Chapter 30

[484]These cases are derived from the Munich MS., last cited, entitled “Extractos de Causas [de] Familiares y Ministros que no son Oficiales que ay en la Camara del Secreto de la Inquisicion de Mexico en este presente año de 1716.”[485]E. N. Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12).[486]J. T. Medina, Hist. de la Inquisicion de Cartagena p. 437. See, also, p. 278. Cf. Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 61, fol. 251.—MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc 17.[487]MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.[488]Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib.III, cap. xxiv, n. 16.[489]Medina, p. 315.[490]Solorzano,loc. cit., n. 61.[491]This prohibition was removed in the Concordia of 1633.[492]Recop. de las Indias, Lib.I, Tit. xix, ley 29.The vexatious petty tyranny in which the tribunal indulged is illustrated by the case of a law-student, Diego de Porras Villerías, about 1600, who was fined in 100 pesos and banished for a year because he refused to honor a requisition for two cartloads of lime for the prison which it was constructing.—Medina, p. 137.[493]Solorzaniop. cit., Lib.III, cap. xxiv, n. 60.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 1, 60, 66sqq.[494]Solorzano,loc. cit., n. 63-73.[495]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 17, fol. 1.[496]Munich, MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.[497]Recop., Lib.I, Tit. xix, ley 30.[498]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 199.[499]Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.[500]Medina, p. 323. Possibly this may explain his treasonable project of transferring the northern provinces of Mexico to France.[501]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 362.[502]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 946, fol. 282, 360, 400.—Por el Tribunal del S. Officio de Mexico sobre el Impedimiento que a puesto D. D. Matheo Sagade Bugueiro, Arzobispo de la dicha Ciudad (communicated by D. Fergusson Esqr.).[503]The visitador Medina Rico characterizes without reserve this unjustifiable action of the tribunal “sin causa, motivo, ni razon alguna, se introdujeron à inmensos procedimientos en la materia, y esto no con igualdad y justicia, sino con manifiesta pasion contra el dicho señor Obispo, su provisor, criados, allegados y afectos.” They represented to Viceroy Salvatierra “que era sospechoso en la fe y tizon ardiente del infierno y otras cosas gravisimas semejantes à las referidas.”—Medina, pp. 241, 242.[504]Obras de Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, Tom. I, Prolegom.; T. XI, pp. 241, 289, 328, 466-7 (Madrid, 1762). The fullest account, however, of the arbitrary proceedings of the Inquisition is contained in a letter, omitted for cause from his collected works, written from Chiapa, August 10, 1647, to the Inquisitor-general Arce y Reynoso. It was printed by Puigblanch, Cadiz, 1813, and by Medina, pp. 242-60.It is worthy of note that at this time the Jesuits were laying the foundation of their curious autocratic empire of Paraguay, by a quarrel with Bernardino de Cardenas, Bishop of Asuncion, known asel Padre de los Indios. To prevent his visiting their missions they drove him by force of arms from his episcopal see. The struggle lasted from 1644 to 1660, when the Holy See decided in favor of the bishop.—Coleccion de Documentos tocantes á la Persecucion contra D. Fr. Bernardino de Cardenas, Madrid, 1768.[505]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 64.We shall meet Archbishop Juan de Mañozca hereafter in his earlier capacity of Inquisitor of Cartagena, where he earned an infamous notoriety.[506]MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. The sentence in this case is so unusual that I give the essential portion of it in the Appendix.[507]Medina, p. 266.[508]Gams, Series Episcoporum, s. vv.[509]Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan., 79.[510]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 2.[511]Páramo, p. 243.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 940, fol. 6.[512]MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.[513]See the Author’s “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” p. 73.There was no little scandal, in 1768, when it was discovered that the receiver of the tribunal, Vicente de las Heras Serrano, had sold for 850 pesos to the Licentiate Juan José Azpeitia a number of the prohibited books which had been seized. No great damage to the faith could have ensued if they were all like Milton’s Paradise Lost, for the possession of which a French surgeon, Carlos Loret, was forced to abjure and was banished to Spain.—Medina, p. 434.[514]MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.A similar prohibition of the irreverent use of crosses and images is embodied in the Peruvian Edict of Faith of 1641.—Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12).[515]Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79. See “Chapters from Spain,” p. 86, for instructions to the commissioners in the performance of this duty.[516]Recop., Lib.I, Tit. xix, ley 30.[517]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 10; Lib. 40, fol. 44.[518]MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.[519]Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.[520]Note to Recop., Lib.I, Tit. xix, ley 29. For further details as to this see below, under Peru.[521]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 28, fol. 272, 276.Obregon (op. cit., p. 227) relates an anecdote of this period which would seem incompatible with the existing discredited position of the Inquisition. One Ash Wednesday, when the canons of the cathedral called upon the Marquis de Croix, as customary, to present him with ashes, he kept them waiting in his antechamber, to the intense indignation of those dignified personages. They complained to the inquisitors, who summoned the viceroy to appear before them. He obeyed, but he went attended by a guard and some pieces of artillery. He was haughtily received until he took out his watch and casually remarked that he hoped the audience would be brief for, if he was not back in the street in ten minutes, the cannon would open on the building and reduce it to ruins. The dignity of the inquisitors disappeared; they promptly dismissed him and were in agony as he leisurely sauntered forth.If such an occurrence took place it is attributable with more verisimilitude to the period of the Marquis de Croix in Mexico than to the earlier time of the Marquis de Castelfuerte in Peru, of whom a precisely similar story is told, except that he gave the tribunal an hour for consideration. In his case the summons to appear is ascribed to his rough treatment of the Franciscans, July 5, 1731, when two of them were killed in a disturbance at the execution of Dr. Joseph de Antequera.—Palma, Añales de la Inquisicion de Lima, p. 184 (Madrid, 1898).[522]Medina, p. 338.[523]Ibidem, pp. 339-45.[524]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 81.[525]Medina, pp. 358-63.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 81.[526]Medina, pp. 365, 388.[527]Ibidem, pp. 396, 432.[528]Medina, pp. 387, 397-405.[529]Obregon,op. cit., 2ª Serie, pp. 389, 392-3.Lizardi’s troubles did not end with the extinction of the Inquisition. In 1822 he issued a defence of Free-Masonry which excited clerical wrath. In Puebla, a priest, after arousing the people with his sermons, headed a mob which broke into a printer’s shop, carried off the obnoxious books and made an auto de fe of them, leading to a tumult in which three men were killed and a number were wounded. About the same time Lizardi was obliged to appeal to the Córtes for protection against his public excommunication by the archiepiscopal provisor.—El Sol, pp. 122, 146, 152 (Mexico, 1822).[530]I owe to the late General Don Vicente Riva Palacio the documents in this matter.[531]Obregon,op. cit., 2ª Serie, p. 393.[532]Note to Recop., Lib.I, Tit. xix, ley 1. Cf. Lib.III, Tit. i, ley 2.[533]See in Appendix the Edict of January 26, 1811. Also Obregon, 2ª Serie, p. 393.[534]Proceso contra Dr. Pedro Mendizabal, fol. 13 (MS.penes me).[535]I owe the following details to a transcript of his trial, made from the original in 1865 by Don José María Lafragua and kindly communicated to me by David Fergusson Esqr.[536]The learned Dominican Jacques Augustin Serry’sHistoria Congregationum de Auxiliis, issued also under the pseudonym of Augustin Leblanc, appeared in 1700 and was promptly condemned in Spain in 1701 (Index of 1707, I, 776), but is not on the Roman Index. HisExercitationes de Christo ejusque V. Matreare in both Indexes. For a Jesuit opinion of the former work see Father Colonia’sBibliothèque Janseniste, p. 186 (Ed. 1735).María de Agreda was a Spanish mystic of the seventeenth century whom Spain has repeatedly, up to modern times, endeavored to get canonized.[537]These comprehensive excommunications led to a result not particularly creditable to the Church. A writer in 1822 calls attention to the fact that, while the leading insurgents who were captured were formally reconciled before they were shot, the mass of the people, who had never paid any attention to the censures, were freely received to the sacraments without having been absolved.—El Sol, México, Feb. 27, 1822, p. 107.[538]See Appendix. One of the insurgent proclamations shows the savage character of the warfare. It sets forth the terms and conditions of the struggle of which the following may serve as a specimen—4. The European who resists with arms will be put to the sword.5. When threatened with siege or battle, before commencing we will put to the sword the numerous Europeans in our hands and will then abide the fortunes of war.6. The American who defends a European with arms will be put to the sword.Thus was justified the execution of Hidalgo and his chiefs. Whatever sympathy we may feel for the cause, we must admit that the cruelty marking the strife was equally shared and that the fate of Maximilian was foreshadowed.[539]In estimating the veracity of this curious tale, we must bear in mind that both Fernando VII and Pius VII were at the time prisoners of Napoleon. There was, it is true, a Spanish Regency and the Córtes of Cádiz which used the royal name, but it is inconceivable that, even if it had access to the pope, it would have taken such a precaution at a time when there was no anticipation of rebellion in the colonies.[540]Medina, pp. 456-61.[541]Ibidem, pp. 461, 463.[542]Coleccion de Cédulas etc. de Fernando VII, pp. 8, 85 (Valencia, 1814).[543]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libros 877, 890.[544]Medina, pp. 467-9.[545]Medina, pp. 469-70.[546]Ibidem, pp. 479-92.[547]The following details of the trial of Morelos are derived from a report, accompanied by the documents, made by Flores to the Suprema, November 27 and December 29, 1815. It is in the archives of Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 49, Legajo 1473.—See also Medina, pp. 513-45.[548]The Constitution of Nov. 22, 1814, which based all government on the will of the people clearly came under the edict of August, 1808, which denounced the doctrine of popular sovereignty as manifest heresy. For the same reason the Constitution of Cádiz was heretical.[549]See Appendix.[550]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 559.[551]Obregon, 2ª Serie, p. 395. Mier’s crowning offence was a book with the suggestive title “Informe y Pedimento Fiscal presentado por los Locos ante el Supremo Tribunal de la Razon humana.”—Archivo histórico nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 100.He escaped to the United States and returned to Mexico in 1822, when he was imprisoned by Dávila, Governor of the castle of San Juan de Ulua, but was speedily released.—El Sol, p. 117 (Mexico, 1822).[552]Medina, p. 505.[553]Archivo hist. nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion, Legajo 6462, Cuaderno 1, fol. 68; Cuaderno 2, fol. 2.[554]Defensa del Editor de la Obra titulada los Misterios de la Inquisicion, México, 1850.[555]J. T. Medina, El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Islas Filipinas, pp. 16, 28-9 (Santiago de Chile, 1899).[556]Medina,op. cit., pp. 17-28, 30-1, 36-8, 141-51.[557]Instruccion que han de guardar los Comisarios, n. 16, 17, 18, 30.[558]Medina,op. cit., pp. 178-9, 181-2.[559]Ibidem, pp. 38-9.[560]Medina,op. cit., pp. 42-3.We have seen above (p. 243) that, in the list of cases of solicitation pending before the Mexican tribunal in the years 1622-3-4, there were seven from Manila. Of these, as we chance to learn from other documents, three, Fray Domingo Fernández, Fray Melchor de Manzano and Fray Martin de la Anunciacion, were all denounced, by different women, on March 31, 1622, to Fray Miguel de San Jacinto, commissioner for the province of New Segovia. As that day was the Thursday after Easter, this was probably the result of confessing to a rigid confessor who refused absolution until denunciation should be made. Another one was Padre Pedro Ramírez, S. J., denounced to the Manila commissioner, Fray Domingo González, Aug. 16, 1622.The comparative infrequency of Jesuit culprits may perhaps be partially explained by a remarkable precaution adopted by the Society. A deposition under oath, Jan. 20, 1625, made in the Philippines by Padre Baltasar de Silva, states that experienced and trustworthy women, whom they called syndics, were employed to confess to Jesuits and tempt them to a certain point. The result was reported to the rector and if one was found to respond to the advances, he was transferred to some other place before he reached the point of himself soliciting. The Order looked with aversion on the requirement of denunciation to the Inquisition and took this method of averting it. In Manila, about 1605, one of these syndics was Doña Mariana Garvi, who was succeeded by Doña María Marmolejo.—MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.[561]Medina,op. cit., pp. 48-50.[562]Medina,op. cit., pp. 53-4.[563]Ibidem, pp. 33-4.[564]El Museo Mexicano, 1843, p 361.[565]Medina,op. cit., pp. 59-66.[566]Fray Juan de la Concepcion, Historia general de Philipinas, T. IX, pp. 202-4.[567]Medina,op. cit., pp. 151-4.[568]Medina,op. cit., pp. 141-51.[569]Ibidem, pp. 161-3.[570]Juan de la Concepcion, XIV, 81-107.—Buzeta, Diccionario de las Islas Filipinas, I, 395 (Madrid, 1850).[571]MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hisp. 79.[572]Juan de la Concepcion, V, 276, 278. Puigblanch (La Inquisicion sin Mascara, Cádiz, 1811, p. 402) is in error in attributing the persecution of Archbishop Guerrero to the Inquisition and has misapprehended Palafox’s allusion to it. In both cases it was the Jesuits acting throughjueces conservadores, who, by a monstrous abuse, assumed to exercise full papal powers, but in Mexico the Inquisition was with them and in Manila it was against them.The ecclesiastics had full revenge on Governor Corcuera when, in 1644, he was succeeded by Diego Fajardo. In fortifying Manila against an expected attack by the Dutch, his lines ran through an Augustinian convent. He offered the frailes another house, but they refused to move and he tore down the building about their ears. When out of office they prosecuted him and obtained a verdict of 25,000 pesos. He must have been a rarely honest governor, for he was unable to pay it and they kept him in harsh gaol for five years. On his liberation, Philip IV appointed him Governor of the Canaries.—Concepcion, VI, 185-93.[573]Medina,op. cit., p. 46.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 154.[574]Juan de la Concepcion, VI, 316.[575]Medina,op. cit., pp. 84-6.[576]Medina,op. cit., pp. 87-130.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 209, 249. It is perhaps worth remarking that Juan de la Concepcion makes no allusion to this episode, so prominent in the history of the Colony and so little creditable to his Augustinian Order.[577]Medina,op. cit., pp. 156-7.[578]MS.,penes me.[579]Medina, Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata, pp. 43-7.Thanks to the researches of native scholars there is ample material for the history of the South American Inquisition. The most prominent of these gentlemen is Don José Toribio Medina who has gathered a wealth of documents in the Spanish archives on which are based the works to which I am principally indebted. These are:“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Lima (1569-1820).” 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1887.“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en Chile.” 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1890.“El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata.” 1 vol., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1900.“Historia del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias.” 1 vol., 12mo, Santiago de Chile, 1899.Don Ricardo Palma of Lima has contributed a useful compendium—“Añales de la Inquisicion de Lima,” Lima, 1863. Third edition, Madrid, 1897.Don Vicuña Mackenna has given some exceedingly curious details of the procedure of the tribunal in his “Francisco Moyen ó lo que fué la Inquisicion en América,” Valparaiso, 1868, of which an English translation by Dr. James W. Duffy appeared in London in 1869.Various relations of autos de fe have been reprinted in the “Documentos Literarios del Perú,” Tomo VII, Lima, 1876.Unfortunately, the main source of information, the records of the tribunal itself, are no longer available. They were preserved almost intact, at the suppression in 1820, and were lodged in the Archivo nacional, in the convent of San Agustin, but were dispersed in 1881 when Lima was occupied by the Chilian army. Before this event, through the kindness of Doctor Paz-Soldan, I procured copies of some interesting documents, referred to in the following pages under the old numbers. The Spanish archives have also furnished me some material.[580]Medina, Inquisicion de Lima, II, 469-73.[581]Ibidem, I, 26; La Plata, I, 16-18.[582]Concil. Limens. Provin. I, Act.II, cap. 1; Act.V, cap. 1 (Haroldus, Lima Limata, pp. 5, 42).[583]Medina, La Plata, 19.[584]Medina, La Plata, pp. 21-41, 85-111.Another distinguished conquistador, Felipe de Cáceres, was prosecuted by Pedro Fernández de la Torre, Bishop of la Plata, who carried him to Spain, about 1580, but died on the passage and Cáceres was delivered to the tribunal of Seville.—Ibidem, p. 116.[585]Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expedte5270.[586]Medina, Lima, I, 173-177, 179-80.—Archivo nacional de Lima,ubi sup.[587]Medina, Lima, II, 424.[588]Medina, Lima, I, 2-4.[589]Medina, Lima, I, 6-18.—See also Elkan N. Adler, The Inquisicion in Peru (Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12), who prints a translation of the special instructions of the Suprema.[590]Medina, Lima, I, 29-31.[591]Medina, Lima, I, 49-55.[592]Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expedte5270.—Palma, Añales, 8-11.—Medina, Lima, I, 6.[593]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 23.[594]Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit.[595]Medina, Lima, I, 5.—Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Expte5289.[596]Archivo de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expte5270.—Medina, Lima, I, 301-18.[597]Medina, La Plata, p. 57.—Archivo de Lima,ubi sup.[598]Medina, Chile, I, 363, 365.—Archivo nacional de Lima,ubi sup.[599]Medina, Lima, I, 172; II, 58.—Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Expte5287; Protocolo 223, Expte5270.[600]The prosecution, about 1580, of Fray Andres Vélez, Provincial of San Domingo, shows that the islands were subject to the Lima tribunal.—Archivo de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expte5270.[601]Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expte5270.[602]Archivo nacional de Lima,ubi sup.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 23.[603]Medina, Lima, I, 204-223; La Plata, 62-3, 113.[604]Medina, Lima, I, 261; La Plata, 113-15.[605]Medina, La Plata, p. 116.[606]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 45, fol. 210.[607]Medina, La Plata, pp. 200-7.[608]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 46.

[485]E. N. Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12).

[486]J. T. Medina, Hist. de la Inquisicion de Cartagena p. 437. See, also, p. 278. Cf. Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 61, fol. 251.—MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc 17.

[487]MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.

[488]Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib.III, cap. xxiv, n. 16.

[489]Medina, p. 315.

[490]Solorzano,loc. cit., n. 61.

[491]This prohibition was removed in the Concordia of 1633.

[492]Recop. de las Indias, Lib.I, Tit. xix, ley 29.The vexatious petty tyranny in which the tribunal indulged is illustrated by the case of a law-student, Diego de Porras Villerías, about 1600, who was fined in 100 pesos and banished for a year because he refused to honor a requisition for two cartloads of lime for the prison which it was constructing.—Medina, p. 137.

[492]Recop. de las Indias, Lib.I, Tit. xix, ley 29.

The vexatious petty tyranny in which the tribunal indulged is illustrated by the case of a law-student, Diego de Porras Villerías, about 1600, who was fined in 100 pesos and banished for a year because he refused to honor a requisition for two cartloads of lime for the prison which it was constructing.—Medina, p. 137.

[493]Solorzaniop. cit., Lib.III, cap. xxiv, n. 60.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 1, 60, 66sqq.

[494]Solorzano,loc. cit., n. 63-73.

[495]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 17, fol. 1.

[496]Munich, MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.

[497]Recop., Lib.I, Tit. xix, ley 30.

[498]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 199.

[499]Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.

[500]Medina, p. 323. Possibly this may explain his treasonable project of transferring the northern provinces of Mexico to France.

[501]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 362.

[502]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 946, fol. 282, 360, 400.—Por el Tribunal del S. Officio de Mexico sobre el Impedimiento que a puesto D. D. Matheo Sagade Bugueiro, Arzobispo de la dicha Ciudad (communicated by D. Fergusson Esqr.).

[503]The visitador Medina Rico characterizes without reserve this unjustifiable action of the tribunal “sin causa, motivo, ni razon alguna, se introdujeron à inmensos procedimientos en la materia, y esto no con igualdad y justicia, sino con manifiesta pasion contra el dicho señor Obispo, su provisor, criados, allegados y afectos.” They represented to Viceroy Salvatierra “que era sospechoso en la fe y tizon ardiente del infierno y otras cosas gravisimas semejantes à las referidas.”—Medina, pp. 241, 242.

[504]Obras de Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, Tom. I, Prolegom.; T. XI, pp. 241, 289, 328, 466-7 (Madrid, 1762). The fullest account, however, of the arbitrary proceedings of the Inquisition is contained in a letter, omitted for cause from his collected works, written from Chiapa, August 10, 1647, to the Inquisitor-general Arce y Reynoso. It was printed by Puigblanch, Cadiz, 1813, and by Medina, pp. 242-60.It is worthy of note that at this time the Jesuits were laying the foundation of their curious autocratic empire of Paraguay, by a quarrel with Bernardino de Cardenas, Bishop of Asuncion, known asel Padre de los Indios. To prevent his visiting their missions they drove him by force of arms from his episcopal see. The struggle lasted from 1644 to 1660, when the Holy See decided in favor of the bishop.—Coleccion de Documentos tocantes á la Persecucion contra D. Fr. Bernardino de Cardenas, Madrid, 1768.

It is worthy of note that at this time the Jesuits were laying the foundation of their curious autocratic empire of Paraguay, by a quarrel with Bernardino de Cardenas, Bishop of Asuncion, known asel Padre de los Indios. To prevent his visiting their missions they drove him by force of arms from his episcopal see. The struggle lasted from 1644 to 1660, when the Holy See decided in favor of the bishop.—Coleccion de Documentos tocantes á la Persecucion contra D. Fr. Bernardino de Cardenas, Madrid, 1768.

[505]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 64.We shall meet Archbishop Juan de Mañozca hereafter in his earlier capacity of Inquisitor of Cartagena, where he earned an infamous notoriety.

[505]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 64.

We shall meet Archbishop Juan de Mañozca hereafter in his earlier capacity of Inquisitor of Cartagena, where he earned an infamous notoriety.

[506]MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. The sentence in this case is so unusual that I give the essential portion of it in the Appendix.

[507]Medina, p. 266.

[508]Gams, Series Episcoporum, s. vv.

[509]Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan., 79.

[510]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 2.

[511]Páramo, p. 243.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 940, fol. 6.

[512]MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[513]See the Author’s “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” p. 73.There was no little scandal, in 1768, when it was discovered that the receiver of the tribunal, Vicente de las Heras Serrano, had sold for 850 pesos to the Licentiate Juan José Azpeitia a number of the prohibited books which had been seized. No great damage to the faith could have ensued if they were all like Milton’s Paradise Lost, for the possession of which a French surgeon, Carlos Loret, was forced to abjure and was banished to Spain.—Medina, p. 434.

[513]See the Author’s “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” p. 73.

There was no little scandal, in 1768, when it was discovered that the receiver of the tribunal, Vicente de las Heras Serrano, had sold for 850 pesos to the Licentiate Juan José Azpeitia a number of the prohibited books which had been seized. No great damage to the faith could have ensued if they were all like Milton’s Paradise Lost, for the possession of which a French surgeon, Carlos Loret, was forced to abjure and was banished to Spain.—Medina, p. 434.

[514]MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.A similar prohibition of the irreverent use of crosses and images is embodied in the Peruvian Edict of Faith of 1641.—Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12).

[514]MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

A similar prohibition of the irreverent use of crosses and images is embodied in the Peruvian Edict of Faith of 1641.—Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12).

[515]Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79. See “Chapters from Spain,” p. 86, for instructions to the commissioners in the performance of this duty.

[516]Recop., Lib.I, Tit. xix, ley 30.

[517]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 10; Lib. 40, fol. 44.

[518]MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[519]Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79.

[520]Note to Recop., Lib.I, Tit. xix, ley 29. For further details as to this see below, under Peru.

[521]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 28, fol. 272, 276.Obregon (op. cit., p. 227) relates an anecdote of this period which would seem incompatible with the existing discredited position of the Inquisition. One Ash Wednesday, when the canons of the cathedral called upon the Marquis de Croix, as customary, to present him with ashes, he kept them waiting in his antechamber, to the intense indignation of those dignified personages. They complained to the inquisitors, who summoned the viceroy to appear before them. He obeyed, but he went attended by a guard and some pieces of artillery. He was haughtily received until he took out his watch and casually remarked that he hoped the audience would be brief for, if he was not back in the street in ten minutes, the cannon would open on the building and reduce it to ruins. The dignity of the inquisitors disappeared; they promptly dismissed him and were in agony as he leisurely sauntered forth.If such an occurrence took place it is attributable with more verisimilitude to the period of the Marquis de Croix in Mexico than to the earlier time of the Marquis de Castelfuerte in Peru, of whom a precisely similar story is told, except that he gave the tribunal an hour for consideration. In his case the summons to appear is ascribed to his rough treatment of the Franciscans, July 5, 1731, when two of them were killed in a disturbance at the execution of Dr. Joseph de Antequera.—Palma, Añales de la Inquisicion de Lima, p. 184 (Madrid, 1898).

[521]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 28, fol. 272, 276.

Obregon (op. cit., p. 227) relates an anecdote of this period which would seem incompatible with the existing discredited position of the Inquisition. One Ash Wednesday, when the canons of the cathedral called upon the Marquis de Croix, as customary, to present him with ashes, he kept them waiting in his antechamber, to the intense indignation of those dignified personages. They complained to the inquisitors, who summoned the viceroy to appear before them. He obeyed, but he went attended by a guard and some pieces of artillery. He was haughtily received until he took out his watch and casually remarked that he hoped the audience would be brief for, if he was not back in the street in ten minutes, the cannon would open on the building and reduce it to ruins. The dignity of the inquisitors disappeared; they promptly dismissed him and were in agony as he leisurely sauntered forth.

If such an occurrence took place it is attributable with more verisimilitude to the period of the Marquis de Croix in Mexico than to the earlier time of the Marquis de Castelfuerte in Peru, of whom a precisely similar story is told, except that he gave the tribunal an hour for consideration. In his case the summons to appear is ascribed to his rough treatment of the Franciscans, July 5, 1731, when two of them were killed in a disturbance at the execution of Dr. Joseph de Antequera.—Palma, Añales de la Inquisicion de Lima, p. 184 (Madrid, 1898).

[522]Medina, p. 338.

[523]Ibidem, pp. 339-45.

[524]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 81.

[525]Medina, pp. 358-63.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 81.

[526]Medina, pp. 365, 388.

[527]Ibidem, pp. 396, 432.

[528]Medina, pp. 387, 397-405.

[529]Obregon,op. cit., 2ª Serie, pp. 389, 392-3.Lizardi’s troubles did not end with the extinction of the Inquisition. In 1822 he issued a defence of Free-Masonry which excited clerical wrath. In Puebla, a priest, after arousing the people with his sermons, headed a mob which broke into a printer’s shop, carried off the obnoxious books and made an auto de fe of them, leading to a tumult in which three men were killed and a number were wounded. About the same time Lizardi was obliged to appeal to the Córtes for protection against his public excommunication by the archiepiscopal provisor.—El Sol, pp. 122, 146, 152 (Mexico, 1822).

[529]Obregon,op. cit., 2ª Serie, pp. 389, 392-3.

Lizardi’s troubles did not end with the extinction of the Inquisition. In 1822 he issued a defence of Free-Masonry which excited clerical wrath. In Puebla, a priest, after arousing the people with his sermons, headed a mob which broke into a printer’s shop, carried off the obnoxious books and made an auto de fe of them, leading to a tumult in which three men were killed and a number were wounded. About the same time Lizardi was obliged to appeal to the Córtes for protection against his public excommunication by the archiepiscopal provisor.—El Sol, pp. 122, 146, 152 (Mexico, 1822).

[530]I owe to the late General Don Vicente Riva Palacio the documents in this matter.

[531]Obregon,op. cit., 2ª Serie, p. 393.

[532]Note to Recop., Lib.I, Tit. xix, ley 1. Cf. Lib.III, Tit. i, ley 2.

[533]See in Appendix the Edict of January 26, 1811. Also Obregon, 2ª Serie, p. 393.

[534]Proceso contra Dr. Pedro Mendizabal, fol. 13 (MS.penes me).

[535]I owe the following details to a transcript of his trial, made from the original in 1865 by Don José María Lafragua and kindly communicated to me by David Fergusson Esqr.

[536]The learned Dominican Jacques Augustin Serry’sHistoria Congregationum de Auxiliis, issued also under the pseudonym of Augustin Leblanc, appeared in 1700 and was promptly condemned in Spain in 1701 (Index of 1707, I, 776), but is not on the Roman Index. HisExercitationes de Christo ejusque V. Matreare in both Indexes. For a Jesuit opinion of the former work see Father Colonia’sBibliothèque Janseniste, p. 186 (Ed. 1735).María de Agreda was a Spanish mystic of the seventeenth century whom Spain has repeatedly, up to modern times, endeavored to get canonized.

María de Agreda was a Spanish mystic of the seventeenth century whom Spain has repeatedly, up to modern times, endeavored to get canonized.

[537]These comprehensive excommunications led to a result not particularly creditable to the Church. A writer in 1822 calls attention to the fact that, while the leading insurgents who were captured were formally reconciled before they were shot, the mass of the people, who had never paid any attention to the censures, were freely received to the sacraments without having been absolved.—El Sol, México, Feb. 27, 1822, p. 107.

[538]See Appendix. One of the insurgent proclamations shows the savage character of the warfare. It sets forth the terms and conditions of the struggle of which the following may serve as a specimen—4. The European who resists with arms will be put to the sword.5. When threatened with siege or battle, before commencing we will put to the sword the numerous Europeans in our hands and will then abide the fortunes of war.6. The American who defends a European with arms will be put to the sword.Thus was justified the execution of Hidalgo and his chiefs. Whatever sympathy we may feel for the cause, we must admit that the cruelty marking the strife was equally shared and that the fate of Maximilian was foreshadowed.

4. The European who resists with arms will be put to the sword.

5. When threatened with siege or battle, before commencing we will put to the sword the numerous Europeans in our hands and will then abide the fortunes of war.

6. The American who defends a European with arms will be put to the sword.

Thus was justified the execution of Hidalgo and his chiefs. Whatever sympathy we may feel for the cause, we must admit that the cruelty marking the strife was equally shared and that the fate of Maximilian was foreshadowed.

[539]In estimating the veracity of this curious tale, we must bear in mind that both Fernando VII and Pius VII were at the time prisoners of Napoleon. There was, it is true, a Spanish Regency and the Córtes of Cádiz which used the royal name, but it is inconceivable that, even if it had access to the pope, it would have taken such a precaution at a time when there was no anticipation of rebellion in the colonies.

[540]Medina, pp. 456-61.

[541]Ibidem, pp. 461, 463.

[542]Coleccion de Cédulas etc. de Fernando VII, pp. 8, 85 (Valencia, 1814).

[543]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libros 877, 890.

[544]Medina, pp. 467-9.

[545]Medina, pp. 469-70.

[546]Ibidem, pp. 479-92.

[547]The following details of the trial of Morelos are derived from a report, accompanied by the documents, made by Flores to the Suprema, November 27 and December 29, 1815. It is in the archives of Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 49, Legajo 1473.—See also Medina, pp. 513-45.

[548]The Constitution of Nov. 22, 1814, which based all government on the will of the people clearly came under the edict of August, 1808, which denounced the doctrine of popular sovereignty as manifest heresy. For the same reason the Constitution of Cádiz was heretical.

[549]See Appendix.

[550]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 559.

[551]Obregon, 2ª Serie, p. 395. Mier’s crowning offence was a book with the suggestive title “Informe y Pedimento Fiscal presentado por los Locos ante el Supremo Tribunal de la Razon humana.”—Archivo histórico nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 100.He escaped to the United States and returned to Mexico in 1822, when he was imprisoned by Dávila, Governor of the castle of San Juan de Ulua, but was speedily released.—El Sol, p. 117 (Mexico, 1822).

He escaped to the United States and returned to Mexico in 1822, when he was imprisoned by Dávila, Governor of the castle of San Juan de Ulua, but was speedily released.—El Sol, p. 117 (Mexico, 1822).

[552]Medina, p. 505.

[553]Archivo hist. nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion, Legajo 6462, Cuaderno 1, fol. 68; Cuaderno 2, fol. 2.

[554]Defensa del Editor de la Obra titulada los Misterios de la Inquisicion, México, 1850.

[555]J. T. Medina, El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Islas Filipinas, pp. 16, 28-9 (Santiago de Chile, 1899).

[556]Medina,op. cit., pp. 17-28, 30-1, 36-8, 141-51.

[557]Instruccion que han de guardar los Comisarios, n. 16, 17, 18, 30.

[558]Medina,op. cit., pp. 178-9, 181-2.

[559]Ibidem, pp. 38-9.

[560]Medina,op. cit., pp. 42-3.We have seen above (p. 243) that, in the list of cases of solicitation pending before the Mexican tribunal in the years 1622-3-4, there were seven from Manila. Of these, as we chance to learn from other documents, three, Fray Domingo Fernández, Fray Melchor de Manzano and Fray Martin de la Anunciacion, were all denounced, by different women, on March 31, 1622, to Fray Miguel de San Jacinto, commissioner for the province of New Segovia. As that day was the Thursday after Easter, this was probably the result of confessing to a rigid confessor who refused absolution until denunciation should be made. Another one was Padre Pedro Ramírez, S. J., denounced to the Manila commissioner, Fray Domingo González, Aug. 16, 1622.The comparative infrequency of Jesuit culprits may perhaps be partially explained by a remarkable precaution adopted by the Society. A deposition under oath, Jan. 20, 1625, made in the Philippines by Padre Baltasar de Silva, states that experienced and trustworthy women, whom they called syndics, were employed to confess to Jesuits and tempt them to a certain point. The result was reported to the rector and if one was found to respond to the advances, he was transferred to some other place before he reached the point of himself soliciting. The Order looked with aversion on the requirement of denunciation to the Inquisition and took this method of averting it. In Manila, about 1605, one of these syndics was Doña Mariana Garvi, who was succeeded by Doña María Marmolejo.—MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[560]Medina,op. cit., pp. 42-3.

We have seen above (p. 243) that, in the list of cases of solicitation pending before the Mexican tribunal in the years 1622-3-4, there were seven from Manila. Of these, as we chance to learn from other documents, three, Fray Domingo Fernández, Fray Melchor de Manzano and Fray Martin de la Anunciacion, were all denounced, by different women, on March 31, 1622, to Fray Miguel de San Jacinto, commissioner for the province of New Segovia. As that day was the Thursday after Easter, this was probably the result of confessing to a rigid confessor who refused absolution until denunciation should be made. Another one was Padre Pedro Ramírez, S. J., denounced to the Manila commissioner, Fray Domingo González, Aug. 16, 1622.

The comparative infrequency of Jesuit culprits may perhaps be partially explained by a remarkable precaution adopted by the Society. A deposition under oath, Jan. 20, 1625, made in the Philippines by Padre Baltasar de Silva, states that experienced and trustworthy women, whom they called syndics, were employed to confess to Jesuits and tempt them to a certain point. The result was reported to the rector and if one was found to respond to the advances, he was transferred to some other place before he reached the point of himself soliciting. The Order looked with aversion on the requirement of denunciation to the Inquisition and took this method of averting it. In Manila, about 1605, one of these syndics was Doña Mariana Garvi, who was succeeded by Doña María Marmolejo.—MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.

[561]Medina,op. cit., pp. 48-50.

[562]Medina,op. cit., pp. 53-4.

[563]Ibidem, pp. 33-4.

[564]El Museo Mexicano, 1843, p 361.

[565]Medina,op. cit., pp. 59-66.

[566]Fray Juan de la Concepcion, Historia general de Philipinas, T. IX, pp. 202-4.

[567]Medina,op. cit., pp. 151-4.

[568]Medina,op. cit., pp. 141-51.

[569]Ibidem, pp. 161-3.

[570]Juan de la Concepcion, XIV, 81-107.—Buzeta, Diccionario de las Islas Filipinas, I, 395 (Madrid, 1850).

[571]MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hisp. 79.

[572]Juan de la Concepcion, V, 276, 278. Puigblanch (La Inquisicion sin Mascara, Cádiz, 1811, p. 402) is in error in attributing the persecution of Archbishop Guerrero to the Inquisition and has misapprehended Palafox’s allusion to it. In both cases it was the Jesuits acting throughjueces conservadores, who, by a monstrous abuse, assumed to exercise full papal powers, but in Mexico the Inquisition was with them and in Manila it was against them.The ecclesiastics had full revenge on Governor Corcuera when, in 1644, he was succeeded by Diego Fajardo. In fortifying Manila against an expected attack by the Dutch, his lines ran through an Augustinian convent. He offered the frailes another house, but they refused to move and he tore down the building about their ears. When out of office they prosecuted him and obtained a verdict of 25,000 pesos. He must have been a rarely honest governor, for he was unable to pay it and they kept him in harsh gaol for five years. On his liberation, Philip IV appointed him Governor of the Canaries.—Concepcion, VI, 185-93.

The ecclesiastics had full revenge on Governor Corcuera when, in 1644, he was succeeded by Diego Fajardo. In fortifying Manila against an expected attack by the Dutch, his lines ran through an Augustinian convent. He offered the frailes another house, but they refused to move and he tore down the building about their ears. When out of office they prosecuted him and obtained a verdict of 25,000 pesos. He must have been a rarely honest governor, for he was unable to pay it and they kept him in harsh gaol for five years. On his liberation, Philip IV appointed him Governor of the Canaries.—Concepcion, VI, 185-93.

[573]Medina,op. cit., p. 46.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 154.

[574]Juan de la Concepcion, VI, 316.

[575]Medina,op. cit., pp. 84-6.

[576]Medina,op. cit., pp. 87-130.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 209, 249. It is perhaps worth remarking that Juan de la Concepcion makes no allusion to this episode, so prominent in the history of the Colony and so little creditable to his Augustinian Order.

[577]Medina,op. cit., pp. 156-7.

[578]MS.,penes me.

[579]Medina, Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata, pp. 43-7.Thanks to the researches of native scholars there is ample material for the history of the South American Inquisition. The most prominent of these gentlemen is Don José Toribio Medina who has gathered a wealth of documents in the Spanish archives on which are based the works to which I am principally indebted. These are:“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Lima (1569-1820).” 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1887.“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en Chile.” 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1890.“El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata.” 1 vol., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1900.“Historia del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias.” 1 vol., 12mo, Santiago de Chile, 1899.Don Ricardo Palma of Lima has contributed a useful compendium—“Añales de la Inquisicion de Lima,” Lima, 1863. Third edition, Madrid, 1897.Don Vicuña Mackenna has given some exceedingly curious details of the procedure of the tribunal in his “Francisco Moyen ó lo que fué la Inquisicion en América,” Valparaiso, 1868, of which an English translation by Dr. James W. Duffy appeared in London in 1869.Various relations of autos de fe have been reprinted in the “Documentos Literarios del Perú,” Tomo VII, Lima, 1876.Unfortunately, the main source of information, the records of the tribunal itself, are no longer available. They were preserved almost intact, at the suppression in 1820, and were lodged in the Archivo nacional, in the convent of San Agustin, but were dispersed in 1881 when Lima was occupied by the Chilian army. Before this event, through the kindness of Doctor Paz-Soldan, I procured copies of some interesting documents, referred to in the following pages under the old numbers. The Spanish archives have also furnished me some material.

[579]Medina, Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata, pp. 43-7.

Thanks to the researches of native scholars there is ample material for the history of the South American Inquisition. The most prominent of these gentlemen is Don José Toribio Medina who has gathered a wealth of documents in the Spanish archives on which are based the works to which I am principally indebted. These are:

“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Lima (1569-1820).” 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1887.

“Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en Chile.” 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1890.

“El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata.” 1 vol., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1900.

“Historia del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias.” 1 vol., 12mo, Santiago de Chile, 1899.

Don Ricardo Palma of Lima has contributed a useful compendium—“Añales de la Inquisicion de Lima,” Lima, 1863. Third edition, Madrid, 1897.

Don Vicuña Mackenna has given some exceedingly curious details of the procedure of the tribunal in his “Francisco Moyen ó lo que fué la Inquisicion en América,” Valparaiso, 1868, of which an English translation by Dr. James W. Duffy appeared in London in 1869.

Various relations of autos de fe have been reprinted in the “Documentos Literarios del Perú,” Tomo VII, Lima, 1876.

Unfortunately, the main source of information, the records of the tribunal itself, are no longer available. They were preserved almost intact, at the suppression in 1820, and were lodged in the Archivo nacional, in the convent of San Agustin, but were dispersed in 1881 when Lima was occupied by the Chilian army. Before this event, through the kindness of Doctor Paz-Soldan, I procured copies of some interesting documents, referred to in the following pages under the old numbers. The Spanish archives have also furnished me some material.

[580]Medina, Inquisicion de Lima, II, 469-73.

[581]Ibidem, I, 26; La Plata, I, 16-18.

[582]Concil. Limens. Provin. I, Act.II, cap. 1; Act.V, cap. 1 (Haroldus, Lima Limata, pp. 5, 42).

[583]Medina, La Plata, 19.

[584]Medina, La Plata, pp. 21-41, 85-111.Another distinguished conquistador, Felipe de Cáceres, was prosecuted by Pedro Fernández de la Torre, Bishop of la Plata, who carried him to Spain, about 1580, but died on the passage and Cáceres was delivered to the tribunal of Seville.—Ibidem, p. 116.

[584]Medina, La Plata, pp. 21-41, 85-111.

Another distinguished conquistador, Felipe de Cáceres, was prosecuted by Pedro Fernández de la Torre, Bishop of la Plata, who carried him to Spain, about 1580, but died on the passage and Cáceres was delivered to the tribunal of Seville.—Ibidem, p. 116.

[585]Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expedte5270.

[586]Medina, Lima, I, 173-177, 179-80.—Archivo nacional de Lima,ubi sup.

[587]Medina, Lima, II, 424.

[588]Medina, Lima, I, 2-4.

[589]Medina, Lima, I, 6-18.—See also Elkan N. Adler, The Inquisicion in Peru (Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12), who prints a translation of the special instructions of the Suprema.

[590]Medina, Lima, I, 29-31.

[591]Medina, Lima, I, 49-55.

[592]Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expedte5270.—Palma, Añales, 8-11.—Medina, Lima, I, 6.

[593]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 23.

[594]Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit.

[595]Medina, Lima, I, 5.—Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Expte5289.

[596]Archivo de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expte5270.—Medina, Lima, I, 301-18.

[597]Medina, La Plata, p. 57.—Archivo de Lima,ubi sup.

[598]Medina, Chile, I, 363, 365.—Archivo nacional de Lima,ubi sup.

[599]Medina, Lima, I, 172; II, 58.—Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Expte5287; Protocolo 223, Expte5270.

[600]The prosecution, about 1580, of Fray Andres Vélez, Provincial of San Domingo, shows that the islands were subject to the Lima tribunal.—Archivo de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expte5270.

[601]Archivo nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expte5270.

[602]Archivo nacional de Lima,ubi sup.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 23.

[603]Medina, Lima, I, 204-223; La Plata, 62-3, 113.

[604]Medina, Lima, I, 261; La Plata, 113-15.

[605]Medina, La Plata, p. 116.

[606]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 45, fol. 210.

[607]Medina, La Plata, pp. 200-7.

[608]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 46.

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