PLATE XXXVIIIALEPPO: ENTRANCE TO THE MEDIEVAL FORTRESS UPON THE ACROPOLIS
PLATE XXXVIII
ALEPPO: ENTRANCE TO THE MEDIEVAL FORTRESS UPON THE ACROPOLIS
Northward lies Sinjerli, the centre of old-time Shamal, in the valley of the Kara Su, under the eastern slopes of Mount Amanus. Here one of the numerous mounds in this locality has been excavated, and disclosed the site of a walled town surrounding an acropolis which was separately enclosed. Within were palaces, orHilâni, of different building periods, and decorated like the gates of the citadel and town with sculptures of varying character. Several inscriptions, from the dated evidence upon them and their relative positions, added to the archæological value of these discoveries, which will be found described in greater detail in Chapter v.
An hour northward from Sinjerli is the village of Kara-burshlu, at the foot of Mount Amanus, and on the way from one of the chief local descents from the mountains called significantly Arslan Boghaz (Lion Gorge). Above this village there towers a steep knoll, on the summit of which an interesting carved monument was found by members of the first Berlin expedition to Sinjerli.[204]The subject of the relief is a Ceremonial Feast, similar in its general features toothers observed in the locality at Sinjerli,[205]Sakje-Geuzi, Marash, and Malatia, and in Asia Minor at Boghaz-Keui (Iasily Kaya) and at Yarre, but rendered important through certain variations. For it seems to have been inscribed on both sides and on the top; while, below, part of a pedestal remains, on which it must have been designed to stand.[206]Thus it could not have been intended for a building stone, nor is there any suggestion that it was an old stone re-used. Its height is 3 feet 7 inches, its width 3 feet; and the pedestal is preserved to a length of about 5 inches with a width of 18 inches. Unfortunately the stone was found in a poor state of preservation, and could not be moved, so that we have to rely chiefly on sketches and impressions taken on the spot by the discoverers. These, however, were executed with great skill, and it is the fault rather of the condition of the monument, and of our unfamiliarity with the writing, that more of the inscription cannot be made out. As it is, only part of four rows from the right-hand side have been published; but there seem to have been originally six rows on each side and at least one row on the top. The letters are all incised. The sculpture is in relief, and represents two figures seated on either side of a low table, similar to one another andvis-à-vis. The hair of the one seems to be short, and of the other curled. Their shoes turn upwards at the toe. Their robes are long and fringed, reaching to the ankles, andthere is a belt (partly at least) around the waist. Each raises the further hand with something in it to the level of the mouth. The nearer elbow is drawn back in a natural position, and a staff is suggested in the hand. The chairs are square cornered and straight legged, twice as high as broad, with spindles to match, and low backs, the upper bars of which are thicker and rounded behind. The table is of familiar shape, rather squeezed in the drawing. The top seems to be round, and the curved legs (which are probably three in number) cross about two-thirds of their height, forming a tripod. The feet of the legs are ornamented, probably but not clearly, as animals’ feet. Upon the table are five flat circular objects (if we interpret the perspective of the drawing rightly) like native loaves of bread, and upon them are two small pear-shaped objects more difficult to define.
The class of sculpture to which this monument belongs is to be distinguished in our opinion from that in which one of the personages represented is clearly more exalted than the other,[207]hence presumably the lord or master to whom a servant ministers; whereas in these, the persons seem to be on an equality, and both share in the feast. The suggestion of a ‘funerary feast’[208]as an explanation of these sculptures seems most natural, but the difficulty in accepting this arises from the fact that at Sinjerli the stone in question forms part of a mural decoration, and others of those mentioned seem to be clearly architectural blocks. This difficulty might be explained away by the compromise that the scenes were originallycommemorative of some religious institution of a funerary character, though not actually tombstones.[209]
One of the most interesting monuments of this kind is found at Sakje-Geuzi, which lies in the same valley as Sinjerli, about a day’s journey to the north-east. The route passes through a gap in a low ridge which divides the valley transversely and forms a natural boundary between the two districts. Recent excavations[210]have unearthed in one of the mounds at Sakje-Geuzi the outline of a walled citadel and the foundations of a palace with portico sculptured in characteristic fashion. These buildings we describe with those of Sinjerli and Eyuk in a later chapter; but there are one or two surface monuments of this site that may appropriately be mentioned now. One of these is the relief in question.[211]The stone was found in the marshy ground at the foot of the mound called Jobba Eyuk. The stone is preserved to a height of 27 inches, and is probably a decorative building slab, brought down in modern times from the mound. The carving is very weathered, but its main features may be readily made out. The figure on the left is seated, with hands stretched out towards the table; while that on the opposite side stands facing the other, with hands forward as though in the act of serving.[212]The dresses seem to be long robes; that of the standing figure may be bordered or fringed.The hair of the seated figure ends in a bunched curl.[213]The chair is straight-legged as before, only the back is higher, and while curving very slightly backwards does not thicken but rather tends to taper. The table is better drawn than in the last instance; the curve and crossing of the legs is more clear; but the third leg is shown in each case stopping short at the junction, possibly because the artist thought the curve took it out of the plane of the sculptures. The objects upon the table cannot be identified: the one which seems to be proffered by the left hand of the standing figure is round and set upright; the other is small and T-shaped.
Another monument not foundin situ, and no longer at Sakje-Geuzi, was removed to Berlin[214]some years ago from the walls of the Konak, or chiefs house, in the village. It consists of three sculptured stones, obviously part of a mural decoration, but forming in themselves a complete group. The subject depicted is a royal lion hunt.[215]The king or priest dynast is marked out by a winged disk near to his head; he rides in a two-horsed chariot, which is driven by a companion. The horses, like the men, are clad in mail; jaunty tassels hang from their sides and shoulders. The car is small and seemingly open at the back; a quiver for arrows is hung up on each side, as well as an implement which seems like a javelin. The tires of the wheels are thick, and there are eight spokes. The two figures standing within the chariot are clad exactly alike, in long mail robes with short sleeves that do not reach the elbow. Both are without otherheadgear than their copious hair or wig, which is arranged in long parallel curls over the head; their beards also are dressed in pendent curls in the Assyrian style. The face of the warrior is partly hidden by that of him who drives, but the visible characteristics are the same. The eye is rendered in full, while the somewhat aquiline nose and prominent lips are in profile. The similarity of these two figures is somewhat striking; possibly, on the Egyptian analogy, it is the king’s son who drives. He holds the reins in his two hands, a pair in each, while in his right he seems to grasp also a short-stocked whip. The figure seen partly behind, which we take for the monarch, is portrayed in the act of shooting. The short bow is drawn to the back of the neck, and the middle part of the weapon, held by the outstretched left hand, together with the long point of the arrow, is seen protruding from before the face of the nearer figure. His quarry is a noble lion which is seen immediately in front of the chariot horses. A third figure in the background here intervenes, being partly hidden by the forelegs of the horses and the hind parts of the lion. He is clad only in a short tunic from the waist; the garment has apparently a seam vertically down the front, and the fold, which is fringed or bordered, falls transversely over the right thigh. His feet are shod in sandals.[216]The face of this person is not well preserved, but his hair is short and very curly. In his right hand an implement resembling a double axe is poised aloft, while with his left he still grasps a spear, the point of which protrudes from the near flank of the lion. The beast itself is shown also in profile; the tail with bushy tip is down; themane and ruffle are depicted, and the hair is shown full behind the shoulder and under the belly.[217]The mouth is open, with the teeth all bared, and the left paw is upraised with the claws turned outwards, both actions threatening a fourth person who with face turned towards the group completes the scene. With both hands this man drives home a spear into the skull or left shoulder of the animal. He is clad like the riders in the chariot in a long suit of mail, with short sleeves. In this case the lower part of the garment may be seen, which in the others is hidden by the side of the chariot: it is cut away from above the knees, though falling behind nearly to the ankles. There is a belt around the waist as before; the sandals have flat soles, while toe-piece and ankle-strap are clearly delineated. The head-dress of this person is peculiarly interesting. While perpetuating the form of the conical hat it seems to look more clearly like a helmet. This may, however, be an illusion, as there is a border around the brow, and the appearance of a turnover fold which reaches down the side from the peak. Over the back of the animal, between the spears of the two standing figures, there appear four rosettes of twelve petals each; while the upper and lower borders of the stones are decorated also with a pattern composed of contiguous concentric circles. The height of these slabs is nearly four feet, which accords with the measure of other stones of similar character and decoration found upon one of the mounds of this site.[218]Together these form a series of pronounced Assyrian feeling, and obviously of later date[219]than the palace-portico recently unearthed.
PLATE XXXIXSAKJE-GEUZI: ROYAL HUNTING SCENEDate probably 8th centuryB.C.
PLATE XXXIX
SAKJE-GEUZI: ROYAL HUNTING SCENE
Date probably 8th centuryB.C.
From Sakje-Geuzi a difficult mountain track leads over the Qurt Dagh to Kartal, crossing the head-waters of the Afrîn, and, following the wild upper valley of that river to Karadinek, passes thence under the curve of the basalt plateau to Killiz. The distance in time is much the same as the better road by way of Aintab, being two days’ journey in either case, but the scenery and interests of the former route are unparalleled in Northern Syria. At Killiz various small objects have been from time to time bought in the bazaars, such as stone seals and small bronze figures. Two of the latter we illustrate here,[220]but it is not certain that they are of Hittite origin. Their archaic appearance, however, the range of country and localities in which this class of objects are found, and several other considerations, render the suspicion a probability.[221]
Aintab, one day’s march eastward from Sakje-Geuzi, lies at the juncture of two main routes, the one from Cilicia eastward across the Euphrates, the other from Marash southward by Killiz to Aleppo. It is somewhat surprising therefore that there is no further evidence of Hittite handiwork forthcoming than a single granite corner-stone. This is a cubical block,[222]about twenty inches in height, inscribed on the one face and sculptured on the adjoining side to the right.It is clearly an architectural piece, for neither sculpture nor inscription is completed on the single stone; yet it should be mentioned that in the palace buildings of Sakje-Geuzi, Sinjerli, and Eyuk in no case has an inscription been found built into the walls which are decorated with sculptures. Recently at Malatia, and at Boghaz-Keui, sculptured blocks have been found on the face of which are hieroglyphic signs, as may be seenin situat Eyuk; but in no case is an inscription found built into a wall. We feel inclined to regard this stone therefore as part of another class of structure, like a built-up hero-monument or shrine.[223]The inscription is in three panels, of which the middle one is complete and enclosed by a border; the lowest is lacking only in the left-hand corner at the bottom, while the uppermost is suggested only by traces of the lowest signs within it. A religious character is suggested in the reading of the middle panel tentatively offered by Professor Sayce: ‘This (monument) erecting to the god of my country.’ The sculptured side is equally problematical. That which remains shows the right leg of a man from thigh to knee. The dress seems to be a short tunic, the lowest edge of which seems to be curled up behind. The position of the leg and dress suggest several points of interest in attempting a restoration of the attitude. The figure must have been about life-size, and posed for action with left leg forward; not running but rather walking quickly, or possibly hurling a spear, with the muscles of the leg strung up to give the final impetus to the throw.
PLATE XLKILLIZ: BRONZE FIGURES. (Seep. 106.)DENEK MADÊN: IVORY SEAL. (Seep. 160.)
PLATE XL
Marash lies one day’s journey northwards of Aintab:it is a considerable town placed at the descent from the Taurus on sloping ground well above the plain and 2500 feet above the sea. We have seen that it has played a considerable part in local history, as follows from its important position at the junction of several main routes; and to judge from the remains that have been found there, it must have been in earlier times one of the more important centres of the Hittites. As in the parallel cases of Aleppo and Hamath, probably the conical knoll to the west of the town, crowned by the remains of the mediæval and earlier fortifications, marks the original village ‘tell,’ which, like the mounds of Sakje-Geuzi, began to grow with the first settlements of Hittites upon the spot. Into an arched stone gateway on this acropolis there had been built two sculptured lions of Hittite workmanship, one of them, indeed, freely inscribed with Hittite characters. Originally the two lions had unquestionably guarded the entrance to a palatial building, forming the corner-pieces of the lowest course;[224]but in later times they had been poised aloft in the masonry as mere ornaments.[225]Though these are perhaps the most striking objects from this place, several other monuments are on record, the interest of which is enhanced by their variety of character and detail.[226]These include a slab sculptured with the representation of a Ceremonial Feast, similar to those of Kara-burshlu and Sinjerli, but with the addition of Hittite hieroglyphs upon the sculptured face. There is also the body of a small statue with a considerable part of the sculpture preserved, and a stelawith carved figure and long incised inscription. Several other sculptures may be unhesitatingly included in the list, though without Hittite hieroglyphs upon them. One of these is a fragment showing a woman seated with a child on her knee, holding in her left hand a lyre upon which is perched a bird. Another is also broken, but the figure of a man serving at a table is preserved, and there is clear suggestion of a greater figure on the opposite side. Below, in an ill-drawn scene, a man holding a spear is represented leading a horse.[227]Recently a fine monumental piece has been added to the list, consisting of a cubical block of stone carved on the four sides, with inscription in this case as well as a human figure in relief. There are also various fragmentary inscriptions which have been longer known. There can be no doubt but that Marash was a royal seat of even greater importance than those at Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi.
PLATE XLIAINTAB: INSCRIPTION UPON SCULPTURED GRANITE CORNER-STONE (Seep. 107.)
PLATE XLI
AINTAB: INSCRIPTION UPON SCULPTURED GRANITE CORNER-STONE (Seep. 107.)
The first object of this list, the inscribed lion, is well known, and has several times been published in illustration. We reproduce a photograph of its profile,[228]which is the most typical and interesting point of view. Its architectural nature is evident, and is entirely accordant with that of the lions foundin situat Sakje-Geuzi.[229]It must have stood at the left hand as the decorative corner-stone of a palatial portico, with its fellow lion in the corner opposite. The place on the back prepared for the reception of an upper course of masonry may be seen, and the relative alignment of both walls may be inferred. The forequarters and head of the lion stood out from the wall, and these aresculptured in the round; the rest of the body is in relief. The treatment obeys the now familiar canon, though not carried out in detail: the ruffle of the neck and hairy belly are suggested; the tail curls under, and is seen between the two hindlegs. Only one foreleg is seen in profile, in contradistinction to the familiar Assyrian representations. In this case, however, detail of execution is sacrificed to the long inscription, which uniquely covers the body and even the legs of the animal as well as the spaces between them. The hieroglyphs are deliberate and well cut; the basaltic nature of the rock probably accounts for their superficial roughness, especially in view of the great number of signs carved on a really small surface; for the object is much less than life-size, being only 17 inches high, 35 inches long, and just over 10 inches thick.[230]From the rendering of the inscription by Professor Sayce,[231]it would appear to have been carved by the Hittite king of the district, who united the priestly dignities with his office, as we should expect from the accounts of Strabo in parallel cases.[232]There are several striking points developed by this translation, which though unconfirmed commands our interest and respect. The king claims for himself amongst other attributes to be ‘the dirk-bearer[233]powerful,’ ‘citizen of Merash,’ ‘priest of Merash,’ ‘royal lord of these lands, king of the lands of the god,’ ‘who provides food for the sanctuary,’ ‘of the men of the corn land the chief,’ ‘seated on the throne of Kas.’ He alsoclaims to ‘have nourished the sanctuary of the Hittite ... the god’s high place,’ and to ‘have made a high place for the dancers’ for the celebration of religious rites. The Assyrian name of Marash wasMarkhasi, which seems to take the formMa(a)rghasiin the Hittite. There is a clear suggestion of a theocratic ideal in state affairs, beginning with the high priesthood of the sovereign, and borne further by naming the subjects of the Marash king ‘children of the gods,’ for which there is analogy in the Vannic inscriptions. Sandes seems to be chief god.
PLATE XLIIMARASH: ARCHITECTURAL LION CORNER-STONE INSCRIBED WITH HITTITE HIEROGLYPHS IN RELIEF
PLATE XLII
MARASH: ARCHITECTURAL LION CORNER-STONE INSCRIBED WITH HITTITE HIEROGLYPHS IN RELIEF
The stone sculptured with the representation of a Ceremonial Feast is reported to have been found, together with ‘lance heads and potsherds,’ in a vineyard of Marash.[234]This is another of that class of monument of which we noted the wide distribution and varying features in connection with that found at Kara-burshlu. In this case both figures are seated. They are presumably but not necessarily female. They are clad in long robes; details of the bust are not visible, and it is only the relative smallness of the feet and hands, and certain fulness in the treatment of the bodies, that offer a suggestion of their sex. They are seated on high square chairs with backs that curl away at the top, and their feet rest upon low square footstools. A table between them has straight legs, of which only two are shown, ornamented in some way at the feet. On the table are three round bread-cakes and a cup. The figures arevis-à-vis: each one stretches out the further hand, the left one holding a cup, the other a round mirror of familiar Egyptian shape. Their other hands are drawn back and only just protrude from their cloaks; each seems to hold the samesort of object, ‘perhaps a vase or pomegranate.’[235]The garment is curious, being continuous over the head-dress, and descending to the ankles, with a fringe or border all along the edge and round the bottom. There is a waistband to each figure, which is seemingly composed of separate strands, but it is difficult to understand its attachment.[236]The head-dress is singular, being cylindrical in shape, recalling most nearly that of the Turkoman women.[237]The faces of the persons are ill-drawn and unnatural, but prominence is given to the straightness of nose in line with the receding forehead[238]and to the fulness of the lips. Above and between the heads there are traces of a considerable inscription in relief, of which the signs towards the sides can be made out with some certainty; but the middle portion is too worn to enable one to study the sequence of the characters, or even to decide whether they form two groups, one referring to each person. The whereabouts of this stone is uncertain, but casts are in the Berlin Museum. Its height is 49 inches and width 35 inches; it is just over 15 inches thick. The material is basaltic stone or dolerite.
The portion of a statue from Marash[239]is of importance as numbering, together with a large hand from the same place and the broken figure from Kurts-oghlu, among the very few recorded Hittite sculptures in the round. Unfortunately this one is too broken and too small to tell us much in detail of this feature of Hittite art.With the exception of the right shoulder, however, the whole body is preserved, and only the head and feet are lacking; but the style of the object is formal, and in place of artistic detail there are merely four or five irregular bands of inscription in relief, with other signs upon the preserved shoulder. The right hand remains, but it is worn and lacks detail; in the left there seems to be held a sort of loop with pendent tassel. The material of the statuette is basalt. The height preserved is under 9 inches, its width 6 inches. This torso seems to have belonged to a figure quite distinct from another of similar material which seems to have come from the same vicinity.[240]Of this only two broad bands of the inscription remain, but they seem to mark the beginning of a long inscription; the symbols are boldly cut in relief, and are similar in every way to those of Jerabis. The fragment is rounded and apparently formed part of a hollow figure: it was copied by the discoverers amid much difficulty and subsequently disappeared. The existence of a third statue at Marash, but in this case of gigantic size, is indicated by a large hand, fully twice life-size, and carved in the round.[241]It is, of course, impossible to say from this fragment whether it is really of Hittite origin.
Another important monument of Marash has the appearance of a royal stela with a long inscription accompanied by an image of the king. This belongs to a class of monument of which we shall find further examples at Carchemish and in the neighbourhood of Tyana. In this case the figure occupies the central part of the stone, reaching almost to its full length; andthe inscription is incised in six rows across the whole, the face and feet and forearms of the man alone excepted. The face of the kingly personage is turned to his right, and the whole figure is in profile with the exception of the shoulders, which are square to the observer—in conformity with the common Oriental principles of drawing. The right hand holds a staff which touches the ground in front of the right foot, and rises vertically as high as the shoulders; both elbows are bent at right angles, the left fist being closed and shown about the middle of the body. The robe is a single garment reaching to the ankles, the bottom being fringed or bordered. The toes of the boots are upturned, and, being represented clumsily, look likesabots. The face of the man is too worn to show much character; there is a long curled beard, a band around the forehead, and the hair or wig ends in a prominent curled bunch behind the neck. This stone seems to have been found outside Marash in a burying-place on the road to Adana.[242]Its height is nearly 3 feet 8 inches, and its breadth just over 1 foot 10 inches.[243]
This monument must yield place to another, which is of unique character and interest, more recently discovered[244]on the citadel. This is a block of granite more nearly cubical in shape, but with the top and bottom broken away, so that its original height remains problematical. The preserved portion measures about 2 feet 3 inches in height, and the combined length of three sides, which are approximately equal, is about 5 feet 2 inches. On three sides the inscription is continuous; the hieroglyphs are in relief and arearranged in five bands, of which four are seemingly complete. A sixth band at the bottom is partly traceable, and there may have been others below; at the top, however, the limit is clearly marked, so that the beginning of the inscription is preserved. The opening groups of signs resemble closely those on the lion previously described, though variations of single signs are noticeable, and may possibly supply philologists with alternative readings. It is not, however, the inscription, though unusually legible and complete, that attracts our interest, so much as the sculptures and composition of the whole. The inscription is preceded by a king-like figure in relief, who occupies the right-hand portion of the side on which he is carved and faces away from the inscription, to the right, looking that is to the corner. The inscription follows: the height of the figure is equal to four bands of the hieroglyphs, and the lower bands project under his feet. The second side is entirely filled with the continuation of the inscription, which comes to an end at the left hand of the third side (which is opposite the figure) with the upper part of the picture of a dagger and part of an attachment for it. On the fourth side there is no inscription; the corners are cut away, but there is seen in the middle a sort of tassel, on a large scale accordant with that of the dagger-hilt. It must be noted that the king is turned towards this object in the extended drawing: he is portrayed much as on the stela described above, but the drawing is not good or well preserved. He wears a long robe bound around the waist; the short sleeves are ornamented at the ends, whether with a plain band or otherwise; and the bottom of the plain skirt, which reaches to the ankles, is also fringed or bordered insome way. The toes are shown upturned. The head-dress seems to be a close-fitting skull-cap, behind which the hair descends in the familiar bunching curl. The beard hangs in curls. The face is crudely represented, the mouth being no longer distinguishable. The left hand, which is very disproportioned, is held up before the face with fingers towards the mouth, in the position which in the hieroglyphs is read to indicate the beginning of a personal declaration. The right hand is drawn up breast high, but no staff is shown, possibly because it would have traversed the body.
This stone is thought by Dr. Messerschmidt, who has studied it closely,[245]to have been re-dressed and re-used in Hittite times; he thinks that a large god-figure, wearing a dagger suspended from the shoulder, must have been originally the chief subject of the sculpture; and that this was partly effaced in Hittite times by the king, who had the stone re-dressed and his own figure carved thereon. The inscription he regards as pertaining to the larger figure; and he looks upon the mutilation of the figure of a god as the sign of a period of decline and degradation.
This monument is unique in character, and every respect must be paid to the conclusions of one who, being familiar with Hittite works, has studied this one carefully. Having only the photograph and drawings which he published as guide, we naturally hesitate to put forward any alternative view; yet it must be said that there are several fundamental objections to the explanation which has been offered. The most obvious and irremovable is that there is direct evidence on the face of the stone that the carving is all contemporary; for it is all in relief, and in accordancewith precedent the background not sculptured must have been cut away, so that it would have been impossible subsequently to carve thereon a figure with the same relief as the rest. Added to this, it is clear that the inscription is arranged with due regard to the small figure, not the reverse. Also the ends of the inscribed bands are coterminous with the dagger, stamping the whole composition as contemporary. It must next be noted that no trace of a great figure is to be seen, nor can its form be conjectured, seeing that the dagger hangs on one side and the tassel on the next, unless indeed the stone formed the lower portion of a somewhat angular statue,[246]about four times its present height. A figure in relief would have occupied part of two sides of the stone including the corner—an unprecedented complication in Hittite sculpture. The analogy quoted by Dr. Messerschmidt of the god-figure discovered in the last excavations at Sinjerli breaks down at this point. That object was carved in the round, representing a deity standing in Hittite fashion upon a base composed of two standing lions, as on the monuments of Carchemish and Boghaz-Keui. He wears a dagger stuck into a belt, and with the trappings there is a large tassel of the kind seen on the fourth side in this instance. From these details Dr. Messerschmidt thinks that the Marash monument only differed in that the dagger must have been worn suspended from the shoulder, on account of the pendent position of the belt. On all analogy, however, the priest-king in this case must be facing the deity he is worshipping. If then no other form of deity can be suggested, we must take the only evidence before us asto its nature, which would lead us to infer that it is here represented by the dagger and tassel. We venture no hypothesis in explanation; the Sacred Dirk[247]as a cult object is known in Hittite symbolism and familiar in the hieroglyphs; and it would be equally accordant with precedent to imagine that the dirk was really emblematic of the deity with whom it was usually associated. Alternatively the object of worship may have been a great divine statue upon the skirt of which these representations were carved.
Among the minor inscribed objects from Marash there should be mentioned one, which is a fragment of basalt 10½ inches high and 8 inches wide, inscribed with characters in high relief on two adjacent sides.[248]There are also several uninscribed sculptures from Marash of peculiar interest. The first is a slab of basalt 21 inches high, carved in relief.[249]The subject is that of a female seated at a table facing to the left; on her left knee[250]is a child, whose face is towards the mother. In the right hand of the woman is a decorated mirror, or something of that form; and in her left, which is extended over the table, she holds a primitive five-stringed lyre, square in shape.[251]Over the lyre is a bird often taken for a dove, but more nearly resembling a vulture.[252]The counterpart to the figure, if such existed, is broken away; the carvingis crude and the surface worn. Such details as are distinguishable, the robe, the hat, the chair and table, seem to be similar respectively to those upon the sculpture of the Ceremonial Feast from this place previously described. There is a second uninscribed stone on which appears the emblem of a bird similar to the other in outline and appearance.[253]In this case the subject shows two figures, one on either side of a small two-legged table. That on the right, which is seated, wears the same cylindrical hat as in the cases just described. That on the left, which is standing, is clad in a long robe, which, from such details as are visible, suggests the toga-like garment which distinguishes the priestly class on certain monuments of Asia Minor. The further hand of each is outstretched as usual, the one holding a mirror and the other the bird; the latter feature, however, is not carved with the same detail as in the case just quoted. Over the right shoulder of the standing figure there seems to hang a bow of the peculiar triangular form often depicted in ancient drawing.[254]The cord, however, is not seen; and the stone is in general worn so smooth that little detail can be discerned. The bow reappears on a third uninscribed fragment, which probably resembled the former in subject somewhat closely. On this a figure is shown standing before a two-legged table, over which he holds aloft a curving bow with his extended left hand. In his right hand, which is kept low, there may be seen two arrows, while a quiver hangs at his waist. This stone is also very smooth-worn, but some details of dress may still be recognised, notably the skull-caplong robe with fringe, and turned-up shoes. The Hittite character of the theme is sustained by the arrangement of the hair, which falls away in a single thick cluster or curl behind the neck. A tassel is attached to the waistbelt.[255]
A fourth stone of somewhat larger size, being 35 inches high, is decorated with a subject of unusual character, but unfortunately the most important figure of the scene is largely broken away.[256]This must have been a picture of a god, represented in long fringed robe, and sandals with upturned toes. Poised aloft in front of him, but how supported is not seen, there is the end of an implement or weapon, the attachment to which forms a loop, and then hangs down. A low table, with two curving legs, is placed opposite the middle height of this figure; upon it is a bird, seemingly a goose, with bread-cakes and other eatables. On the opposite side, and facing the major being, a small male figure stands at the same level as the table. He is clad in a short fringed tunic, with oblique fold, and a vest with short sleeves. On his feet are sandals, with the points very prominently returned, and above these are anklets, unless these be long laces wrapped around the ankles to bind the sandals. His hair is curly on the head and bound by a fillet, while lower down it hangs more straightly as far as the shoulders. An earring is suggested, and thick bracelets are clearly shown. He holds an object in his left hand which may be taken for a palm leaf, while with the right he partly proffers towards the greater person a small cup which seems to be boundaround with two small bands, as though made of wood. Below, in such space as remains available, the sculptor has added a horse led by a man. Both are on a small scale, but disproportionate, as the man stands higher than the horse’s head; this arises from the fact that a greater height is available under the feet of the small figure than under the greater one, where the horse’s body is seen. The animal is a stallion, represented with a vague suggestion of spirited movement in the forelegs; and his shoulder-muscles are shown in the same conventional outline as is seen sometimes on the representations of lions in this style of art.[257]The man holds the bridle with his right hand; and, with his back to the horse, and indeed to the greater figure, he holds a spear upright with his left hand, the end of the shaft resting on the ground. He seems to wear a skull-cap, and his hair falls behind in the characteristic bunch or knot. In this case, as in nearly all the figures considered, the outline of the face shows the nose and forehead as practically continuous.
There are two further sculptured fragments of stones from Marash worthy also of special mention. On the one there is preserved the front part of a chariot and the hind part of a horse;[258]the carving is rough, and the drawing neither clear nor good. A small animal under the horse may be a dog. The wheel of the chariot seems to have had eight spokes. The driver is hardly seen, except for the forearm and the hand that grasps the reins. We may conclude none the less that the fragment formed part of a scene of the royal hunt.[259]
The other fragment is better known, showing the head of a musician playing the double pipes.[260]From the treatment of the hair and general character of the carving of this piece we suspect that it is of post-Hittite art, corresponding to the Aramaic period at Sinjerli. There is also in the Berlin Museum a new piece in Hittite style which may very well come from the same place. It is about two feet high, and rather wider. The sculpture is fragmentary, but of striking interest, for the central figure, a man, seems to be riding on horseback. He grasps the bridle with his left hand, and holds a curving nameless object in the right. His legs and the body of the horse are not visible. In the background to the left there is the smaller figure of a female seated on a chair. She holds a pomegranate in her right hand, and raises a drinking-cup with the left. To the right of the man’s head a tiny figure seems to represent the whisk-bearer, turning towards his lord, and waving a palm leaf.
This brings to an end the list of major monuments from Marash. When it is considered that the site has never been excavated for its antiquities, and that these discoveries are mostly accidental, it must be admitted that there is evidence here of a Hittite city of exceptional importance. The date to which it can be assigned as a seat of power will be considered when all the data for comparison are before us.[261]