccessful, by such Papers being burnt amongst many other State Papers, in the Fire in theEscurial, the common Depository for State Papers at that Time.
If we consider the Changes that have happened, as to the Succession to the Crown ofSpain, the Changes in the Ministry, Foreigners introduced into their Ministry, there must have been many Particulars, not only of this but of other Kinds, which they are not at present acquainted with, the Ministry having no Occasion to give themselves any Concern about them.Don Olivarez, who was the Minister at this Time, was known to do his Business by Juntos of particular People, as the Resolutions of Government thereby remained an inviolable Secret, which was not always the Case when the Business was managed by publick Councils. They also gave their Advice in a particular Manner, by written Billets, which were handed to the King, that every Thing was conducted in a very mysterious Manner during the Time that he was inthe Ministry, contrary to the former Practice, and which was also disused afterwards.
If Inquiry hath been made by the most intelligent amongst theSpaniardsas to this Expedition, and the Commands of the Monarch to make Discovery of these Papers, and the Orders relating thereto, have been duly executed, but they cannot be found. The Reasons are apparent, the Voyage being scarce spoke of at the Time, went soon out of Remembrance, and whatever may be in private Hands relating thereto, is not immediately recollected by the Possessors, and the Originals, if not secreted or mislaid, are burnt in theEscurialin the Year 1671, the usual Residence of the Court, and therefore where this Letter may be supposed to be received and lodged. For the Evidence relative to this Account, which the Distance of Time or other Accidents could not deface, yet remains. Ifde Fontewas Governor or President ofChili, from the Nature of his Office it must appear, amongst some Records or Instruments of Writing, and we accordingly are informed, that there was a Person in that Office namedFuente, which is synonymous. That we have not more minute Particulars, is by reason that the Account is from those Parts where we have not a free and ready Access to make our Enquiries, and from a People, excepting a few Individuals, who are not very communicative to Foreigners. But where we have not laboured under the like Disadvantage, we have found that there was oneGibbons, alsoShapley, Persons exactly circumstanced as the Letter mentions, upon the Authority of Records, the Tradition of antient Men, in those Parts where they had lived, and also other Accounts, supporting the Authenticity of this Letter, as will be shewn when we proceed to consider of the Subject of the Letter. There is therefore just Reason to conclude, was it possible to have the like Pains taken inNew SpainorPeru, we might meet with Particulars respecting this Matter, which would put the Truth of this Account out of all Doubt; and any Failure in the Inquiries there, may be owing to their not having been made with an equal Industry, and which it is not in our Power to procure in those Parts so distant and inaccessable.
The Circumstances of the Inhabitants ofBoston, and the neighbouring Provinces, during this Period of Time since the Expedition ofde Fonte, have been very different, they have not been subjected to the like fatal Accidentswith the People ofLima, and that Neighbourhood, who several Times have had their City laid in Ruins, and almost entirely depopulated by Earthquakes, particularly inApril1687, and in the Year 1746. The Buildings becoming an entire Heap of Ruins, and many People perishing, must lessen the Force of Tradition, and affect, in some sort, the publick Records; and if the Marine Office was at theCalloaofLima, theCalloahaving been twice overwhelmed by the Sea, then there is no Reason to expect fromNew Spainan authenticated Account of the Equipment of this Fleet under the Command of Admiralde Fonte.
Those who argue against the Authenticity of this Account, must admit that he was a Person of Capacity and Abilities who composed it, and should assign us some Reason, if a Fiction, why a sensible Person should undertake it, as there could be no Inducement either in Point of Reputation or Profit: For, if a Fiction, it is neither entertaining or instructive. Neither can any political Motive be urged for this Undertaking, as the Subject must then have been treated in a Manner entirely different; so managed as to shew that a North-west Passage was absolutely impracticable, and to let nothing be introduced that would afford the least Incitement to Adventurers to come into those Parts. But it is apparent, that in this Account the Facts are related in a plain and simple Manner, without any Violation of Truth, as they are related without any Consideration of their Consequences. The Representations made, as to the Tides, as to the different Sorts of Fish that came into the Waters from Westward and Eastward, would have been an Encouragement to a further Trial as to a North-west Passage, had such Account been published; and if the Phænomena as to the Tides, and the Difference as to the Fish, was not from its communicating with theSouth Sea, and the Attempt had proved successless as to the Discovery of a North-west Passage, yet to countervail, in some Measure, that Disappointment, there was a Prospect of a lucrative Trade, in all Appearance to be carried on in those Western Parts wherede Fonteis represented to have been in, with greater Convenience than that which had been carried on by theBostonPeople from the East before and at this Time inHudson's Bay, and theEnglishmight be invited, if successful in their Trading, to make a Settlement, an Event which theSpaniardswere apprehensiveof, and earnestly desirous to prevent. These are Defects which the Capacity and Abilities of the Author would not permit him to run into, if he was writing a fictitious Account, as he must easily see that such Representations to destroy the Notion of a North-west Passage, and prevent theEnglishsettling there, were absolutely contrary to his Purpose. To give a greater Plausibility to a fictitious Tale, the Scene may be laid in distant Parts, by this Means introducing, more securely, Names and Characters of Persons as real who never were; and though this Account mentions Persons who lived at a great Distance, and in an obscure Part, yet there were such Persons as the Account mentions. Also the Period of Time when this Voyage was performed, so corresponds with their Transactions, as the Author could fix on no other Period so agreeing with the Circumstance of MajorGibbonsbeing so long, and at that very Time, absent from home; and his Absence can be attributed to no other Cause than his being out on a Voyage. Here is more Plainness and Consistency than is usual in Fiction, with such a Variety of Particulars, and so circumstanced, as would perplex the most pregnant Fancy to invent, which can be no Way so naturally accounted for as by admitting that the Letter contains a genuine Account of a Voyage made by Admiralde Fonte, not a Forgery to support political Views; or that it is the Production of a sporting Fancy to contrast some other Performance, or in order to expose the Credulous to publick Ridicule.
The Editors of this Letter, whose Business it was to know whether this Account was authentick, gave an entire Credit to it as being authentick, not only as they assured the Publick in a general Way, and with respect to all their Pieces that they should publish, that they would only exhibit such as were of unquestionable Authority, but by their annexing an Advertisement to the Letter, have given us a particular Assurance of the Account being authentick; and we have just Reason to conclude theycouldhave given us that further Satisfaction we now desire; but what they have done was thought by them sufficient, as they had no Idea of theImportanceof the Subject. They comprehended not further of this Account,Than that it contained many curious and unknown Discoveries; and they humbly presumed, being Strangers to any further Merit that it had,that it would not, on that Account, be unacceptable tothe Publick. Had this Letter been published at a Time a North-west Passage was under Consideration of the Publick, there might be some Suspicion that the Editors had some further Design. But as to a North-west Passage after the Voyage of CaptainJames, and after the Discovery was entrusted to a Company, and no Success consequent, it was generally received, many Years before this Letter was published, that to find such a Passage was a Thing impracticable. The Opinion of there being such a Passage was treated as a Chimera: And the Affair of a North-west Passage lay in a State of Silence and Oblivion near thirty Years after the Publication was made. We may observe, that there is no Art in the Composition of this Advertisement; it was inserted by Men of Honour and Veracity, who had no other Intention in publishing these Memoirs than the Advancement of Science; who, from their general Knowledge, could not be imposed on, and cannot, from their known Characters, be supposed to have a Design to impose on others. And what further or other Evidence than that which they have given could be expected from the Editors, unless they had been acquainted with the Importance which the Letter now appears to be of? It was all that was at that Time necessary, as they did not expect that there would be any invidious Imputation of Forgery, for then they would have vindicated it from all Suspicion in a more particular Manner than they have done. They thought it a sufficient Proof of its Authenticity their receiving it into their Collection. As to that mean Reflection that this Account is a Forgery of someEnglishman, it is thoroughly obviated if we consider on what a Foundation such a Supposition must be grounded, which is, That someEnglishmancomposed this Account, translated it intoSpanish, though there were but few and very indifferent Linguists at that Time inEngland, to be again translated by the Editors, the better to impose on them and the Publick. The Publick is a Name which comprehends many Persons of Curiosity and Sagacity, for whom chiefly these Memoirs were published; and by these Persons, as well as by all others, the Account was received at that Time as genuine, without the least Suspicion of there being any Fraud or Imposture.
The principal Object or Design of the Publication was, that the Account contained a Discovery made of those Parts, as to the Knowledge of which the Geographers were at that Time very deficient; and the Editorsbeing satisfied as to the Authenticity, all they thought necessary was to give a Translation of the Letter. And, from their Avocations to their own private Affairs, did not consider it in so minute a Manner as it required, as is plain from their Apology made as to the Stile of the Letter, not beingaltogether so polite, being wrote like a Man whose Livelihood depended on another Way, and with an Abundance of Experience. Whereas the Politeness of Stile would have been an absolute Objection as to the Authenticity of the Account. That as it was a Letter wrote by Admiralde Fonteto lay before the Court ofSpain, what had passed in the Course of the Voyage, thoughde Fontemight express himself in proper and well chosen Terms, yet he was to use a Stile that was natural and simple. On the several Lights in which the Editors have been considered, as to the Part which they undertook, it must appear that they are unjustly reproached with Want of Integrity; they acted consistently, having no Occasion to say more with respect to this Account than they have done. Their Neglect was not from Want of Penetration or Design. Their genuine Characters were such as they could not suppose it would be ever suspected, that they could have any Inducement to impose a spurious Account on the Publick.
Those who censure this Account ofde Fonteas a Cheat and a Forgery imposed by some one on the World, have produced no Evidence from Facts, or urged any Thing to shew the Improbability of this Account; as to the Argument they so strongly insist on that the Original was never produced, it is highly improbable that the Original ever should be produced in these Parts; and there is a Uniformity in the Circumstance that a Copy only came to the Hands of the Editors, which turns the Argument against the Objectors. The Suspicion of there being any Deceit or Forgery, hath arose from there having been different Systems advanced by Geographers respecting these Parts: Those in whose System this Account is not adopted have been the Occasion of such Suspicions being raised, and have given some Countenance to such their Suspicions from the imperfect Manner in which this Account hath been exhibited; though that is not to be attributed to the Account in its genuine Dress, but as broken and disfigured by the Translator and Printer. The Glosses and Comments added by the Person who took the Copy, and those added by the Translator in Explanation of the Text, are inserted in the sameCharacter, and without any Distinction from the Text, and those by the Translator ignorantly introduced. Marginal Notes are inserted as Part of the Narration; Courses are omitted; others mistaken from the Translator's Inattention to theSpanishCompass; Dates misplaced by the Printer: The Translator also deviates from the Mode of Expression, and renders, in an inaccurate, confused and obscure Manner, a very material Part in this Account. Many of these Faults we may attribute to Precipitation, from the Translator wanting due Time to study the Letter, occasioned by a Persecution of the Printer, who pressed him to finish that the Printer might compleat his monthly Number, and, from the same Necessity, the immediate Publication, it may be that the Faults of the Press are so many. Such numerous Defects make it evident that this Account could never have been originally constructed in this Manner; and it is on these Defects only that they rely, or from which their principal Arguments are drawn to invalidate the Authenticity of this Account. They might have perceived that a Relation, so mutilated and impaired, must have had a more uniform or regular Shape at one Time or other: And the Editors, in their Index, when the Year's Numbers were compleated, stile itan original and very entertaining Letter of Admiral de Fonte, by which they mean for the Curious; and by stiling it an Original, they are not only to be understood that it was never before published, but also that it was wrote byde Fonte; which implies that they had aSpanishAccount, and of which, as being consistent with their Purpose, they gave only a Translation: Also the Impression of the first Part, being so uncorrect and full of Faults, the second Part more correct, and the Mode of Expression resumed, shews that the first Composition is not their own, but that it is a Translation which the Editors have given us. The Defects and Imperfections of which being pointed out, we shall comprehend what little Reason there is to dispute the Authenticity of this Account, from the Disfigurements which have prevented our seeing it in its proper Shape, and for suspecting those Persons to be Authors of the Fiction who meant well; but their Fault consisted in their Inattention to the Translator, who did not therefore give a successful Conclusion to their good Design, as by rendering the Account obscure and unintelligible, he afforded Matter for Cavil and Dispute as to this Account of the Voyage, whether credible or not, and which a just Translation would have confirmed to be true.
As to the NameBartholomew de Fonte, we may observe that when the Translator can render the Names in theSpanishbyEnglishNames which are answerable thereto, he doth not insert theSpanishNames, but theEnglish. Thus, as to the Ships, he calls one the KingPhilip; but when they cannot be rendered by a resembling Denomination in theEnglish, and the Name hath its Original from theLatin, he passes by the new Name, or as it is wrote in theSpanish, and gives us the antient Name, or according to the LatinSt. Spiritus,St. Lucia,Rosaria, forde Espiritu Santo,Santa Lucia,del Rosaria. Hath renderedBartholomew de Fonte,Philip de Ronquilloboth inEnglishandLatin. From which Management of the Translator, in giving the Name according to theLatinand not giving it as it hath been transformed or changed agreeable to theSpanishOrthography, there is just Reason to conclude the Name which is here renderedFonte, wasFuenteorFuentesin the Original. But if it was wroteFonte, it was in the provincial Dialect, different from the Manner of writing the good Writers introduced, which did not immediately prevail in all Parts alike, but was gradually received. For Instance, they wroteFuenterabiainCastile, when theBiscaynerscontinued to writeFonterabia; and it is as often spelt the one Way as the other in our Books and Maps.
FuenteandFuentesare not of one Termination.FonteorFuente, in the Titles of theMarquis Aguila de Fuente, so inde Fuente de Almexi, is of the singular Number, or the Title is taken from the Water ofAlmexi. ButFuentes, in the Titles of theMarquis de Fuentes, and inConde Fuentes de Valde Pero, or ofDon Pedro Enriques Conde de Fuentes, expresses a plural Number, which the Translator, through his Indifference as to the Subject which he was employed to translate, might not observe.
Don Pedro Enriques Conde de Fuenteswas raised to the Honour of being a Grandee byPhilipthe Third, in the Year 1615, in respect to his great Services in the Wars; was descended from a Branch of that illustrious Family theEnriques. Nine of which Family were successively Admirals ofCastile; and the ninth,Don Joan Alonso Enriques, was in that high Post at the Time of this Expedition. There were Intermarriages between the Families ofEnriquesandValasco; andDon Pedrowas succeeded in his Estate and Title byDon Luis de Haro, of the principalHouse ofValasco, and Son-in-Law toDon Olivarez. These Circumstances considered, we have a further Reason to suspect that the Namede Fonteis not duly rendered by the Translator, as there is a Consistency in a Relation of theConde de Fuentesbeing advanced to be Admiral ofNew SpainandPeru, which coincides with what is reported fromNew Spain, of the Name beingFuentesof the Person who was President ofChili. It was also apparent thatde Fontewas a Man of Family, from those who took the respective Commands under him.Pennelossa, of whom more particular mention is made in the Letter:Philip de Ronquillo, seemingly allied toJohn de Ronquillo, who did considerable Service in the Year 1617, and was Governor of thePhilippineIslands. There was alsoRonquilloa Judge, sent to reduce the Insurgents at the City ofSegovia, in the Time of the Civil Wars inSpain.Pedro de Bonardæ, who is afterwards called CaptainBarnarda: Of him we must have the least to say; and we could not expect to be any Way successful in our Inquiries from this Inaccuracy. He seems not to have had so distinguished an Alliance as the others, and employed on this Expedition on the Account of his Abilities, being allotted to a Service not like that ofPennelossa, orRonquillo, disagreeable in respect to the Climate, fatiguing and hazardous. That he was a Gentleman by his Descent, is evident from his being namedde Bonardæ.
TheSpanishFleet was but in a mean Condition at the Conclusion of the Ministry of the Duke ofLerma; but when an Expedition was set out to recoverSt. Salvadorin the Year 1626, was much improved; thePortuguesehad twenty-six Sail, but theSpanishFleet were now numerous. It doth not appear that the Fleets fromLisbon, whenPortugalwas under the Crown ofSpain, were sent otherwhere than to theEast Indies,Brazil, and the Perlieus; and those fromOld Spain, that sailed fromCadiz, went toNew Spain, and the Islands under that Dominion. In the Year 1596, when SirFrancis DraketookCadiz, he burnt the Fleet that was lying there bound forMexico; and Mr.Gage, in the Year 1625, sailed with a Fleet of sixteen Sail, all forMexico, and to theWest Indiesseventeen Sail, besides eight Galleons for a Convoy, all under twoSpanishAdmirals.
The Inconsistency thatde Fonte, aPortugueze, should be in such a Post asAdmiral of New Spain, a great Objection to the Authenticity of this Account, is removed by the Observations that have been made as to the Namede Fonte, by which it appears that he was not aPortugueze, and their having Sea Commanders,Spaniardsby Birth, with whom they could supply the principal Posts in the Marine, without being under the Necessity of applying toPortugalfor Persons qualified to fill those Stations.
As tode Fontebeing afterwards President ofChili, it is meant of theAudience of Chili, subordinate to theViceroy of Peru.