[1]Φυσει πασιν ανθρωποις ὑπαρχει των μεν λοιδοριων κ των καταογριων ακουειν ἠδεως, τοις επαινουσι δ’ αὑτονς ἀχθεσθαι.
[1]Φυσει πασιν ανθρωποις ὑπαρχει των μεν λοιδοριων κ των καταογριων ακουειν ἠδεως, τοις επαινουσι δ’ αὑτονς ἀχθεσθαι.
[1]Φυσει πασιν ανθρωποις ὑπαρχει των μεν λοιδοριων κ των καταογριων ακουειν ἠδεως, τοις επαινουσι δ’ αὑτονς ἀχθεσθαι.
To give advice, without giving offence, is a serious difficulty;—it has been pertinently observed, that to give advice is to seize an occasion of displaying our own wisdom, at the expence of others, and however readily a superiority in all other respects, may be admitted, the assumption of superior sense and understanding is universally offensive; the learned Baronet has made a pompous display of his diligence, his research, his consequent information, and urges his claim to attention, from the mortifying circumstance of our inferiority in understanding, when compared with his own:—making no pretensions to superiority of intellect, claiming only the free exercise of reason and common sense, and suspecting that some ingredients in the Rev. Baronet’s prescription (should it be adopted) might prove injurious to the general system; We are anxious to preserve the constitution sound and vigorous, and being members of the public, we look upon ourselves as included in the number of patients, we shall therefore take the liberty,without further ceremony, of examining (as far as we can understand it) into the composition of his Antidote.
The Revd. Author thus expresses himself: “to the superintending care of an energetic, firm, and most popular administration, I with confident security resign the civil and constitutional difference of my country; the established government in state, may in such hands be saved from destruction;” we must beg leave in this particular, to dissent from his prescription (of which we deem this an ingredient, since he recommends it by the authority of his own example) as, however energetic, firm, popular, and even strenuously devoted to public liberty the present ministers may be, they are but men, of course liable to error and assailable by the temptations of power and interest we would, on the contrary, recommend a jealous vigilance with respect to every measure of every administration;—the immediate interests of a minister may be distinct from those of the people, he may therefore, in some instances be induced to sacrifice all considerations for the public good, to the prevailing motives of avarice and ambition:—and here we will repeat our dissent from a Right Honorable Gentleman, should he have asserted (which however, we gather only from a News-paper report) that the people have no right to enter into discussions concerningcivil Polity in general, or the immediate measures of government; his legal experience we presume, will inform him that a Trustee is accountable for the proper management of his trust;—both the executive and legislative bodies are trustees of the people, to whom they are responsible, for the due discharge of the sacred trust reposed in them; the more they enquire into the effects resulting from the measures of every administration, the more competent will they become in appreciating the merits of their respective trustees, and the more clearly will they discern the propriety of conferring upon, or withholding from them their farther confidence.
He considers “unrestricted Emancipation to be impossible, so long as the Constitution in Church and State shall be Protestant” and asserts “that the necessity of excluding Papists from Parliament, and from the great offices of State, is imperious, in order to preserve both from destruction.” Neither can we subscribe to this opinion of the Revd. Author;—We have endeavored to prove (and hope with success) that the Authorities he quotes are unfounded, or obsolete and at present of no force:—an equal Participation in the same rights and privilege produces union and harmony, even among those who, from the circumstance of receiving different educations, may have imbibeddifferent religious tenets; whilst a partial preference, and distinct privileges annexed to the profession of a particular faith, encourage the growth of jealousy and discussion:—Divide and imperais the boasted maxim of a crooked policy;—a well constituted Government consults for, and endeavours to promote the common welfare of all its subjects:—what have been the measures of policy pursued with regard to Ireland? The bulk of its population is Catholic, and has during a century groaned under the arbitrary sway of a Protestant Government, partial to professors of its own faith, and arming them with distinct privileges;—the Catholics have been subject to an Oligarchy, composed of their declared opponents;—they have been debarred from acquiring real property;—their Estates have been liable to confiscation, for refusing to swear contrary to their consciences;—they have been restricted in the free exercise of their religion, and from educating their children in that faith which they esteemed the true one;—can it be expected, that these circumstances should attach them to the constitution? they acknowledge its excellence, and that its subjects enjoy a greater portion of liberty, than the subjects of any other state in Europe;—they look upon themselves, however, not as its subjects, but its slaves:—instead of interminable hostility against the Catholics, we would earnestly recommendconciliation;—let them be once admitted to all the privileges of subjects, they will (we dare affirm) become equally zealous in their attachment to the Constitution, as the Protestant himself.—In maintaining the contrary opinion, we regret that the Revd. Sir Harcourt Lees, should forget his character as a gentleman and a scholar, for, however he may vent his spleen in gross and vulgar abuse, a sinner against good-breeding, and the laws of decency will no more be esteemed a good author, than will a sinner against grammar, good argument, or good sense.
He is scarcely less abusive in his animadversions upon the Fanatics or Evangelical, and if they, in reality, maintain such tenets as he attributes to them, we must acknowledge that they are objectionable; they tend to diminish the general benevolence of mankind, and to render them regardless of moral rectitude; but persecution is still more dangerous, and in proposing a strong test, in addition to the Thirty-nine Articles he seems actuated, in some measure, by a spirit of persecution; even Bishop Burnet (whose orthodox we presume will not be disputed) confesses that the requiring subscription to the Thirty nine Articles, is a great imposition:—and, would you, Revs. Sir, impose a more grievous test of orthodoxy?—be assured, that the strength of your test, and its embracing a multitude of objects will not tend to confirmyour establishment:—it may and probably will flourish, in power and wealth, with the government of which it forms a part, but the superior excellence of the doctrines you profess, your own exemplary deportment in private life, together with a zealous exertion in the discharge of your sacred functions, will also render its influence extensive, or its duration permanent:—here we would recommend (but with the utmost deference and humility) the co-operation of Government,—were the gradations in preferment allotted to gradations in merit,—were the dignities of the Church, exclusively, appropriated to eminence in virtue, piety, learning, the clergy in early life would be stimulated to exertion for the attainment of these good qualities, their exertions would, in general, be crowned with success, and thus, at a more advanced period, they would become illustrious ornaments to their profession; whilst the people instructed by the impressive exhortations, and influenced by the upright conduct of their clergy, would be far more inclined to the practise of morality and good-order.
In regard to the radical reformers, their views may possibly be directed to tumult and anarchy, but the ostensible object of their contemplation do not appear to us visionary and impracticable, such material changes, however, admitted at once into the system, might be attended with danger and convulsion, wewilt by no means venture to deny that it might be so, yet Burnet (zealously devoted to Government in his time) recommends the annual Election of Representatives as an effectual expedient to stem the progress of corruption, which had, even then, made great inroads among all ranks of people: Election by ballot would defeat all the purposes which, at present, induce many of the candidates to resort to bribery; whilst universal suffrage would disable them from tampering with all the voters:—corruption has moreover in some instances, and at some periods, insinuated itself into the representative body;—the expediency of reform, therefore, can be no longer doubtful;—and that reform is necessary, the most eminent characters in our Empire have, long since, acknowledged, they have likewise on several occasions attempted to introduce it;—whilst Foreigners contemplating the excellence of the British Constitution, and enumerating the beneficial consequences, resulting to the several Nations of Europe, from the example of a free and independent State, flourishing among themselves, have deeply lamented the existence of a vice in the system, which must gradually undermine it;—O Honte (says Raynal) l’Homme riche achete les suffrages de ses Commettans, pour obtenir l’Honneur de les representer; la Cour achete les suffrages des Representans gouverner plus despotiquement;une Nation sage ne travailleroit elle pas a prevenir l’une & l’autre corruption? N’est il pas etonnant que cela ne se soit pas fait, le jour qu’un Representant eut l’impudence de faire attendre ses Commettans dans son Antichambre, & de leur dire ensuite, je ne sais ce que vous voulez, mais je n’en ferai qu’a ma tete; je vous ai achetés fort cher, & j’ai bien resolu de vous vendre le plus cher que je pourrai:—we here confidently recommend a radical reform in ourselves, for the purpose of insuring to the body politic a sound and perfect recovery—Let every member of the state correct his own vices—and the voters should not only correct themselves; but it is their duty to examine into the qualifications which can entitle a candidate to their approbation;—is he frugal in his expences without meanness?—is he liberal, without profusion or ostentation?—is his private life marked by no destructive vice?—they may safely conclude that such a representative, unassailable by corruption, will discharge his trust with fidelity.
In consequence of the demise of our late and regretted Monarch, the period is at hand when the people will have a legal opportunity of freely and openly expressing their sentiments, in regard to the measures lately adopted by Administration;—if, in their opinion, the good and loyal subject is farther protected, by these means,in the unmolested enjoyment of his rights and privileges;—if the cottage of the meanest peasant still remains his castle, from which he may legally repel all violent intrusion;—if the Press restrained only in its licentiousness, is confirmed in the full exercise of its liberty (the great Bulwark of the British Constitution)—then will their former members, who supported such enactments, be returned to Parliament, as deserving objects of their preference:—but should they think that encroachments on civil liberty are substituted as safeguards to the Constitution;—that the habitation of every British subject is exposed, even, to nightly visitations, at the capricious will of a Magistrate;—that the liberty of the Press is essentially violated, under a specious pretext of correcting its abuses, and preventing the dissemination of blasphemous and seditious libes;—the people will be aroused to a consideration of the danger impending over themselves, and therefore be cautious in their choice of Representatives;—in either case, however, we finally recommend inviolable abstinence from corruption:—Let no views of present emolument, no promises of further patronage,—let neither threats, nor intreaties prevail on you to depart from the conscientious discharge of your duty as voters:—the corruption of the constituent, will serve as an apology for the corruption of the Representativebody:—exhibit in yourselves a generous example of reform:—your Representatives, chosen for the good qualities you have discerned in them, will copy the example and thus will the pernicious disorder, preying upon your very vitals, be in some measure checked, if not entirely eradicated from your constitution.
We have thus far obtruded upon the Public, in consequence of our objections to the Antidote of Sir Harcourt Lees, and conclude with an anxious wish that, whatever application may be adopted by them, it may most conduce to the advancement of civil and religious liberty, and may best contribute to the present and future welfare of the people.
PHILODEMUS.