Chapter 26

[339]Liverpool Annals of Archæology, vol. i., No. 1, p. 6, and Pls.VIII.andIX.(i.).[340]See above,p. 24.[341]Hans Rott,Kleinasiatische Denkmäler(Messerschmidt in the same), pp. 175-179 and figs. 1, 2.[342]See above,p. 24.[343]It is described by Anderson,Jour. Hellenic Studies, xxi. (1901), pp. 328-332 as six miles north-north-west of Tuz Keui, hence is probably theKarapunarof Kiepert’s map, and to be distinguished fromKarapurna, north-west of Arapison.[344]Cf. the fortress and inscription of Kara Dagh, below,p. 178.[345]Cf.Jour. Hellenic Studies(1899), p. 55 ff.[346]Discovered by Anderson, cf.op. cit.and Plate; also Sayce,Proc. S.B.A., 1905 (Nov.), p. 217;C.I.H.(1902), Pl.XLVI.[347]SeePl.XLVIII.for our photo of the southern face. Cf.C.I.H.(1906), Pl.LI.and pp. 11, 12.[348]Cf.p. 27, above.[349]SeePl.XLIX.Cf. Robinson,Proc. S.B.A., 1908 (Jan.), p. 27 and fig. 1, 2; andLiv. Annals of Arch., 1, i. Pls.VI.,VII.and p. 5.[350]Cf. the constructive details of the Lower Palace at Boghaz-Keui, below,p. 208.[351]Cf.Pl.LXV.[352]See pp.235,236.[353]From the treaty between Hattusil and RamesesII., see below,p. 348.[354]Especially as some hieroglyphs are visible in M. Perrot’s photograph.[355]Winckler,Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient. Gesellschaft zu Berlin, Dec. 1907, No. 35, pp. 57, 58, figs. 6, 7.[356]Though found in hieroglyph at Emir Ghazi; and in the round at Kuru-Bel (abovep. 147).[357]SeePl.XL.(ii), andLiv. Annals of Arch., 1, i. p. 11, and Pl.XIV.(1).[358]See pp.37,38.[359]See pp.21,92.[360]Perrot and Chipiez,Art in ... Asia Minor, ii. p. 198, fig. 350.[361]Crowfoot,Jour. Hellenic Studies, xix. pp. 45-48, fig. 5.[362]Cf. the construction at Sakje-Geuzi,Pl.LXXVIII.[363]Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. p. 202 fig. 352.[364]Seep. 205.[365]SeePl.LXI.(i).[366]Seep. 178.[367]Seep. 154.[368]SeePl.LXV.[369]It is interesting to compare this head-dress with that of the Scythians (cf. the designs on the Electron Vase from Kul-Oba, Reinach, etc.,Antiquities of Southern Russia).[370]Seep. 215, note.[371]SeePl.LXV.[372]Strabo,XII.v. 3; for the route cf. Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., p. 202; Anderson,Jour. Hell. Stud., xix. p. 95; Ramsay,Hist. Geog., p. 31; andJour. Roy. Asiat. Soc., xv. (1883), p. 109.[373]Crowfoot,Jour. Hell. Stud., xix. Pt. 1 (1899), pp. 40-45, and fig. 4.[374]See pp.99,100, andPl.LXXV.(i).[375]P. 111.[376]P. 226.[377]P. 284andPl.LXXV.(i).[378]Ramsay,Jour. Hell. Stud., iii (1883) pp. 6-11 and fig. 2. For the Phrygian monuments in brief see Murray’sHandbook, p. 142, etc.[379]Cf. the sculpture from Marash,p. 119, and at Fraktin,p. 151.[380]C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXVI. B, and text, p. 32.[381]Art in ... Asia Minor, ii. p. 206 and fig. 353.[382]Mitteilungen der Deutschen Arch. Inst. Athen. Abtlg., xiv. (1889), p. 181;C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXVI. A, and text, p. 32; Murray’sHandbook, p. 135.[383]Cf. the original appearance of the inscription from Ekrek,Pl.XLVI.[384]For a description of the mountain, and a comparative study of the religion of the famous monument, see a paper by Ramsay, ‘Sipylus and Cybele,’ inJour. Hell. Stud., iii. pp. 33-68. Cf. Perrot and Chipiez,Art in ... Asia Minor, ii. p. 234 and ff., and fig. 365; Weber,Le Sipylus et ses monuments(Paris, 1880);C.I.H.(1900), Pls.XXXVII.,XXXVIII., and text, p. 33.[385]SeePl.LIII., to face.[386]Pausanias,III.xxii. 4, quoted below.[387]Dennis,Proc. S.B.A., iii. p. 49; Sayce,ib., vol. vii. Pl.V.;C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXVIII.[388]Pl.LXXIII.(i).[389]Pl.XLVII.[390]Below,p. 184.[391]Iliad, xxiv. 615.[392]Metamorphoses, vi. 310.[393]Pausanias, trans. Frazer,I.xxi. 3.[394]Pausanias, trans. Frazer,III.xxii. 4.[395]Cf. Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. p. 236, where this passage is translated: ‘A statue of the Mother of the Gods, the oldest goddess of all.’ The Greek runs: μήτρος θεῶν ἀρχαιότατον ἁπάντων ἄγαλμα. There can be no doubt, however, as to the identity of the monument.[396]Pausanias,VIII.xxxviii. 10.[397]J.H.S.(loc. cit.), iii. p. 41, etc., p. 54. Cf. also Rawlinson,Ancient Monarchies, i. p. 494.[398]On the place of this cult in the Hittite religion, see pp.354 ff.[399]SeePl.LIV., taken from Sayce,The Hittites(1903), p. 68, and republished by courtesy of the author and the S.P.C.K.[400]Texier,Description, vol. ii. Pl.CXXXII.; Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. p. 229, fig. 362.[401]Alternatively a sword held aloft; the markings on the stone above and below the hand are not in line. Cf. the God 2 L. at Boghaz-Keui,Pl.LXV.[402]Herodotus, ii. 106.[403]Trs. S.B.A., vii. pp. 266, 439, andProc. S.B.A., xxi. p. 222; also inThe Hittites, pp. 67 ff. Cf.C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXIX.and p. 38.[404]Recueil de Travaux, xiv.;C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXV.and p. 31; Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. p. 213 (where the name is incorrectly given as Kosli-Tolu). The inscription was first published inRevue Archéologique, 3ᵉ série, 1885, v. p. 262. Revised copy of Sayce inProc. S.B.A., Jan. 1904, p. 24, with Plate.[405]Xenophon,Anabasis,I.ii. 14.[406]Hamilton,Researches in Asia Minor, ii. pp. 350, 351; Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. p. 214 and fig. 356;Revue Archéologique, 3ᵉ série, vol. V. pp. 257-264, Pls.XI.,XII.[407]Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. pp. 222, 223; illustration in Ramsay,The Cities of St. Paul(London, 1907), p. 134, fig. 7.[408]This is an inference from the omission of the feet; actually the legs come to an end upon the head of the lower figure.[409]Cf. pp.235,239.[410]Cf. especially the lions and sphinx-base of Sakje-Geuzi, Pls.LXXIX.,LXXXII.[411]Seep. 142 above, note 4.[412]Cf. below,p. 311.[413]Cf. chap. i.p. 41.[414]Luke the Physician, pp. 163, 164.[415]By Miss Gertrude Bell, 1907.[416]Ramsay,op. cit., Pls.XIV.,XV.[417]Proc. S.B.A.(March 1909), xxxi. p. 86, Pl.VII.No. 5.[418]Sayce,op. cit., Pl.VIII.No. 6.[419]Ramsay,op. cit., p. 160 and Pl.XVI.[420]Proc. S.B.A.(March 1909), Pl.VII.[421]Professor Sayce does not agree with Professor Ramsay’s interpretation, which we adopt in lack of an alternative explanation, and especially in view of the parallels afforded by the sculptures of Eyuk (Pl.LXXIII.(i)) and of Sakje-Geuzi (Pl.LXXXI.).[422]Professor Ramsay (op. cit., p. 160) reproduces the name as Tarkuattes; but the form given by Professor Sayce (S.B.A.loc. cit., p. 84) corresponds closely with the name of a Hittite leader,Targannas, recorded by RamesesII.[423]The sign is ideographic, and the reading Sandes (or Sandon) is corroborated in various ways. The same sign seems to denote the storm-god (the Babylonian Hadad, and Tessup of the Mitanni) on the Hittite monument found at Babylon (Sayce,Proc. S.B.A., 1904, p. 306). Dr. Winckler, however, in discussing the archives of Boghaz-Keui, believes that Tessup was the name of the national Hittite deity. See alsop. 358.[424]Below,Pl.LXV.andp. 237. Notice also the altar on the Pass of Kuru-Bel, above,p. 147.[425]Cf. pp.129,232. Among the Hatti, it appears from the archives of Boghaz-Keui, the King was called the Sun-God. Winckler,Mitteil. der D. Orient-Ges., No. 35, Dec. 1907.[426]In this conclusion we differ somewhat from Professor Sayce, and agree partly with Professor Ramsay. Our argument, however, is only based on somewhat distant analogies. Cf. also Ramsay in theRecueil, etc., xiv. pp. 74 ff. on the priestly office.[427]Cf. Ramsay and Hogarth,Recueil de Travaux, xv. p. 26.[428]By Mr. T. Callander, a member of Prof. Ramsay’s expedition of 1904.[429]Ramsay,Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire(Aberdeen, 1906), p. 178 and Pls.IX.,X.,XI.;C.I.H.(1906), p. 9 and Pls.XLIX.,L.Professor Ramsay found still another altar in 1907.[430]For an exhaustive comparative study of these inscriptions see a paper by Sayce,Proc. S.B.A.xxvii. (1905), pp. 21-31 and Pls.I.,II.,III., and revised note,ibid., vol. xxviii. (1906), May, p. 134.[431]See below, Pls.LXVIII.,LXXI.[432]Above,Pl.XLVII.[433]Below,Pl.LXXII.[434]P. 107,Pl.XLI.[435]Pp.114 ff.[436]P. 127.[437]See above,p. 41.[438]xii. 2-7.[439]Above,p. 56.[440]Constantinople Museum, No. 857. Hogarth,Wandering Scholar, p. 16.; Ramsay and Hogarth,Recueil, xiv. Pl.I.; Sayce,Proc. S.B.A.xxviii. (1906), p. 94 ff. and Pl.III.; Messerschmidt,C.I.H.(1906), Pl.XXXIII.and p. 3. For our photo,Pl.LVI., we are indebted to the authorities of the Imperial Ottoman Museum.[441]See below,Pl.LVII.[442]Above,p. 126andp. 113.[443]Pl.LVII.[444]Letters from Professor Sayce dated Oct. 2, Oct. 9, 1909.[445]Sayce,Proc. S.B.A.1905, p. 200; and 1906, p. 94, with Pl.III.[446]The first five signs on the right of the first column.[447]C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXI., c. and text, p. 27. Ramsay and Hogarth,Recueil, xiv., Pl.I.p. 84.[448]By a botanist, Herr Walter Siehe,C.I.H.(1906), Pl.LIII.p. 15.[449]Professor Sayce suggests to us the following translation: ‘This stone was set up by the king, the Prince of Kas.’[450]C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXII.and p. 27; Hogarth and Ramsay,Recueil, xiv. Pl.II.and p. 85; Sayce,Proc. S.B.A.1905, p. 229. In the Liverpool Institute of Archæology there is an enlarged photo of the original, which has been collated with the cast in the Ashmolean Museum.[451]Seefrontispieceandp. 43.[452]Op cit., p. 230, line 3 and line 5.[453]We pronounce this word Ivreez; though locally it is commonly pronounced Ibreez, owing probably to racial difficulty with the letterv.[454]SeeChapterI.p. 41.[455]There is a plentiful literature on the subject. Seeinter aliafor a picturesque description of the country, Davis,Life in Asiatic Turkey, pp. 245-248. For an account of the monument in relation to its environment, with much beauty of thought and written with charm of expression, see Ramsay,Luke the Physician, pp. 171-179, and Pl.XXI.; also a note inPauline and other Studies, pp. 172, 173. For a comparative study of the religious symbolism of the monument, Frazer,Adonis, Attis, and Osiris(1907), pp. 93-97. For our photograph,Pl.LVII., taken from a plaster cast in the Asia Minor Museum at Berlin, we are indebted to Dr. Messerschmidt, who describes his visit to the spot,C.I.H.(1906), pp. 5, 6, and Pl.XXXIV.This photograph shows more of the delicate detail than any of the originals that have been published, in which the shadows are usually too violent.[456]On the development of the route through the Cilician Gates, see above,p. 45.[457]Cf. the treatment of the priest-king and other monuments at Sakje-Geuzi.Pl.LXXXI.[458]Cf.Pl.LVI.[459]Sayce,Proc. S.B.A., May 1906, pp. 133, 134, and Plate.[460]In the former instance in a compound or variant,Ay-mi-ny-a-si-s(? son of Ayminyas); in the latter instance exactly as at Bor,Ay-mi-ny-a-s. The signs are the two last of the first row, and the three below them in the second row, of the inscription behind the king. Cf. the first five signs of the Bor inscription,Pl.LVI.[461]See what is said on this subject in the previous chapter,p. 54.[462]Cf. pp.238,240. On the origins and development of this conception of the god, see below, pp.378,379.[463]We may pay special tribute to the pioneer work of the Berlin expedition at Sinjerli, to the explorations of Sir Wm. Ramsay and his school in Phrygia and Lycaonia, and to the organised labours of Dr. Winckler at Boghaz-Keui. We shall incorporate also some of the preliminary results of the excavations of the Liverpool Institute at Sakje-Geuzi.

[339]Liverpool Annals of Archæology, vol. i., No. 1, p. 6, and Pls.VIII.andIX.(i.).

[340]See above,p. 24.

[341]Hans Rott,Kleinasiatische Denkmäler(Messerschmidt in the same), pp. 175-179 and figs. 1, 2.

[342]See above,p. 24.

[343]It is described by Anderson,Jour. Hellenic Studies, xxi. (1901), pp. 328-332 as six miles north-north-west of Tuz Keui, hence is probably theKarapunarof Kiepert’s map, and to be distinguished fromKarapurna, north-west of Arapison.

[344]Cf. the fortress and inscription of Kara Dagh, below,p. 178.

[345]Cf.Jour. Hellenic Studies(1899), p. 55 ff.

[346]Discovered by Anderson, cf.op. cit.and Plate; also Sayce,Proc. S.B.A., 1905 (Nov.), p. 217;C.I.H.(1902), Pl.XLVI.

[347]SeePl.XLVIII.for our photo of the southern face. Cf.C.I.H.(1906), Pl.LI.and pp. 11, 12.

[348]Cf.p. 27, above.

[349]SeePl.XLIX.Cf. Robinson,Proc. S.B.A., 1908 (Jan.), p. 27 and fig. 1, 2; andLiv. Annals of Arch., 1, i. Pls.VI.,VII.and p. 5.

[350]Cf. the constructive details of the Lower Palace at Boghaz-Keui, below,p. 208.

[351]Cf.Pl.LXV.

[352]See pp.235,236.

[353]From the treaty between Hattusil and RamesesII., see below,p. 348.

[354]Especially as some hieroglyphs are visible in M. Perrot’s photograph.

[355]Winckler,Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient. Gesellschaft zu Berlin, Dec. 1907, No. 35, pp. 57, 58, figs. 6, 7.

[356]Though found in hieroglyph at Emir Ghazi; and in the round at Kuru-Bel (abovep. 147).

[357]SeePl.XL.(ii), andLiv. Annals of Arch., 1, i. p. 11, and Pl.XIV.(1).

[358]See pp.37,38.

[359]See pp.21,92.

[360]Perrot and Chipiez,Art in ... Asia Minor, ii. p. 198, fig. 350.

[361]Crowfoot,Jour. Hellenic Studies, xix. pp. 45-48, fig. 5.

[362]Cf. the construction at Sakje-Geuzi,Pl.LXXVIII.

[363]Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. p. 202 fig. 352.

[364]Seep. 205.

[365]SeePl.LXI.(i).

[366]Seep. 178.

[367]Seep. 154.

[368]SeePl.LXV.

[369]It is interesting to compare this head-dress with that of the Scythians (cf. the designs on the Electron Vase from Kul-Oba, Reinach, etc.,Antiquities of Southern Russia).

[370]Seep. 215, note.

[371]SeePl.LXV.

[372]Strabo,XII.v. 3; for the route cf. Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., p. 202; Anderson,Jour. Hell. Stud., xix. p. 95; Ramsay,Hist. Geog., p. 31; andJour. Roy. Asiat. Soc., xv. (1883), p. 109.

[373]Crowfoot,Jour. Hell. Stud., xix. Pt. 1 (1899), pp. 40-45, and fig. 4.

[374]See pp.99,100, andPl.LXXV.(i).

[375]P. 111.

[376]P. 226.

[377]P. 284andPl.LXXV.(i).

[378]Ramsay,Jour. Hell. Stud., iii (1883) pp. 6-11 and fig. 2. For the Phrygian monuments in brief see Murray’sHandbook, p. 142, etc.

[379]Cf. the sculpture from Marash,p. 119, and at Fraktin,p. 151.

[380]C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXVI. B, and text, p. 32.

[381]Art in ... Asia Minor, ii. p. 206 and fig. 353.

[382]Mitteilungen der Deutschen Arch. Inst. Athen. Abtlg., xiv. (1889), p. 181;C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXVI. A, and text, p. 32; Murray’sHandbook, p. 135.

[383]Cf. the original appearance of the inscription from Ekrek,Pl.XLVI.

[384]For a description of the mountain, and a comparative study of the religion of the famous monument, see a paper by Ramsay, ‘Sipylus and Cybele,’ inJour. Hell. Stud., iii. pp. 33-68. Cf. Perrot and Chipiez,Art in ... Asia Minor, ii. p. 234 and ff., and fig. 365; Weber,Le Sipylus et ses monuments(Paris, 1880);C.I.H.(1900), Pls.XXXVII.,XXXVIII., and text, p. 33.

[385]SeePl.LIII., to face.

[386]Pausanias,III.xxii. 4, quoted below.

[387]Dennis,Proc. S.B.A., iii. p. 49; Sayce,ib., vol. vii. Pl.V.;C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXVIII.

[388]Pl.LXXIII.(i).

[389]Pl.XLVII.

[390]Below,p. 184.

[391]Iliad, xxiv. 615.

[392]Metamorphoses, vi. 310.

[393]Pausanias, trans. Frazer,I.xxi. 3.

[394]Pausanias, trans. Frazer,III.xxii. 4.

[395]Cf. Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. p. 236, where this passage is translated: ‘A statue of the Mother of the Gods, the oldest goddess of all.’ The Greek runs: μήτρος θεῶν ἀρχαιότατον ἁπάντων ἄγαλμα. There can be no doubt, however, as to the identity of the monument.

[396]Pausanias,VIII.xxxviii. 10.

[397]J.H.S.(loc. cit.), iii. p. 41, etc., p. 54. Cf. also Rawlinson,Ancient Monarchies, i. p. 494.

[398]On the place of this cult in the Hittite religion, see pp.354 ff.

[399]SeePl.LIV., taken from Sayce,The Hittites(1903), p. 68, and republished by courtesy of the author and the S.P.C.K.

[400]Texier,Description, vol. ii. Pl.CXXXII.; Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. p. 229, fig. 362.

[401]Alternatively a sword held aloft; the markings on the stone above and below the hand are not in line. Cf. the God 2 L. at Boghaz-Keui,Pl.LXV.

[402]Herodotus, ii. 106.

[403]Trs. S.B.A., vii. pp. 266, 439, andProc. S.B.A., xxi. p. 222; also inThe Hittites, pp. 67 ff. Cf.C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXIX.and p. 38.

[404]Recueil de Travaux, xiv.;C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXV.and p. 31; Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. p. 213 (where the name is incorrectly given as Kosli-Tolu). The inscription was first published inRevue Archéologique, 3ᵉ série, 1885, v. p. 262. Revised copy of Sayce inProc. S.B.A., Jan. 1904, p. 24, with Plate.

[405]Xenophon,Anabasis,I.ii. 14.

[406]Hamilton,Researches in Asia Minor, ii. pp. 350, 351; Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. p. 214 and fig. 356;Revue Archéologique, 3ᵉ série, vol. V. pp. 257-264, Pls.XI.,XII.

[407]Perrot and Chipiez,op. cit., ii. pp. 222, 223; illustration in Ramsay,The Cities of St. Paul(London, 1907), p. 134, fig. 7.

[408]This is an inference from the omission of the feet; actually the legs come to an end upon the head of the lower figure.

[409]Cf. pp.235,239.

[410]Cf. especially the lions and sphinx-base of Sakje-Geuzi, Pls.LXXIX.,LXXXII.

[411]Seep. 142 above, note 4.

[412]Cf. below,p. 311.

[413]Cf. chap. i.p. 41.

[414]Luke the Physician, pp. 163, 164.

[415]By Miss Gertrude Bell, 1907.

[416]Ramsay,op. cit., Pls.XIV.,XV.

[417]Proc. S.B.A.(March 1909), xxxi. p. 86, Pl.VII.No. 5.

[418]Sayce,op. cit., Pl.VIII.No. 6.

[419]Ramsay,op. cit., p. 160 and Pl.XVI.

[420]Proc. S.B.A.(March 1909), Pl.VII.

[421]Professor Sayce does not agree with Professor Ramsay’s interpretation, which we adopt in lack of an alternative explanation, and especially in view of the parallels afforded by the sculptures of Eyuk (Pl.LXXIII.(i)) and of Sakje-Geuzi (Pl.LXXXI.).

[422]Professor Ramsay (op. cit., p. 160) reproduces the name as Tarkuattes; but the form given by Professor Sayce (S.B.A.loc. cit., p. 84) corresponds closely with the name of a Hittite leader,Targannas, recorded by RamesesII.

[423]The sign is ideographic, and the reading Sandes (or Sandon) is corroborated in various ways. The same sign seems to denote the storm-god (the Babylonian Hadad, and Tessup of the Mitanni) on the Hittite monument found at Babylon (Sayce,Proc. S.B.A., 1904, p. 306). Dr. Winckler, however, in discussing the archives of Boghaz-Keui, believes that Tessup was the name of the national Hittite deity. See alsop. 358.

[424]Below,Pl.LXV.andp. 237. Notice also the altar on the Pass of Kuru-Bel, above,p. 147.

[425]Cf. pp.129,232. Among the Hatti, it appears from the archives of Boghaz-Keui, the King was called the Sun-God. Winckler,Mitteil. der D. Orient-Ges., No. 35, Dec. 1907.

[426]In this conclusion we differ somewhat from Professor Sayce, and agree partly with Professor Ramsay. Our argument, however, is only based on somewhat distant analogies. Cf. also Ramsay in theRecueil, etc., xiv. pp. 74 ff. on the priestly office.

[427]Cf. Ramsay and Hogarth,Recueil de Travaux, xv. p. 26.

[428]By Mr. T. Callander, a member of Prof. Ramsay’s expedition of 1904.

[429]Ramsay,Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire(Aberdeen, 1906), p. 178 and Pls.IX.,X.,XI.;C.I.H.(1906), p. 9 and Pls.XLIX.,L.Professor Ramsay found still another altar in 1907.

[430]For an exhaustive comparative study of these inscriptions see a paper by Sayce,Proc. S.B.A.xxvii. (1905), pp. 21-31 and Pls.I.,II.,III., and revised note,ibid., vol. xxviii. (1906), May, p. 134.

[431]See below, Pls.LXVIII.,LXXI.

[432]Above,Pl.XLVII.

[433]Below,Pl.LXXII.

[434]P. 107,Pl.XLI.

[435]Pp.114 ff.

[436]P. 127.

[437]See above,p. 41.

[438]xii. 2-7.

[439]Above,p. 56.

[440]Constantinople Museum, No. 857. Hogarth,Wandering Scholar, p. 16.; Ramsay and Hogarth,Recueil, xiv. Pl.I.; Sayce,Proc. S.B.A.xxviii. (1906), p. 94 ff. and Pl.III.; Messerschmidt,C.I.H.(1906), Pl.XXXIII.and p. 3. For our photo,Pl.LVI., we are indebted to the authorities of the Imperial Ottoman Museum.

[441]See below,Pl.LVII.

[442]Above,p. 126andp. 113.

[443]Pl.LVII.

[444]Letters from Professor Sayce dated Oct. 2, Oct. 9, 1909.

[445]Sayce,Proc. S.B.A.1905, p. 200; and 1906, p. 94, with Pl.III.

[446]The first five signs on the right of the first column.

[447]C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXI., c. and text, p. 27. Ramsay and Hogarth,Recueil, xiv., Pl.I.p. 84.

[448]By a botanist, Herr Walter Siehe,C.I.H.(1906), Pl.LIII.p. 15.

[449]Professor Sayce suggests to us the following translation: ‘This stone was set up by the king, the Prince of Kas.’

[450]C.I.H.(1900), Pl.XXXII.and p. 27; Hogarth and Ramsay,Recueil, xiv. Pl.II.and p. 85; Sayce,Proc. S.B.A.1905, p. 229. In the Liverpool Institute of Archæology there is an enlarged photo of the original, which has been collated with the cast in the Ashmolean Museum.

[451]Seefrontispieceandp. 43.

[452]Op cit., p. 230, line 3 and line 5.

[453]We pronounce this word Ivreez; though locally it is commonly pronounced Ibreez, owing probably to racial difficulty with the letterv.

[454]SeeChapterI.p. 41.

[455]There is a plentiful literature on the subject. Seeinter aliafor a picturesque description of the country, Davis,Life in Asiatic Turkey, pp. 245-248. For an account of the monument in relation to its environment, with much beauty of thought and written with charm of expression, see Ramsay,Luke the Physician, pp. 171-179, and Pl.XXI.; also a note inPauline and other Studies, pp. 172, 173. For a comparative study of the religious symbolism of the monument, Frazer,Adonis, Attis, and Osiris(1907), pp. 93-97. For our photograph,Pl.LVII., taken from a plaster cast in the Asia Minor Museum at Berlin, we are indebted to Dr. Messerschmidt, who describes his visit to the spot,C.I.H.(1906), pp. 5, 6, and Pl.XXXIV.This photograph shows more of the delicate detail than any of the originals that have been published, in which the shadows are usually too violent.

[456]On the development of the route through the Cilician Gates, see above,p. 45.

[457]Cf. the treatment of the priest-king and other monuments at Sakje-Geuzi.Pl.LXXXI.

[458]Cf.Pl.LVI.

[459]Sayce,Proc. S.B.A., May 1906, pp. 133, 134, and Plate.

[460]In the former instance in a compound or variant,Ay-mi-ny-a-si-s(? son of Ayminyas); in the latter instance exactly as at Bor,Ay-mi-ny-a-s. The signs are the two last of the first row, and the three below them in the second row, of the inscription behind the king. Cf. the first five signs of the Bor inscription,Pl.LVI.

[461]See what is said on this subject in the previous chapter,p. 54.

[462]Cf. pp.238,240. On the origins and development of this conception of the god, see below, pp.378,379.

[463]We may pay special tribute to the pioneer work of the Berlin expedition at Sinjerli, to the explorations of Sir Wm. Ramsay and his school in Phrygia and Lycaonia, and to the organised labours of Dr. Winckler at Boghaz-Keui. We shall incorporate also some of the preliminary results of the excavations of the Liverpool Institute at Sakje-Geuzi.

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