[230]Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, pp. 174, 184.[231]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 9, F. 45, Parte Inferiore, Lettera 92.[232]Ibidem, Tom. 51, F. 101, P. Inf., Lett. 107.[233]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf., Lett. 42, 43, 44, 45, 77, 97.[234]Muratori, Annali d’Italia, ann. 1563.—De Thou, Hist., Lib.XXXVI.[235]Lettere del Archivescovo Calini (Baluz. et Mansi Miscell., IV, 329).[236]Salomoni, Memorie Storico-Diplomatiche, p. 159 (Milano, 1806).[237]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 23, F. 73, P. Inf. Lett. 47.[238]Ibidem, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf. Lett. 176.[239]Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, FilzaVII, n. 43.[240]Lettere del Nunzio Visconti, n. 67, 68 (Baluz. et Mansi, Miscell., III, 491-2).—Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib.XXII, cap. viii, n. 2-4.[241]Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, FilzaVII, n. 40 (see Appendix).[242]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 54, F. 104, P. Inf. Lett. 48.[243]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F. 106, P. Inf. Lett. 211.[244]Beccatini, Istoria dell’ Inquisizione, p. 178.[245]Acta Eccles. Mediolanens., I, 471 (Mediolani, 1843).[246]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. VI, 29.—See Appendix.[247]Ibidem, Tom. 54, Vol. 68, F, 104, P. Inf. Lett. 63, 147, 163; Tom. 55, F, 105, Lett. 250.[248]Ibidem, C. 185, P. Inf. Carta 14.[249]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 44, F, 94, P. Inf. Lett. 72; Tom. 56, F, 106, Lett. 51, 206, 211.Brescia formed part of the Venitian territory, in which these weekly conferences of the secular and inquisitorial powers were prescribed. When the Inquisition was founded in the thirteenth century, Venice refused it admission, but in 1249 it organized a kind of secular tribunal against heresy, known as thetre Savi dell’ eresiaorAssistenti. At length, in 1289 it admitted an inquisitor, but adjoined to him the Assistenti, who were not to partake in the judgements but to see that he did not overstep his proper functions and to lend when necessary the aid of the secular arm. As the mainland territory of the Republic increased and the reorganized papal Inquisition appointed its delegates in the cities, the Signoria in 1548 provided that therettorior other magistrates in each place should coöperate with the inquisitor and bishop asassistenti. Rome took umbrage at this and a prolonged negotiation ensued, which ended with theassistentibeing accepted, with the understanding that they were to have a consultative but not a decisive vote. This gave the Signoria power to curb excesses and to save the people from being harassed with inquisitorial prosecutions for trifling cases of sorcery, bigamy, etc., which were so bitterly complained of elsewhere. If we may believe Páramo, when Philip failed to inflict the Spanish Inquisition on Milan, Pius V sought to introduce one of the same kind in Venice, but the proposition produced so alarming a popular excitement that the Signoria prevailed upon him to abandon the attempt, promising at the same time to exercise the greatest vigilance in the suppression of heresy.—Vettor Sandi, Principj di Storia Civile della Repubblica di Venezia, Lib.X, cap. iii, art. 3 (Venizia, 1756).—Albizzi, Riposta all’ Historia della Sacra Inquisitione del R. P. Paolo Servita, pp. 40-58 (Ed.II,s. l. e. d.).—Páramo de Orig. Off. S. Inquis., p. 266.—Natalis Comitis Historiar., Lib.XIV, ann. 1564.[250]See Appendix for a decree of Pius V, issued within a few months of his accession.[251]See Appendix.[252]Bzovii Annales, ann. 1566, n. 88. This may very probably have been the occasion of the decree just referred to.Yet the duke, in 1567, offered no opposition when Pius V ordered him to send to Rome for trial the canon Ceruti, who, in 1569, was condemned to the galleys for life. He could not have been a Protestant for his chief heresy was the denial of immortality. The intercession of the duke however, in 1572, procured his liberation and permission to keep his house in Mantua as a prison.—Bertolotti, Martiri del Libero Pensiero, pp. 43-5 (Roma, 1891).[253]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 5, F, 41, and F, 177, P. Inf.Catena relates (Vita di Pio V, p. 157) that an heretical preacher of Morbegno in the Valtelline, named Francesco Cellaria was accustomed to visit Mantua secretly as a missionary, where he had relations with some of the nobles. To put an end to this, Pius sent in disguise the Dominican Piero Angelo Casannova to the Valtelline with instructions for his capture. With a band of eight men Casannova kidnapped him at Bocca d’Adda, as he was returning from Coire to Morbegno, hurried him to Piacenza whence Duke Ottavio Farnese transmitted him to Rome. There he was condemned to be burnt alive but at the last moment he weakened and recanted, so that he was strangled before burning. He had been forced to name his accomplices in Mantua and other cities, and immediate steps were taken for securing them. The Grisons complained loudly of this invasion of their territory, but the Duke of Alburquerque, then Governor of Milan (1564-71), replied that the papal jurisdiction over heresy was supreme in all lands.[254]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F, 106, P. Inf. Lett. 140.[255]Acta Eccles. Mediolanens. I, 67, 469.[256]Decreta Sac. Congr. Sti. Officii, pp. 217-20 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).Under Venetian rule when, in 1579, the inquisitor at Treviso was about to publish an edict prohibiting departure for heretic lands without his licence, the podestà and captain of the city prevented it, for which they were praised by the Signoria and similarly the rettore of Bergamo was rebuked for permitting it.—Cecchetti, La República di Venezia e la Corte di Roma, I, 23 (Venezia, 1874).Fra Paolo tells us that in 1595 Clement VII issued a decree forbidding any Italian to visit a place where there was not a Catholic church and pastor, without a licence from the inquisitors. The result of this was that traders returning from heretic lands were watched, reports were sent to Rome and they were publicly cited to appear there. The transalpine countries took offence at this and then the public citations were made at the residence of the parties. Venice sought to diminish the evil effect of this on commerce by forbidding public citations in such cases.—Sarpi, Historia dell’ Inquisizione, p. 77 (Serravalle, 1638).Simply trading with heretics, sending to or receiving from them merchandise, money or letters constituted fautorship of heresy and subjected the trader to the jurisdiction of the Inquisition.—Masini, Sacro Arsenale overo Prattica dell’ Officio della S. Inquisizione, Roma, 1639, p. 16.[257]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S.VI, 29.—Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, Sechste Theil, 101 (Frankfurt, 1777).During the 18th century the powers of the Inquisition were greatly limited by the civil authorities. In Tuscany we learn, in 1746, that in Florence and Siena no arrest or imprisonment could be made by it without the assent of the Government.—Consulta fatta dalla Real Camera di S. Chiara, in Napoli (MS.penes me).[258]The tribunal of the Canaries was reckoned among those of Castile and most of the new material in my possession concerning it has been embodied in the “History of the Inquisition of Spain.” Its insular position, however, and the consequent attraction of foreign merchants and sea-faring men, rendered its career somewhat peculiar, and it has seemed worth while to devote a chapter to it, based on two works—Historia de la Inquisicion en las Islas Canarias, por Agustin Millares, 4 vols., Las Palmas de Gran-Canaria, 1874.Catalogue of a Collection of Original Manuscripts formerly belonging to the Holy Office of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands and now in the possession of the Marquis of Bute. By W. De Gray Birch, LL.D., 2 vols., Edinburgh and London, 1903.[259]Birch, I, 5, 7-8.[260]Millares, I, 95-6—Birch, I, 160-7, 173.[261]Birch, I, 6.—Millares, I, 71.[262]Birch, I, 1, 67.[263]Millares, I, 79.[264]Millares, I, 75.[265]Birch, I, 91, 92-4. In the record concerning Juan de Xeres, the year is omitted, but as Wednesday fell on June 4 in 1511, 1516, 1533 and 1539, the probable date is 1516.[266]Birch, I, 1-5.[267]Millares, I, 82.[268]Birch, I, 15-33.[269]Birch, I, 33.[270]Ibidem, 34-64.[271]Millares, I, 87-92.[272]Ibidem, 96-100.[273]Ibidem, 103-7.—Birch, I, 90.[274]Millares, I, 109-10.[275]Ibidem, I, 125.[276]Ibidem, I, 115-18.[277]Birch, II, 1018-26.[278]Millares, II, 7-20.[279]Ibidem, pp. 15, 21-22.[280]Murga, Constituciones sinodales del Obispado de la Gran Canaria, fol. 333 (Madrid, 1634).[281]Birch, I, 159-60.[282]Millares, II, 23-30.[283]Birch, I, 133-53.[284]Millares, II, 43-44, 47, 51.[285]Ibidem, pp. 57-61.[286]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Expedientes de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3.[287]Ibidem, fol. 10, 13.[288]Millares, II, 105-6. The subsequent case of Aventrot and his nephew Jan Cote is alluded to in my History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 300; II, 348; III, 102.[289]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.I, fol. 844, 849, 872.[290]Ibidem, fol. 406, 407, 411, 417-22.[291]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.I, fol. 568, 1115-19.[292]Birch, I, 297-300.[293]Millares, II, 72-4.[294]Millares, II, 80-94.[295]Ibidem, III, 9-10.[296]Millares, III, 12-24.[297]Ibidem, 163-4. The figures of Millares are drawn from the official list ofQuemados. In 1526 there are 8; in 1587, 1; in 1614, 1; in 1615, 1.[298]Millares, III, 26-31. The total relaxations in effigy amount to 107, as follows (Ibidem, III, 164-8):1in151317in155716in157623in15917“15303“156930“15813“16082“15341“15743“15871“1659.[299]Birch, II, 695.[300]Birch, I, 383-4.[301]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.[302]Birch, II, 1007.[303]Millares, III, 153-7; IV, 19-20.The exportation of wine from the Canaries to the Indies was an old subject of complaint in the home country. In 1573 the Córtes represented that its profits had caused the abandonment of sugar culture, which had formerly supplied the Spanish sugar market, greatly enhancing its price and deteriorating its quality, while at the same time the flourishing wine-trade was being ruined. In reply to this Philip II only promised to look into the matter and evidently nothing was done at the time.—Córtes de Madrid del año de setenta y tres, Peticion 76 (Alcala, 1575).[304]Millares, III, 85.[305]Ibidem, 93-5.[306]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 2, 8, 10.[307]Birch, II, 534-6, 547, 548, 580, 626, 634, 646-61.[308]Birch, I, 207.[309]Millares, II, 102.[310]Birch, I, 416-20.[311]Ibidem, II, 726-8, 735, 750-72, 813, 832.[312]Millares, II, 47-54, 112.[313]Birch, II, 682.[314]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 6, 16.[315]Millares, III, 117-23, 125-37.[316]Birch, I, 198.[317]Millares, II, 37-9.[318]Birch, I, 214-17.[319]Millares, II, 98, 102.[320]Birch, II, 512-17, 870, 931-5, 939, 973.[321]Ibidem, 890-2.[322]Birch, I, 482-4.[323]Ibidem, II, 992-3.[324]Ibidem, 819, 826.[325]Millares, II, 152-62.[326]Birch, I, 347, 350-2.[327]Birch, II, 1018-26.[328]Ibidem, I, 303-4, 377.[329]Birch, I, 374-9; II, 1048-9.[330]Millares, II, 148-50.[331]Ibidem, 141-7.[332]Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Phelipe III, pp. 161-2, 198, 465.[333]Birch, II, 1054.[334]Birch, I, 414-16.[335]Ibidem, II, 1069-70.[336]Birch, II, 1065-70.[337]Birch, II, 1055-63.[338]Birch, II, 542, 555, 557.[339]Millares, III, 83-4, 157.[340]Birch, II, 592, 825-6.[341]Ibidem, 1070.[342]Millares, IV, 19-20.[343]Birch, II, 948.[344]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.[345]Birch, II, 563-66.[346]Ibidem, 640-2, 705.[347]Ibidem, p. 716, 847-8.[348]Birch II, 940-7.[349]Millares, IV, 33-6.[350]Ibidem, pp. 36-7.[351]Millares, IV, 39, 42-44.[352]Ibidem, I, 79-80.[353]Millares, I, 130; II, 166.[354]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 1.—Millares, II, 167-76.[355]Millares, II, 32-36.[356]Ibidem, II, 104.[357]Ibidem, III, 25, 42-3.[358]Ibidem, I, 125-6.[359]Millares, III, 51-7.[360]Millares, III, 58-68.[361]Birch, II, 597-601.[362]Millares, III, 69-70.[363]Ibidem, 73-5.[364]Millares, IV, 18-19.[365]For details see History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 348.[366]Millares, IV, 23-29.[367]Ibidem, p. 70.[368]Millares, IV, 87, 97-100.[369]Millares, IV, 105-6.[370]Ibidem, pp. 106-9, 114-17.[371]Alex. PP. VI BullInter cætera, 4 Maii, 1493 (Bullar. Rom. I, 454).—Mariana, Hist. de España, T. IX, Append., p. xxvi (Ed. 1796).—Recopilacion de las Leyes de las Indias, Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 2.[372]Recop., Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 5; Lib.II, Tit. ii, ley 8.[373]Torquemada, De la Monarquía Indiana, Lib.XVIII, cap. 8.[374]Cron. Glassberger, ann. 1500 (Analecta Franciscana, Tom. II).[375]Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Lib.III, cap. 5, 14 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXIV, 372, 422).[376]Las Casas,op. cit., Lib.II, cap. 54 (Col. de Doc., LXV, 275; LXVI, 165, 180).[377]Torquemada,ubi sup.[378]Ibidem.[379]Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 148.
[230]Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, pp. 174, 184.
[230]Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, pp. 174, 184.
[231]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 9, F. 45, Parte Inferiore, Lettera 92.
[231]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 9, F. 45, Parte Inferiore, Lettera 92.
[232]Ibidem, Tom. 51, F. 101, P. Inf., Lett. 107.
[232]Ibidem, Tom. 51, F. 101, P. Inf., Lett. 107.
[233]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf., Lett. 42, 43, 44, 45, 77, 97.
[233]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf., Lett. 42, 43, 44, 45, 77, 97.
[234]Muratori, Annali d’Italia, ann. 1563.—De Thou, Hist., Lib.XXXVI.
[234]Muratori, Annali d’Italia, ann. 1563.—De Thou, Hist., Lib.XXXVI.
[235]Lettere del Archivescovo Calini (Baluz. et Mansi Miscell., IV, 329).
[235]Lettere del Archivescovo Calini (Baluz. et Mansi Miscell., IV, 329).
[236]Salomoni, Memorie Storico-Diplomatiche, p. 159 (Milano, 1806).
[236]Salomoni, Memorie Storico-Diplomatiche, p. 159 (Milano, 1806).
[237]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 23, F. 73, P. Inf. Lett. 47.
[237]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 23, F. 73, P. Inf. Lett. 47.
[238]Ibidem, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf. Lett. 176.
[238]Ibidem, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf. Lett. 176.
[239]Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, FilzaVII, n. 43.
[239]Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, FilzaVII, n. 43.
[240]Lettere del Nunzio Visconti, n. 67, 68 (Baluz. et Mansi, Miscell., III, 491-2).—Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib.XXII, cap. viii, n. 2-4.
[240]Lettere del Nunzio Visconti, n. 67, 68 (Baluz. et Mansi, Miscell., III, 491-2).—Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib.XXII, cap. viii, n. 2-4.
[241]Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, FilzaVII, n. 40 (see Appendix).
[241]Archivio civico-storico à S. Carpofaro, Armario A, FilzaVII, n. 40 (see Appendix).
[242]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 54, F. 104, P. Inf. Lett. 48.
[242]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 54, F. 104, P. Inf. Lett. 48.
[243]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F. 106, P. Inf. Lett. 211.
[243]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F. 106, P. Inf. Lett. 211.
[244]Beccatini, Istoria dell’ Inquisizione, p. 178.
[244]Beccatini, Istoria dell’ Inquisizione, p. 178.
[245]Acta Eccles. Mediolanens., I, 471 (Mediolani, 1843).
[245]Acta Eccles. Mediolanens., I, 471 (Mediolani, 1843).
[246]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. VI, 29.—See Appendix.
[246]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. VI, 29.—See Appendix.
[247]Ibidem, Tom. 54, Vol. 68, F, 104, P. Inf. Lett. 63, 147, 163; Tom. 55, F, 105, Lett. 250.
[247]Ibidem, Tom. 54, Vol. 68, F, 104, P. Inf. Lett. 63, 147, 163; Tom. 55, F, 105, Lett. 250.
[248]Ibidem, C. 185, P. Inf. Carta 14.
[248]Ibidem, C. 185, P. Inf. Carta 14.
[249]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 44, F, 94, P. Inf. Lett. 72; Tom. 56, F, 106, Lett. 51, 206, 211.Brescia formed part of the Venitian territory, in which these weekly conferences of the secular and inquisitorial powers were prescribed. When the Inquisition was founded in the thirteenth century, Venice refused it admission, but in 1249 it organized a kind of secular tribunal against heresy, known as thetre Savi dell’ eresiaorAssistenti. At length, in 1289 it admitted an inquisitor, but adjoined to him the Assistenti, who were not to partake in the judgements but to see that he did not overstep his proper functions and to lend when necessary the aid of the secular arm. As the mainland territory of the Republic increased and the reorganized papal Inquisition appointed its delegates in the cities, the Signoria in 1548 provided that therettorior other magistrates in each place should coöperate with the inquisitor and bishop asassistenti. Rome took umbrage at this and a prolonged negotiation ensued, which ended with theassistentibeing accepted, with the understanding that they were to have a consultative but not a decisive vote. This gave the Signoria power to curb excesses and to save the people from being harassed with inquisitorial prosecutions for trifling cases of sorcery, bigamy, etc., which were so bitterly complained of elsewhere. If we may believe Páramo, when Philip failed to inflict the Spanish Inquisition on Milan, Pius V sought to introduce one of the same kind in Venice, but the proposition produced so alarming a popular excitement that the Signoria prevailed upon him to abandon the attempt, promising at the same time to exercise the greatest vigilance in the suppression of heresy.—Vettor Sandi, Principj di Storia Civile della Repubblica di Venezia, Lib.X, cap. iii, art. 3 (Venizia, 1756).—Albizzi, Riposta all’ Historia della Sacra Inquisitione del R. P. Paolo Servita, pp. 40-58 (Ed.II,s. l. e. d.).—Páramo de Orig. Off. S. Inquis., p. 266.—Natalis Comitis Historiar., Lib.XIV, ann. 1564.
[249]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 44, F, 94, P. Inf. Lett. 72; Tom. 56, F, 106, Lett. 51, 206, 211.
Brescia formed part of the Venitian territory, in which these weekly conferences of the secular and inquisitorial powers were prescribed. When the Inquisition was founded in the thirteenth century, Venice refused it admission, but in 1249 it organized a kind of secular tribunal against heresy, known as thetre Savi dell’ eresiaorAssistenti. At length, in 1289 it admitted an inquisitor, but adjoined to him the Assistenti, who were not to partake in the judgements but to see that he did not overstep his proper functions and to lend when necessary the aid of the secular arm. As the mainland territory of the Republic increased and the reorganized papal Inquisition appointed its delegates in the cities, the Signoria in 1548 provided that therettorior other magistrates in each place should coöperate with the inquisitor and bishop asassistenti. Rome took umbrage at this and a prolonged negotiation ensued, which ended with theassistentibeing accepted, with the understanding that they were to have a consultative but not a decisive vote. This gave the Signoria power to curb excesses and to save the people from being harassed with inquisitorial prosecutions for trifling cases of sorcery, bigamy, etc., which were so bitterly complained of elsewhere. If we may believe Páramo, when Philip failed to inflict the Spanish Inquisition on Milan, Pius V sought to introduce one of the same kind in Venice, but the proposition produced so alarming a popular excitement that the Signoria prevailed upon him to abandon the attempt, promising at the same time to exercise the greatest vigilance in the suppression of heresy.—Vettor Sandi, Principj di Storia Civile della Repubblica di Venezia, Lib.X, cap. iii, art. 3 (Venizia, 1756).—Albizzi, Riposta all’ Historia della Sacra Inquisitione del R. P. Paolo Servita, pp. 40-58 (Ed.II,s. l. e. d.).—Páramo de Orig. Off. S. Inquis., p. 266.—Natalis Comitis Historiar., Lib.XIV, ann. 1564.
[250]See Appendix for a decree of Pius V, issued within a few months of his accession.
[250]See Appendix for a decree of Pius V, issued within a few months of his accession.
[251]See Appendix.
[251]See Appendix.
[252]Bzovii Annales, ann. 1566, n. 88. This may very probably have been the occasion of the decree just referred to.Yet the duke, in 1567, offered no opposition when Pius V ordered him to send to Rome for trial the canon Ceruti, who, in 1569, was condemned to the galleys for life. He could not have been a Protestant for his chief heresy was the denial of immortality. The intercession of the duke however, in 1572, procured his liberation and permission to keep his house in Mantua as a prison.—Bertolotti, Martiri del Libero Pensiero, pp. 43-5 (Roma, 1891).
[252]Bzovii Annales, ann. 1566, n. 88. This may very probably have been the occasion of the decree just referred to.
Yet the duke, in 1567, offered no opposition when Pius V ordered him to send to Rome for trial the canon Ceruti, who, in 1569, was condemned to the galleys for life. He could not have been a Protestant for his chief heresy was the denial of immortality. The intercession of the duke however, in 1572, procured his liberation and permission to keep his house in Mantua as a prison.—Bertolotti, Martiri del Libero Pensiero, pp. 43-5 (Roma, 1891).
[253]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 5, F, 41, and F, 177, P. Inf.Catena relates (Vita di Pio V, p. 157) that an heretical preacher of Morbegno in the Valtelline, named Francesco Cellaria was accustomed to visit Mantua secretly as a missionary, where he had relations with some of the nobles. To put an end to this, Pius sent in disguise the Dominican Piero Angelo Casannova to the Valtelline with instructions for his capture. With a band of eight men Casannova kidnapped him at Bocca d’Adda, as he was returning from Coire to Morbegno, hurried him to Piacenza whence Duke Ottavio Farnese transmitted him to Rome. There he was condemned to be burnt alive but at the last moment he weakened and recanted, so that he was strangled before burning. He had been forced to name his accomplices in Mantua and other cities, and immediate steps were taken for securing them. The Grisons complained loudly of this invasion of their territory, but the Duke of Alburquerque, then Governor of Milan (1564-71), replied that the papal jurisdiction over heresy was supreme in all lands.
[253]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 5, F, 41, and F, 177, P. Inf.
Catena relates (Vita di Pio V, p. 157) that an heretical preacher of Morbegno in the Valtelline, named Francesco Cellaria was accustomed to visit Mantua secretly as a missionary, where he had relations with some of the nobles. To put an end to this, Pius sent in disguise the Dominican Piero Angelo Casannova to the Valtelline with instructions for his capture. With a band of eight men Casannova kidnapped him at Bocca d’Adda, as he was returning from Coire to Morbegno, hurried him to Piacenza whence Duke Ottavio Farnese transmitted him to Rome. There he was condemned to be burnt alive but at the last moment he weakened and recanted, so that he was strangled before burning. He had been forced to name his accomplices in Mantua and other cities, and immediate steps were taken for securing them. The Grisons complained loudly of this invasion of their territory, but the Duke of Alburquerque, then Governor of Milan (1564-71), replied that the papal jurisdiction over heresy was supreme in all lands.
[254]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F, 106, P. Inf. Lett. 140.
[254]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F, 106, P. Inf. Lett. 140.
[255]Acta Eccles. Mediolanens. I, 67, 469.
[255]Acta Eccles. Mediolanens. I, 67, 469.
[256]Decreta Sac. Congr. Sti. Officii, pp. 217-20 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).Under Venetian rule when, in 1579, the inquisitor at Treviso was about to publish an edict prohibiting departure for heretic lands without his licence, the podestà and captain of the city prevented it, for which they were praised by the Signoria and similarly the rettore of Bergamo was rebuked for permitting it.—Cecchetti, La República di Venezia e la Corte di Roma, I, 23 (Venezia, 1874).Fra Paolo tells us that in 1595 Clement VII issued a decree forbidding any Italian to visit a place where there was not a Catholic church and pastor, without a licence from the inquisitors. The result of this was that traders returning from heretic lands were watched, reports were sent to Rome and they were publicly cited to appear there. The transalpine countries took offence at this and then the public citations were made at the residence of the parties. Venice sought to diminish the evil effect of this on commerce by forbidding public citations in such cases.—Sarpi, Historia dell’ Inquisizione, p. 77 (Serravalle, 1638).Simply trading with heretics, sending to or receiving from them merchandise, money or letters constituted fautorship of heresy and subjected the trader to the jurisdiction of the Inquisition.—Masini, Sacro Arsenale overo Prattica dell’ Officio della S. Inquisizione, Roma, 1639, p. 16.
[256]Decreta Sac. Congr. Sti. Officii, pp. 217-20 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).
Under Venetian rule when, in 1579, the inquisitor at Treviso was about to publish an edict prohibiting departure for heretic lands without his licence, the podestà and captain of the city prevented it, for which they were praised by the Signoria and similarly the rettore of Bergamo was rebuked for permitting it.—Cecchetti, La República di Venezia e la Corte di Roma, I, 23 (Venezia, 1874).
Fra Paolo tells us that in 1595 Clement VII issued a decree forbidding any Italian to visit a place where there was not a Catholic church and pastor, without a licence from the inquisitors. The result of this was that traders returning from heretic lands were watched, reports were sent to Rome and they were publicly cited to appear there. The transalpine countries took offence at this and then the public citations were made at the residence of the parties. Venice sought to diminish the evil effect of this on commerce by forbidding public citations in such cases.—Sarpi, Historia dell’ Inquisizione, p. 77 (Serravalle, 1638).
Simply trading with heretics, sending to or receiving from them merchandise, money or letters constituted fautorship of heresy and subjected the trader to the jurisdiction of the Inquisition.—Masini, Sacro Arsenale overo Prattica dell’ Officio della S. Inquisizione, Roma, 1639, p. 16.
[257]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S.VI, 29.—Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, Sechste Theil, 101 (Frankfurt, 1777).During the 18th century the powers of the Inquisition were greatly limited by the civil authorities. In Tuscany we learn, in 1746, that in Florence and Siena no arrest or imprisonment could be made by it without the assent of the Government.—Consulta fatta dalla Real Camera di S. Chiara, in Napoli (MS.penes me).
[257]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S.VI, 29.—Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, Sechste Theil, 101 (Frankfurt, 1777).
During the 18th century the powers of the Inquisition were greatly limited by the civil authorities. In Tuscany we learn, in 1746, that in Florence and Siena no arrest or imprisonment could be made by it without the assent of the Government.—Consulta fatta dalla Real Camera di S. Chiara, in Napoli (MS.penes me).
[258]The tribunal of the Canaries was reckoned among those of Castile and most of the new material in my possession concerning it has been embodied in the “History of the Inquisition of Spain.” Its insular position, however, and the consequent attraction of foreign merchants and sea-faring men, rendered its career somewhat peculiar, and it has seemed worth while to devote a chapter to it, based on two works—Historia de la Inquisicion en las Islas Canarias, por Agustin Millares, 4 vols., Las Palmas de Gran-Canaria, 1874.Catalogue of a Collection of Original Manuscripts formerly belonging to the Holy Office of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands and now in the possession of the Marquis of Bute. By W. De Gray Birch, LL.D., 2 vols., Edinburgh and London, 1903.
[258]The tribunal of the Canaries was reckoned among those of Castile and most of the new material in my possession concerning it has been embodied in the “History of the Inquisition of Spain.” Its insular position, however, and the consequent attraction of foreign merchants and sea-faring men, rendered its career somewhat peculiar, and it has seemed worth while to devote a chapter to it, based on two works—
Historia de la Inquisicion en las Islas Canarias, por Agustin Millares, 4 vols., Las Palmas de Gran-Canaria, 1874.
Catalogue of a Collection of Original Manuscripts formerly belonging to the Holy Office of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands and now in the possession of the Marquis of Bute. By W. De Gray Birch, LL.D., 2 vols., Edinburgh and London, 1903.
[259]Birch, I, 5, 7-8.
[259]Birch, I, 5, 7-8.
[260]Millares, I, 95-6—Birch, I, 160-7, 173.
[260]Millares, I, 95-6—Birch, I, 160-7, 173.
[261]Birch, I, 6.—Millares, I, 71.
[261]Birch, I, 6.—Millares, I, 71.
[262]Birch, I, 1, 67.
[262]Birch, I, 1, 67.
[263]Millares, I, 79.
[263]Millares, I, 79.
[264]Millares, I, 75.
[264]Millares, I, 75.
[265]Birch, I, 91, 92-4. In the record concerning Juan de Xeres, the year is omitted, but as Wednesday fell on June 4 in 1511, 1516, 1533 and 1539, the probable date is 1516.
[265]Birch, I, 91, 92-4. In the record concerning Juan de Xeres, the year is omitted, but as Wednesday fell on June 4 in 1511, 1516, 1533 and 1539, the probable date is 1516.
[266]Birch, I, 1-5.
[266]Birch, I, 1-5.
[267]Millares, I, 82.
[267]Millares, I, 82.
[268]Birch, I, 15-33.
[268]Birch, I, 15-33.
[269]Birch, I, 33.
[269]Birch, I, 33.
[270]Ibidem, 34-64.
[270]Ibidem, 34-64.
[271]Millares, I, 87-92.
[271]Millares, I, 87-92.
[272]Ibidem, 96-100.
[272]Ibidem, 96-100.
[273]Ibidem, 103-7.—Birch, I, 90.
[273]Ibidem, 103-7.—Birch, I, 90.
[274]Millares, I, 109-10.
[274]Millares, I, 109-10.
[275]Ibidem, I, 125.
[275]Ibidem, I, 125.
[276]Ibidem, I, 115-18.
[276]Ibidem, I, 115-18.
[277]Birch, II, 1018-26.
[277]Birch, II, 1018-26.
[278]Millares, II, 7-20.
[278]Millares, II, 7-20.
[279]Ibidem, pp. 15, 21-22.
[279]Ibidem, pp. 15, 21-22.
[280]Murga, Constituciones sinodales del Obispado de la Gran Canaria, fol. 333 (Madrid, 1634).
[280]Murga, Constituciones sinodales del Obispado de la Gran Canaria, fol. 333 (Madrid, 1634).
[281]Birch, I, 159-60.
[281]Birch, I, 159-60.
[282]Millares, II, 23-30.
[282]Millares, II, 23-30.
[283]Birch, I, 133-53.
[283]Birch, I, 133-53.
[284]Millares, II, 43-44, 47, 51.
[284]Millares, II, 43-44, 47, 51.
[285]Ibidem, pp. 57-61.
[285]Ibidem, pp. 57-61.
[286]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Expedientes de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3.
[286]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Expedientes de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3.
[287]Ibidem, fol. 10, 13.
[287]Ibidem, fol. 10, 13.
[288]Millares, II, 105-6. The subsequent case of Aventrot and his nephew Jan Cote is alluded to in my History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 300; II, 348; III, 102.
[288]Millares, II, 105-6. The subsequent case of Aventrot and his nephew Jan Cote is alluded to in my History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 300; II, 348; III, 102.
[289]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.I, fol. 844, 849, 872.
[289]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.I, fol. 844, 849, 872.
[290]Ibidem, fol. 406, 407, 411, 417-22.
[290]Ibidem, fol. 406, 407, 411, 417-22.
[291]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.I, fol. 568, 1115-19.
[291]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.I, fol. 568, 1115-19.
[292]Birch, I, 297-300.
[292]Birch, I, 297-300.
[293]Millares, II, 72-4.
[293]Millares, II, 72-4.
[294]Millares, II, 80-94.
[294]Millares, II, 80-94.
[295]Ibidem, III, 9-10.
[295]Ibidem, III, 9-10.
[296]Millares, III, 12-24.
[296]Millares, III, 12-24.
[297]Ibidem, 163-4. The figures of Millares are drawn from the official list ofQuemados. In 1526 there are 8; in 1587, 1; in 1614, 1; in 1615, 1.
[297]Ibidem, 163-4. The figures of Millares are drawn from the official list ofQuemados. In 1526 there are 8; in 1587, 1; in 1614, 1; in 1615, 1.
[298]Millares, III, 26-31. The total relaxations in effigy amount to 107, as follows (Ibidem, III, 164-8):1in151317in155716in157623in15917“15303“156930“15813“16082“15341“15743“15871“1659.
[298]Millares, III, 26-31. The total relaxations in effigy amount to 107, as follows (Ibidem, III, 164-8):
[299]Birch, II, 695.
[299]Birch, II, 695.
[300]Birch, I, 383-4.
[300]Birch, I, 383-4.
[301]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.
[301]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.
[302]Birch, II, 1007.
[302]Birch, II, 1007.
[303]Millares, III, 153-7; IV, 19-20.The exportation of wine from the Canaries to the Indies was an old subject of complaint in the home country. In 1573 the Córtes represented that its profits had caused the abandonment of sugar culture, which had formerly supplied the Spanish sugar market, greatly enhancing its price and deteriorating its quality, while at the same time the flourishing wine-trade was being ruined. In reply to this Philip II only promised to look into the matter and evidently nothing was done at the time.—Córtes de Madrid del año de setenta y tres, Peticion 76 (Alcala, 1575).
[303]Millares, III, 153-7; IV, 19-20.
The exportation of wine from the Canaries to the Indies was an old subject of complaint in the home country. In 1573 the Córtes represented that its profits had caused the abandonment of sugar culture, which had formerly supplied the Spanish sugar market, greatly enhancing its price and deteriorating its quality, while at the same time the flourishing wine-trade was being ruined. In reply to this Philip II only promised to look into the matter and evidently nothing was done at the time.—Córtes de Madrid del año de setenta y tres, Peticion 76 (Alcala, 1575).
[304]Millares, III, 85.
[304]Millares, III, 85.
[305]Ibidem, 93-5.
[305]Ibidem, 93-5.
[306]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 2, 8, 10.
[306]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 2, 8, 10.
[307]Birch, II, 534-6, 547, 548, 580, 626, 634, 646-61.
[307]Birch, II, 534-6, 547, 548, 580, 626, 634, 646-61.
[308]Birch, I, 207.
[308]Birch, I, 207.
[309]Millares, II, 102.
[309]Millares, II, 102.
[310]Birch, I, 416-20.
[310]Birch, I, 416-20.
[311]Ibidem, II, 726-8, 735, 750-72, 813, 832.
[311]Ibidem, II, 726-8, 735, 750-72, 813, 832.
[312]Millares, II, 47-54, 112.
[312]Millares, II, 47-54, 112.
[313]Birch, II, 682.
[313]Birch, II, 682.
[314]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 6, 16.
[314]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 6, 16.
[315]Millares, III, 117-23, 125-37.
[315]Millares, III, 117-23, 125-37.
[316]Birch, I, 198.
[316]Birch, I, 198.
[317]Millares, II, 37-9.
[317]Millares, II, 37-9.
[318]Birch, I, 214-17.
[318]Birch, I, 214-17.
[319]Millares, II, 98, 102.
[319]Millares, II, 98, 102.
[320]Birch, II, 512-17, 870, 931-5, 939, 973.
[320]Birch, II, 512-17, 870, 931-5, 939, 973.
[321]Ibidem, 890-2.
[321]Ibidem, 890-2.
[322]Birch, I, 482-4.
[322]Birch, I, 482-4.
[323]Ibidem, II, 992-3.
[323]Ibidem, II, 992-3.
[324]Ibidem, 819, 826.
[324]Ibidem, 819, 826.
[325]Millares, II, 152-62.
[325]Millares, II, 152-62.
[326]Birch, I, 347, 350-2.
[326]Birch, I, 347, 350-2.
[327]Birch, II, 1018-26.
[327]Birch, II, 1018-26.
[328]Ibidem, I, 303-4, 377.
[328]Ibidem, I, 303-4, 377.
[329]Birch, I, 374-9; II, 1048-9.
[329]Birch, I, 374-9; II, 1048-9.
[330]Millares, II, 148-50.
[330]Millares, II, 148-50.
[331]Ibidem, 141-7.
[331]Ibidem, 141-7.
[332]Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Phelipe III, pp. 161-2, 198, 465.
[332]Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Phelipe III, pp. 161-2, 198, 465.
[333]Birch, II, 1054.
[333]Birch, II, 1054.
[334]Birch, I, 414-16.
[334]Birch, I, 414-16.
[335]Ibidem, II, 1069-70.
[335]Ibidem, II, 1069-70.
[336]Birch, II, 1065-70.
[336]Birch, II, 1065-70.
[337]Birch, II, 1055-63.
[337]Birch, II, 1055-63.
[338]Birch, II, 542, 555, 557.
[338]Birch, II, 542, 555, 557.
[339]Millares, III, 83-4, 157.
[339]Millares, III, 83-4, 157.
[340]Birch, II, 592, 825-6.
[340]Birch, II, 592, 825-6.
[341]Ibidem, 1070.
[341]Ibidem, 1070.
[342]Millares, IV, 19-20.
[342]Millares, IV, 19-20.
[343]Birch, II, 948.
[343]Birch, II, 948.
[344]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.
[344]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 20.
[345]Birch, II, 563-66.
[345]Birch, II, 563-66.
[346]Ibidem, 640-2, 705.
[346]Ibidem, 640-2, 705.
[347]Ibidem, p. 716, 847-8.
[347]Ibidem, p. 716, 847-8.
[348]Birch II, 940-7.
[348]Birch II, 940-7.
[349]Millares, IV, 33-6.
[349]Millares, IV, 33-6.
[350]Ibidem, pp. 36-7.
[350]Ibidem, pp. 36-7.
[351]Millares, IV, 39, 42-44.
[351]Millares, IV, 39, 42-44.
[352]Ibidem, I, 79-80.
[352]Ibidem, I, 79-80.
[353]Millares, I, 130; II, 166.
[353]Millares, I, 130; II, 166.
[354]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 1.—Millares, II, 167-76.
[354]Archivo de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib.III, Cuad. 3, fol. 1.—Millares, II, 167-76.
[355]Millares, II, 32-36.
[355]Millares, II, 32-36.
[356]Ibidem, II, 104.
[356]Ibidem, II, 104.
[357]Ibidem, III, 25, 42-3.
[357]Ibidem, III, 25, 42-3.
[358]Ibidem, I, 125-6.
[358]Ibidem, I, 125-6.
[359]Millares, III, 51-7.
[359]Millares, III, 51-7.
[360]Millares, III, 58-68.
[360]Millares, III, 58-68.
[361]Birch, II, 597-601.
[361]Birch, II, 597-601.
[362]Millares, III, 69-70.
[362]Millares, III, 69-70.
[363]Ibidem, 73-5.
[363]Ibidem, 73-5.
[364]Millares, IV, 18-19.
[364]Millares, IV, 18-19.
[365]For details see History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 348.
[365]For details see History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 348.
[366]Millares, IV, 23-29.
[366]Millares, IV, 23-29.
[367]Ibidem, p. 70.
[367]Ibidem, p. 70.
[368]Millares, IV, 87, 97-100.
[368]Millares, IV, 87, 97-100.
[369]Millares, IV, 105-6.
[369]Millares, IV, 105-6.
[370]Ibidem, pp. 106-9, 114-17.
[370]Ibidem, pp. 106-9, 114-17.
[371]Alex. PP. VI BullInter cætera, 4 Maii, 1493 (Bullar. Rom. I, 454).—Mariana, Hist. de España, T. IX, Append., p. xxvi (Ed. 1796).—Recopilacion de las Leyes de las Indias, Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 2.
[371]Alex. PP. VI BullInter cætera, 4 Maii, 1493 (Bullar. Rom. I, 454).—Mariana, Hist. de España, T. IX, Append., p. xxvi (Ed. 1796).—Recopilacion de las Leyes de las Indias, Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 2.
[372]Recop., Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 5; Lib.II, Tit. ii, ley 8.
[372]Recop., Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 5; Lib.II, Tit. ii, ley 8.
[373]Torquemada, De la Monarquía Indiana, Lib.XVIII, cap. 8.
[373]Torquemada, De la Monarquía Indiana, Lib.XVIII, cap. 8.
[374]Cron. Glassberger, ann. 1500 (Analecta Franciscana, Tom. II).
[374]Cron. Glassberger, ann. 1500 (Analecta Franciscana, Tom. II).
[375]Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Lib.III, cap. 5, 14 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXIV, 372, 422).
[375]Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Lib.III, cap. 5, 14 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXIV, 372, 422).
[376]Las Casas,op. cit., Lib.II, cap. 54 (Col. de Doc., LXV, 275; LXVI, 165, 180).
[376]Las Casas,op. cit., Lib.II, cap. 54 (Col. de Doc., LXV, 275; LXVI, 165, 180).
[377]Torquemada,ubi sup.
[377]Torquemada,ubi sup.
[378]Ibidem.
[378]Ibidem.
[379]Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 148.
[379]Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 148.