Chapter 31

[917]We are inclined to place this range in the Amanus, on the Cilician frontiers. The treble-walled city of Kibshuna (Maspero,Struggle of the Nations, pp. 655-6) recalls strongly the defences of Sinjerli (see above,p. 272); possibly it is to be identified with Kabessus on the Sarus. The route of the Assyrian army, descending southward by the passes of the Pyramus, might easily avoid Marash, which is not mentioned in the record.[918]Maspero,op. cit., pp. 657-8. The inscription on the rocky sea front at Nahr-el-Kelb is hardly legible; and our photograph yields no fresh evidence on this point.[919]Cf. Schrader,Keilinschriften und Geschichts-forschung, pp. 225-236. Maspero,Struggle of the Nations, pp. 589, and note 3.[920]Sayce, translation of a Hittite inscription of Carchemish, above,p. 126.[921]Sayce, inscription of Gurun, above,p. 144.[922]Biyassili (?Kasyas-sil, suggested by Professor Sayce),temp.Subbi-luliuma; and Eni-Sanda,temp.Dudkhalia. Other kings of later history are: Shangara (or Sangar),circa860B.C., and Pisiris, the last of all,circa740-717B.C.[923]Assur-bel-kala seems to have retained possession of Kummukh, and later Assurirba claims to have penetrated to Mount Amanus and the sea,circa950B.C.Cf. Hommel,Gesch. Bab. und Assyr., p. 540.[924]The visible lower palace (p. 207) and the main defence of the upper city (p. 201) are related by the feature of joggles and fitted stones (cf.p. 208).[925]Cf.Pl.LX.andp. 203. The treatment of the lion’s face is an important factor in the date, as it corresponds to the works of this period at Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi (p. 311). The lion tank of Boghaz-Keui (p. 210) is related in like way, and this from its position helps to give a date to the lower palace (p. 211). The unplaced lion corner-stone of Eyuk (‘p’ on the plan,p. 247) belongs to the same class and phase of art, and is indicative of an upper series of buildings that have seemingly disappeared.[926]See above, pp.205,357. The importance and nature of this sculpture were first pointed out by Miss Dodd, having been apparently overlooked by the members of Dr. Winckler’s expedition, under whom it was brought to light (Ausgrabungen, etc., 1907, Pl.XII.). At the time of writing we have only seen Miss Dodd’s sketch and memoranda, for which we are indebted to the courtesy of Professor Sayce.[927]A passage from Pindar, quoted by Strabo (XII.iii. 11), seems to imply that in the old Hatti state within the Halys the Amazons became the recognised leaders in warfare. There is also a suggestion that these developments were coeval with the rise of the Iron Age.[928]Pl.LVI.,p. 186.[929]Pl.LVII.,p. 191.[930]P. 190.[931]P. 154.[932]Quoting Hecatæus of Miletus (Polyhistor., ed. Mommsen, p. 129, c. 38, § 1 and ff.). This tradition formed the basis of many old theories about the Hittites, notably those advanced by Mordtmann, Lehmann, and Jensen, upon which we need no longer dwell.[933]Professor Maspero (Struggle of the Nations, p. 668) seems to us to have traced the origin of the tradition in a confusion between the memory of the great kingdom of Khilakku and the fabled dominion of the Hatti kings.[934]The inscriptions of Bor, Bulghar-Madên, and Ivrîz are clearly confined to two generations at most; cf.p. 188.[935]P. 375.In this map the Assyrian names of the states are used, and modern names are quoted in some cases where identification is possible. Capitals denote modern towns not necessarily Hittite but useful as landmarks.[936]Cf.the map to face p. 390.[937]With Khilakku we incline to include Cilicia with Tarsus; Northeastern Cilicia seems to have been distinct under the name of Quë; see above,p. 326, note 3.[938]‘Twenty-four kings’ are mentioned,c.B.C.838.[939]Identified by Ramsay with Faustinopolis, see above,p. 61, n. 4. The record is datedB.C.718, by which time the power of the ‘Cilician’ kings in Asia Minor had probably been broken by the Phrygians.[940]See the note on Khali-rabbat,p. 327, note 1; and the description of monuments,pp. 132 ff.Names of kings found in Assyrian sources are:c.800, Lalle (which seems to lack the god-name usually prefixed, cf. Subbi-luliuma); 758, Khite-ruadas; 717, Tarkhu-nazi; and 672, Mugallu, who seems to have ruled also the Tabal.[941]The names of three kings appear in the Assyrian records: Kundashpi,c.859B.C.; Kushtashpi,c.743B.C.; and Mutallu,c.717B.C.[942]Seep. 13.[943]The name of one king, Tutammu, appearsc.740B.C., whose capital was at Kinulua. Earlier,c.884, Lubarna, King of the Hattina, had his palace at the same place, which is identified with Gindarus. Cf. Maspero,Passing of Empires, p. 38, and Tomkins,Bab. and Oriental Record, iii. p. 6, who points to the name surviving inTell-Kunana. It was a riverine country, with woods and mines; cf. Polybius, v. 59.[944]These local struggles are reflected in one of the monuments described above,p. 280.[945]‘Twelve kings’ are referred to,c.849B.C.(Maspero,Passing of Empires, p. 78). Three names of kings found in Assyrian texts are Lubarna,c.880B.C.; Shapalulme,c.860B.C.; and Garparunda,c.859B.C.[946]Cf. Winckler,Altorient. Forsch.i. p. 3; Delattre,L’Asie Occid. dans les Inscr. Assyr., pp. 44-52.[947]Cf. Schrader,Keilinschriften und Geschichts-forschung, pp. 221, 236.[948]See what is said, pp.83,84, on the archæological problem of the plateau.[949]Cf. Maspero,The Passing of Empires, p. 589.[950]E.g.Akhuni,c.860B.C., andKhaiani,c.859B.C.; see alsop. 272.[951]See above,p. 273. Cf. also a sculpture of later date from Sinjerli, now in the Berlin Vorderasiat. Museum, No. 2996, where a Hittite is seen placed between two Semites, the former distinguishedinter aliaby the typical bunch of hair curled behind his neck, the latter by the equally characteristic designing of the hair in ringlets. On this interesting criterion see below,p. 380.[952]Cf. the monuments of Bor,Pl.LVII., Ivrîz,Pl.LVII., Marash,p. 113, Sakje-Geuzi,Pl.LXXXI.[953]Cf. pp.222,240.[954]Temple of Abu Simbel, N. wall.[955]See also above, pp.188,194.[956]Cf. Pls.XLII.,LXXIX., and pp.109,265,297,301.[957]Cf. above,p. 297.[958]Pp.203,210.[959]See above, pp.110,111, and cf. Strabo,XI.iii. p. 32.[960]Cf. above, pp.108-122. Only two kings are known, namely, Garparunda,c.859B.C., and Tarkhulara,c.740B.C.[961]Our work of constant reference at this stage is Maspero,The Passing of Empires, coupled with various articles by Johns, Winckler, and others cited in the footnotes.[962]Published by Sayce,Jour. Roy. Asiatic Soc., xiv.[963]Tarzi(Tarsus) was among the cities that fell.[964]We place Muzri in this instance in the Taurus, in the vicinity of the Cilician gates, partly because of the nature of the presents—claimed in the Assyrian records as tribute—which included silver (derivable from Bulghar-Madên and Bereketli Maden) and salt (obtainable from Tuz Geul and elsewhere in the plain of Konia). Cf., however, the opinions of Tiele,Babylonisch-Assyrische Gesch., p. 201, note 1; Hommel,Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 609, and Winckler,Alttestament. Forsch., p. 172.[965]Maspero,op. cit., p. 64.[966]There is probably some confusion in the text at this point where Garparuda appears as king of both Gurgum and Hattina, since Khaiani ruled at Samalla, which intervened. Cf. Winckler,Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 193.[967]Cf. Maspero,op. cit., p. 71.[968]Maspero,op. cit., p. 28. Tiele,Bab.-Ass. Gesch., pp. 187, 201. Winckler,Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 197.[969]Sayce,op. cit., pp. 558-592, No. xxxiii.[970]Sayce,The Cuneiform Inscr. of Van;op. cit., xiv. p. 642-649, also xx. pp. 18, 19.[971]This must be regarded as the minimum extent of the Urartian conquests, inasmuch as the source of information is Assyrian, being drawn fromAnnals of Tiglath-Pileser, p. 743, ll. 59-62.[972]Maspero,op. cit., p. 146 and note 3.[973]Annals of Tiglath-Pileser, iii. ll. 59, 73.[974]Cf.p. 271. He was the grandson of the earlier ruler of that name, and son of Barzar. For a reflection of these local wars, cf. the monument of Sinjerli described onp. 280. For a full discussion and bibliography of these incidents, cf. Maspero,op. cit., p. 150.[975]From local geographical considerations, this place may perhaps be identical with Killiz. But cf. Tiele,Bab. Ass. Gesch., p. 230; Hommel,Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 660; Winckler,op. cit., p. 225.[976]The objective of this expedition was the punishment of Kiakku of Shinukhta, whose principality was given to Matti of Atuna or Tuna. On the possible identification of this place with the Tynna of Ptolemy (v. vi. 22), see above,p. 61, note 4, and with Faustinopolis, see Ramsay,Hist. Geog., p. 68. Olmstead (Western Asia in the Days of Sargon, p. 83, note 9) places it at Tyana itself, which opens up interesting possibilities.[977]On the identification with ‘Mita of Muski’ of the Assyrian texts, see above,p. 53.[978]On the organisation of the Assyrian provinces in these times, see Winckler,Gesch. Bab. und Ass., pp. 210 ff.; Tiele,Bab. Ass. Gesch., pp. 497-499. Cf. also Olmstead,op. cit., pp. 163 ff.[979]On these events which concern Uassarmi, chief of Tabal in 740B.C., and others, cf. Maspero,op. cit., p. 251.[980]As in 706B.C., Pinches,Bab. Chron., col. 2, l. 9; and later in 672B.C., Winckler,Alt. Forsch., ii. pp. 125 ff.[981]Cf. Ezekiel xxxii. 26, 27.[982]Cf. Egyptian inscription,temp.Taharqa,B.C.673, which mentions Mitanni also; and an Assyrian record,temp.Esarhaddon,B.C.672 (Maspero,op. cit., p. 370).[983]Date approximate.[984]Date inferred.

[918]Maspero,op. cit., pp. 657-8. The inscription on the rocky sea front at Nahr-el-Kelb is hardly legible; and our photograph yields no fresh evidence on this point.

[919]Cf. Schrader,Keilinschriften und Geschichts-forschung, pp. 225-236. Maspero,Struggle of the Nations, pp. 589, and note 3.

[920]Sayce, translation of a Hittite inscription of Carchemish, above,p. 126.

[921]Sayce, inscription of Gurun, above,p. 144.

[922]Biyassili (?Kasyas-sil, suggested by Professor Sayce),temp.Subbi-luliuma; and Eni-Sanda,temp.Dudkhalia. Other kings of later history are: Shangara (or Sangar),circa860B.C., and Pisiris, the last of all,circa740-717B.C.

[923]Assur-bel-kala seems to have retained possession of Kummukh, and later Assurirba claims to have penetrated to Mount Amanus and the sea,circa950B.C.Cf. Hommel,Gesch. Bab. und Assyr., p. 540.

[924]The visible lower palace (p. 207) and the main defence of the upper city (p. 201) are related by the feature of joggles and fitted stones (cf.p. 208).

[925]Cf.Pl.LX.andp. 203. The treatment of the lion’s face is an important factor in the date, as it corresponds to the works of this period at Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi (p. 311). The lion tank of Boghaz-Keui (p. 210) is related in like way, and this from its position helps to give a date to the lower palace (p. 211). The unplaced lion corner-stone of Eyuk (‘p’ on the plan,p. 247) belongs to the same class and phase of art, and is indicative of an upper series of buildings that have seemingly disappeared.

[926]See above, pp.205,357. The importance and nature of this sculpture were first pointed out by Miss Dodd, having been apparently overlooked by the members of Dr. Winckler’s expedition, under whom it was brought to light (Ausgrabungen, etc., 1907, Pl.XII.). At the time of writing we have only seen Miss Dodd’s sketch and memoranda, for which we are indebted to the courtesy of Professor Sayce.

[927]A passage from Pindar, quoted by Strabo (XII.iii. 11), seems to imply that in the old Hatti state within the Halys the Amazons became the recognised leaders in warfare. There is also a suggestion that these developments were coeval with the rise of the Iron Age.

[928]Pl.LVI.,p. 186.

[929]Pl.LVII.,p. 191.

[930]P. 190.

[931]P. 154.

[932]Quoting Hecatæus of Miletus (Polyhistor., ed. Mommsen, p. 129, c. 38, § 1 and ff.). This tradition formed the basis of many old theories about the Hittites, notably those advanced by Mordtmann, Lehmann, and Jensen, upon which we need no longer dwell.

[933]Professor Maspero (Struggle of the Nations, p. 668) seems to us to have traced the origin of the tradition in a confusion between the memory of the great kingdom of Khilakku and the fabled dominion of the Hatti kings.

[934]The inscriptions of Bor, Bulghar-Madên, and Ivrîz are clearly confined to two generations at most; cf.p. 188.

[935]P. 375.In this map the Assyrian names of the states are used, and modern names are quoted in some cases where identification is possible. Capitals denote modern towns not necessarily Hittite but useful as landmarks.

[936]Cf.the map to face p. 390.

[937]With Khilakku we incline to include Cilicia with Tarsus; Northeastern Cilicia seems to have been distinct under the name of Quë; see above,p. 326, note 3.

[938]‘Twenty-four kings’ are mentioned,c.B.C.838.

[939]Identified by Ramsay with Faustinopolis, see above,p. 61, n. 4. The record is datedB.C.718, by which time the power of the ‘Cilician’ kings in Asia Minor had probably been broken by the Phrygians.

[940]See the note on Khali-rabbat,p. 327, note 1; and the description of monuments,pp. 132 ff.Names of kings found in Assyrian sources are:c.800, Lalle (which seems to lack the god-name usually prefixed, cf. Subbi-luliuma); 758, Khite-ruadas; 717, Tarkhu-nazi; and 672, Mugallu, who seems to have ruled also the Tabal.

[941]The names of three kings appear in the Assyrian records: Kundashpi,c.859B.C.; Kushtashpi,c.743B.C.; and Mutallu,c.717B.C.

[942]Seep. 13.

[943]The name of one king, Tutammu, appearsc.740B.C., whose capital was at Kinulua. Earlier,c.884, Lubarna, King of the Hattina, had his palace at the same place, which is identified with Gindarus. Cf. Maspero,Passing of Empires, p. 38, and Tomkins,Bab. and Oriental Record, iii. p. 6, who points to the name surviving inTell-Kunana. It was a riverine country, with woods and mines; cf. Polybius, v. 59.

[944]These local struggles are reflected in one of the monuments described above,p. 280.

[945]‘Twelve kings’ are referred to,c.849B.C.(Maspero,Passing of Empires, p. 78). Three names of kings found in Assyrian texts are Lubarna,c.880B.C.; Shapalulme,c.860B.C.; and Garparunda,c.859B.C.

[946]Cf. Winckler,Altorient. Forsch.i. p. 3; Delattre,L’Asie Occid. dans les Inscr. Assyr., pp. 44-52.

[947]Cf. Schrader,Keilinschriften und Geschichts-forschung, pp. 221, 236.

[948]See what is said, pp.83,84, on the archæological problem of the plateau.

[949]Cf. Maspero,The Passing of Empires, p. 589.

[950]E.g.Akhuni,c.860B.C., andKhaiani,c.859B.C.; see alsop. 272.

[951]See above,p. 273. Cf. also a sculpture of later date from Sinjerli, now in the Berlin Vorderasiat. Museum, No. 2996, where a Hittite is seen placed between two Semites, the former distinguishedinter aliaby the typical bunch of hair curled behind his neck, the latter by the equally characteristic designing of the hair in ringlets. On this interesting criterion see below,p. 380.

[952]Cf. the monuments of Bor,Pl.LVII., Ivrîz,Pl.LVII., Marash,p. 113, Sakje-Geuzi,Pl.LXXXI.

[953]Cf. pp.222,240.

[954]Temple of Abu Simbel, N. wall.

[955]See also above, pp.188,194.

[956]Cf. Pls.XLII.,LXXIX., and pp.109,265,297,301.

[957]Cf. above,p. 297.

[958]Pp.203,210.

[959]See above, pp.110,111, and cf. Strabo,XI.iii. p. 32.

[960]Cf. above, pp.108-122. Only two kings are known, namely, Garparunda,c.859B.C., and Tarkhulara,c.740B.C.

[961]Our work of constant reference at this stage is Maspero,The Passing of Empires, coupled with various articles by Johns, Winckler, and others cited in the footnotes.

[962]Published by Sayce,Jour. Roy. Asiatic Soc., xiv.

[963]Tarzi(Tarsus) was among the cities that fell.

[964]We place Muzri in this instance in the Taurus, in the vicinity of the Cilician gates, partly because of the nature of the presents—claimed in the Assyrian records as tribute—which included silver (derivable from Bulghar-Madên and Bereketli Maden) and salt (obtainable from Tuz Geul and elsewhere in the plain of Konia). Cf., however, the opinions of Tiele,Babylonisch-Assyrische Gesch., p. 201, note 1; Hommel,Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 609, and Winckler,Alttestament. Forsch., p. 172.

[965]Maspero,op. cit., p. 64.

[966]There is probably some confusion in the text at this point where Garparuda appears as king of both Gurgum and Hattina, since Khaiani ruled at Samalla, which intervened. Cf. Winckler,Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 193.

[967]Cf. Maspero,op. cit., p. 71.

[968]Maspero,op. cit., p. 28. Tiele,Bab.-Ass. Gesch., pp. 187, 201. Winckler,Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 197.

[969]Sayce,op. cit., pp. 558-592, No. xxxiii.

[970]Sayce,The Cuneiform Inscr. of Van;op. cit., xiv. p. 642-649, also xx. pp. 18, 19.

[971]This must be regarded as the minimum extent of the Urartian conquests, inasmuch as the source of information is Assyrian, being drawn fromAnnals of Tiglath-Pileser, p. 743, ll. 59-62.

[972]Maspero,op. cit., p. 146 and note 3.

[973]Annals of Tiglath-Pileser, iii. ll. 59, 73.

[974]Cf.p. 271. He was the grandson of the earlier ruler of that name, and son of Barzar. For a reflection of these local wars, cf. the monument of Sinjerli described onp. 280. For a full discussion and bibliography of these incidents, cf. Maspero,op. cit., p. 150.

[975]From local geographical considerations, this place may perhaps be identical with Killiz. But cf. Tiele,Bab. Ass. Gesch., p. 230; Hommel,Gesch. Bab. und Ass., p. 660; Winckler,op. cit., p. 225.

[976]The objective of this expedition was the punishment of Kiakku of Shinukhta, whose principality was given to Matti of Atuna or Tuna. On the possible identification of this place with the Tynna of Ptolemy (v. vi. 22), see above,p. 61, note 4, and with Faustinopolis, see Ramsay,Hist. Geog., p. 68. Olmstead (Western Asia in the Days of Sargon, p. 83, note 9) places it at Tyana itself, which opens up interesting possibilities.

[977]On the identification with ‘Mita of Muski’ of the Assyrian texts, see above,p. 53.

[978]On the organisation of the Assyrian provinces in these times, see Winckler,Gesch. Bab. und Ass., pp. 210 ff.; Tiele,Bab. Ass. Gesch., pp. 497-499. Cf. also Olmstead,op. cit., pp. 163 ff.

[979]On these events which concern Uassarmi, chief of Tabal in 740B.C., and others, cf. Maspero,op. cit., p. 251.

[980]As in 706B.C., Pinches,Bab. Chron., col. 2, l. 9; and later in 672B.C., Winckler,Alt. Forsch., ii. pp. 125 ff.

[981]Cf. Ezekiel xxxii. 26, 27.

[982]Cf. Egyptian inscription,temp.Taharqa,B.C.673, which mentions Mitanni also; and an Assyrian record,temp.Esarhaddon,B.C.672 (Maspero,op. cit., p. 370).

[983]Date approximate.

[984]Date inferred.

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