ENGLAND AND SPAIN
Osborne,23rd May 1848.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter respecting Spain and Italy this morning. The sending away of Sir H. Bulwer24is a serious affair, which will add to our many embarrassments; the Queen is, however, not surprised at it, from the tenor of the last accounts from Madrid, and from the fact that Sir H. Bulwer has for the last three years almost been sporting with political intrigues. He invariably boasted of at least being in the confidence of every conspiracy, "though he was taking care not to be personally mixed up in them," and, after their various failures, generally harboured the chief actors in his house under the plea of humanity. At every crisis he gave us to understand that he had to choose between a "revolution and a palace intrigue," and not long ago only he wrote to Lord Palmerston, that if the Monarchy with the Montpensier succession was inconvenient to us, he could get up a Republic. Such principles are sure to be known in Spain, the more so when one considers the extreme vanity of Sir H. Bulwer, and his probable imprudence in the not very creditable company which he is said to keep. Lord Palmerston will remember that the Queen has often addressed herself to him and Lord John, in fear of Sir H. getting us into some scrape; and if our diplomatists are not kept in better order, the Queen may at any moment be exposed to similar insults as she has received now in the person of Sir H. Bulwer; for in whatever way one may wish to look at it, Sir Henry still isherMinister.
The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to show this letter to Lord John Russell, and to let her know what the Government mean to propose with respect to this unfortunate affair.
Footnote 24: Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Bulwer (which the latter showed to the Spanish Premier), lecturing the Spanish Queen on her choice of Minister. This "assumption of superiority," as Sir R. Peel called it, led to a peremptory order to Bulwer to leave Spain in twenty-four hours. His own account of the affair appears in hisLife of Palmerston, vol. iii. chap. vii.
THE PRINCE OF PRUSSIA
Brussels30th May 1848.
Most gracious Cousin,—I obey the impulse of my heart in seizing my pen, without any delay, in order to express to you my warmest and most heartfelt thanks for the infinitely gracious and affectionate way with which you and the Prince have treated me during my stay in London.25It was a melancholy time, that of my arrival. By the sympathetic view which you took of my situation, most gracious Cousin, it became not only bearable, but even transformed into one that became proportionately honourable and dignified. This graciousness of yours has undoubtedly contributed towards the change of opinion which has resulted in my favour, and so I owe to you, to the Prince, and to your Government, a fortunate issue out of my calamities. So it is with a heavy heart that I have now left England, not knowing what future lies before me to meet—and only knowing that I shall need the strengthening rest and tranquillity which my stay in England and an insight into her institutions have afforded me in full measure.
Offering my most cordial remembrances to the Prince, to whom I shall write as soon as possible, I remain, most gracious Cousin, your faithful and most gratefully devoted Cousin,
Prince of Prussia.
Footnote 25: The Prince of Prussia, afterwards the Emperor William I., having become intensely unpopular at Berlin, had been obliged in March to fly for his life, in disguise,viâHamburg, to England.
THE ROYAL EXILES
Buckingham Palace,1st June 1848.
The Queen had not time the other day to talk to Lord John Russell on the subject of the French Royal Family, and therefore writes to him now. As it seems now most probable that they, or at least some of them, will take up their residence for a lengthened period in this country, and as their position is now a defined one, viz. that ofexiles, their treatment should be defined and established.
At first everything seemed temporary, and the public were much occupied with them, inclined to criticise all that was done or was omitted by the Court; all their movements were recorded in the papers, etc. The lapse of three months has agood deal altered this. They have lived in complete retirement, and are comparatively forgotten; and their poverty and their resignation to their misfortunes have met with much sympathy! The Queen is consequently anxious to take the right line; particularly desirous to do nothing which could hurt the interests of the country, and equally so to do everything kind towards a distinguished Royal Family in severe affliction, with whom she has long been on terms of intimacy, and to whom she is very nearly related. She accordingly wishes to know if Lord John sees any objection to the following: She has asked her Cousin, the Duchess of Nemours, to come for two or three nights to see her at Osborne when she goes there,quiteprivately; the Duchess of Kent would bring her with her. The Duke will not come with the Duchess, as he says he feels (very properly) it would be unbecoming in him till their fate (as tofortune, forbanishedthey already are) is decided, to be even for a day at Osborne. The Duchess herself wishes not to appear in the evening, but to remain alone with the Queen and the Prince.
The Queen considers that when she isstayingin the country during the summer and autumn, and any of the branches of the French Royal Family should wish to visit her and the Prince, as they occasionally do here, she might lodge them for one or two nights, as the distance might be too great for their returning the same day. They are exiles, andnot Pretenders, as the Duc de Bordeaux and Count de Montemolin are (and who arefor that reason only not received at Court). In all countries where illustrious exiles related to the Sovereign have been they have always been received at Court, as the Duc de Bordeaux, the Duchesse d'Angoulême, etc., etc., invariably have been at Vienna (even on public occasions), there being a French Ambassador there, and the best understanding existing between France and Austria. The Duke of Orleans (King Louis Philippe) in former times was constantly received by the Royal Family, and was the intimate friend of the Duke of Kent. Probably, if their fortunes are restored to them, the French Royal Family will go out into society in the course of time, and if the state of France becomes consolidated there may no longer exist that wish and that necessity forextremeprivacy, which is so obvious now. What the Queen has just mentioned, Lord John must well understand, is not what islikelyto take place (except in the case of her cousin, the Duchess of Nemours) immediately, but only what might occasionally occur when we are permanently settled in the country. Of course eventsmightarise which would change this, and which would render it inadvisable, and then the Queenwould communicate with Lord John, and ask his advice again upon the subject. All she has suggested refers to the present state of affairs, and, of course, merely tostrictlyprivate visits, and onno state occasion. This is a long letter about such a subject, but the Queen wishes to be quite safe in what she does, and therefore could not have stated the case and her opinion in a smaller space.
AFFAIRS IN LOMBARDY
Buckingham Palace,4th June 1848.
The Queen returns the enclosed draft. She has written upon it, in pencil, a passage which she thinks ought to be added, if the draft—though civil—is not to be a mere refusal to do anything for Austria, and a recommendation that whatever the Italians ask for ought to be given, for which a mediation is hardly necessary.26The Queen thinks it most important that we should try to mediate and put a stop to the war, and equally important that the boundary which is to be settled should be such a one as to make a recurrence of hostilities unlikely. The Queen has only further to remark that Lord Palmerston speaks in the beginning of the letter only of the Cabinet, and adverts nowhere to the proposition having been submitted to her.
Footnote 26: War was now raging in Lombardy between the Austrians under Marshal Radetzky and the Piedmontese under the King of Sardinia.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty, and thanks your Majesty for the perusal of this interesting letter.
An Emperor with a rational Constitution might be a fair termination of the French follies; but Louis Napoleon, with the Communists, will probably destroy the last chance of order and tranquillity. A despotism must be the end.
May Heaven preserve us in peace!
SIR HENRY BULWER
Buckingham Palace,15th June 1848.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter explaining his views as to the reparation we may be entitled to receivefrom the Spanish Government. She considers them as quite fair, but does not wish to have Sir H. Bulwer again as her Minister at Madrid, even if it should be necessary that he should repair there in order to be received by the Queen of Spain. It would not be consulting the permanent interests of this country to entrust that mission again to Sir H. Bulwer, after all that has passed. When the Queen considers the position we had in Spain, and what it ought to have been after the constitution of the French Republic when we had no rival to fight and ought to have enjoyed the entire confidence and friendship of Spain, and compares this to the state into which our relations with that country have been brought, she cannot help being struck how much matters must have been mismanaged.
Buckingham Palace,16th June 1848.
The Queen sends the enclosed draft,27and asks whether this note is what Lord John directed Lord Palmerston to send to Lisbon as a caution to Sir H. Seymour not to mix himself up with party intrigues to upset a particular Ministry?28...
Footnote 27: The draft ran:—"As it is evident that the Queen and the Government of Portugal will listen to no advice except such that agrees with their own wishes, I have to instruct you to abstain in future from giving any longer any advice to them on political matters, taking care to explain both to the Queen and the Government your reasons for doing so. You will, however, at the same time positively declare to the Portuguese Government that if by the course of policy they are pursuing they should run into any difficulty, they must clearly understand that they will not have to expect any assistance from England."
Footnote 28: Lord John Russell replied that he would write immediately to Lord Palmerston respecting Portuguese affairs. He added that he did not approve of the proposed draft.
Carlton Gardens,17th June 1848.
My dear John Russell,—The draft to Seymour was written in consequence of what you said to me, and what the Queen wrote to you; but my own opinion certainly is that it would be best to leave the things with him as they are. It must, however, be remembered that the Portuguese Government have not in reality fulfilled the engagements taken by the Queen in the Protocol of last year....
Palmerston.
PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY
Buckingham Palace,17th June 1848.
The Queen returns Lord Palmerston's letter. The country is at this moment suffering, particularly with regard to Spain,under the evil consequence of that system of diplomacy, which makes the taking up of party politics in foreign countries its principal object. This system is condemned alike by the Queen, Lord John, the Cabinet, and, the Queen fully believes, public opinion in and out of Parliament. Lord Palmerston's objection to caution our Minister in Portugal against falling into this fault brings it to an issue, whether thaterroneouspolicy is to be maintained to the detriment of the real interests of the country, or a wiser course to be followed in future. Does Lord John consider this so light a matter as to be surrendered merely because Lord Palmerston is not to add to such a caution a gratuitous attack upon the Queen and Government of Portugal? The Queen thinks it of the utmost importance that in these perilous times this question with regard to the basis of our foreign policy should besettled, and has no objection to Lord John showing this letter to Lord Palmerston.
Pembroke Lodge,18th June 1848.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he begs to assure your Majesty that if he was disposed to rest on the known discretion and temper of Sir Hamilton Seymour without specific instruction, it was not from regarding the matter lightly, but from a sense of the inconvenience which might arise to your Majesty's service from raising a question with Lord Palmerston in the present critical state of Europe which might induce a belief that he had not conducted foreign affairs to the satisfaction of his colleagues or of his Sovereign.
Lord John Russell feeling, however, that on the particular point at issue your Majesty has just reason to expect that precautions should be taken against the chance of intrigue with foreign parties against a foreign government, with which this country is on terms of friendship, is ready to insist on an instruction to Sir Hamilton Seymour similar to that which was given to Sir Henry Bulwer to take no part in the struggle of parties, and to refrain from any interference with respect to which he has not specific directions from your Majesty's Government.
But in this case he must take upon himself the whole responsibility of requiring such a note from Lord Palmerston. It would not be conducive to your Majesty's service, nor agreeable to the wholesome maxims of the Constitution to mix your Majesty's name with a proceeding which may lead to the most serious consequences.
It is just to Lord Palmerston to say that his general course of policy has met with the warm approval of the Cabinet, and that the cases of difference of judgment have been rare exceptions.
Lord John Russell submits to your Majesty the letter he proposes to write before sending it to Lord Palmerston. He would wish to have it returned as soon as your Majesty can do so.
THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON
Buckingham Palace,18th June 1848.
The Queen returns to Lord John Russell his letter to Lord Palmerston,29which is excellent, and shows that the Queen's and Lord John's views upon the important question of our foreign policyentirely coincide. The Queen is sorry that the trouble of such an altercation should be added to the many anxieties which already press upon Lord John, but she feels sure that his insisting upon asoundline of policy will save him and the country fromfar greatertroubles....
Footnote 29: The letter was to the effect that Sir H. Seymour was to take no part in the struggle of parties in Portugal, and to refrain from confidential communications with members of the Opposition.
Carlton Gardens,26th June 1848.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is sorry he is not able to submit to your Majesty the proposed draft to Sir Hamilton Seymour to go by to-night's mail, as he has not succeeded in settling the wording of it with Lord John Russell, and is therefore obliged to defer it till the next mail.
Buckingham Palace,26th June 1848.
The Queen sends this letter, which she has just received from Lord Palmerston. No remonstrance has any effect with Lord Palmerston. Lord John Russell should ask the Duke of Bedford to tell him of the conversation the Queen had with the Duke the other night about Lord Palmerston.
ENGLAND AND ITALY
Buckingham Palace,1st July 1848.
The Queen has not yet answered Lord Palmerston's letter of the 29th. She cannot conceal from him that she is ashamed of the policy which we are pursuing in this Italian controversy in abetting wrong, and this for the object of gaininginfluencein Italy.30The Queen does not consider influence so gained as an advantage, and though this influence is to be acquired in order to do good, she is afraid that the fear of losing it again will always stand in the way of this. At least in the countries where the greatest stress has been laid on that influence, and the greatest exertions made for it, theleast goodhas been done—the Queen means in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Neither is there any kind of consistency in the line we take about Italy and that we follow with regard to Schleswig; both cases are perfectly alike (with the difference perhaps that there is a question of right mixed up in that of Schleswig); whilst we upbraid Prussia, caution her, etc., etc., we say nothing to Charles Albert except that if he did not wish to takeallthe Emperor of Austria's Italian Dominions, we would not lay anyobstaclesin the way of his moderation. The Queen finds in Lord Palmerston's last despatch to Chevalier Bunsen the following passage: "And it is manifest and indisputable that no territory or state, which is not now according to the Treaty of 1815 included in the German Confederation, can be added to that territory without the consent of the Sovereign of that territory or state." How does this agree with our position relative to the incorporation of Lombardy into the states of the King of Sardinia?
Footnote 30: Lord Palmerston's sympathy had been with the anti-Austrian movement in Northern Italy. For some time after Radetzky's evacuation of Milan, the operations of the King of Sardinia in support of the Lombards were successful, and he had assistance from Tuscany, Naples, and Rome. The Austrians suffered reverses at Peschiera and Goito, and the independence of Northern Italy seemed to be accomplished. But the tide had begun to turn.
LORD MINTO'S MISSION
Buckingham Palace,6th July 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's long Memorandum respecting our relations with Italy, the length of which, however, was fully justified by the importance of the subject.
The mission of Lord Minto has had the Queen's approval at the time, and the policy pursued by him has never been calledin question; but it certainly was prejudicial to the Austrians, and imposes upon us additional care not to appear now as the abettors of the anti-Austrian movement, and nothing in Lord Minto's mission can prevent our endeavouring to facilitate and forward a speedy settlement of the present Italian difference.31If, therefore, the Italians should be inclined to be moderate, there can be no dereliction of principle in encouraging them to be so. The danger of French interference increases with the delay and is equally great, whether the Austrians maintain themselves in the Venetian Territory or whether Charles Albert unite it to his proposed kingdom of Northern Italy; indeed, the French seem to be anxious for a cause of interference from the line they pursue even with regard to Naples.
Lord Palmerston seeks to establish a difference between the case of Schleswig and of Lombardy, on the fact that Schleswig is to be incorporated into a confederation of States; but this makes the case of Lombardy only the stronger, as this is to be incorporated into the dominions of another Sovereign. With regard to the "Revue Retrospective," the perusal of it has left a different impression upon the Queen from that which it seems to have made upon Lord Palmerston. It proved to her, that while the retiring attitude which the late Government took with regard to the Spanish marriages, left the French Government to try their different schemes and intrigues and to fail with every one of them, the attempt of Lord Palmerston to re-organise the Progressista Party and regain the so-calledEnglish influence, brought Queen Christina and King Louis Philippe (who had before seriously quarrelled) immediately together, and induced them to rush into this unfortunate combination, which cannot but be considered as the origin of all the present convulsions in Europe.
Footnote 31: Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, and father-in-law of the Prime Minister, had been sent to encourage in the path of reform Pope Pius IX., who was halting between progress and reaction: on the sanguinary risings taking place in Lombardy and Venetia, his mission naturally appeared hostile to Austria.
AN ANXIOUS PERIOD
Buckingham Palace,11th July 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—For another kind and dear letter of the 8th, I have much to thank you. The prosperity of dear little Belgium is a bright star in the stormy night all around. May God bless and prosper you all, for ever and ever!
Since the 24th February I feel an uncertainty in everything existing, which (uncertain as all human affairs must be) onenever felt before. When one thinks of one's children, their education, their future—and prays for them—I always think and say to myself, "Let them grow up fit forwhatever stationthey may be placed in—high or low." This one never thought of before, but Idoalways now. Altogether one's whole disposition is so changed—boresand trifles which one would have complained of bitterly a few months ago, one looks upon as good things and quite a blessing—provided one cankeep one's position in quiet!
I own I have not much confidence in Cavaignac,32as they fear his mother's and brother's influence, the former being a widow of a regicide, and assternand severe as can be imagined.
I saw the King and Queen on Saturday; he is wonderfully merry still and quite himself, butshefeels it deeply—and forherthere is here the greatest sympathy and admiration.
Albert is going to York to-morrow till Friday;howI wish you and Louise could be with me, as in '44 and '46! I have, however, got dear Victoire to come and spend a night with me; it does her always good, and we are just like sisters, and feel as we did in 1839, when you know how very fond we were of each other. She is a dear, noble, and stillbeautifulchild.
I venture to send you a snuff-box with poor Aunt Charlotte's picture as a child, which also belonged to poor Aunt Sophia. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 32: General Cavaignac, Minister for War, had been givenquasi-dictatorial powers during the insurrection. These powers, on the suppression of the revolt, he resigned, and was thereupon almost unanimously made President of the Council.
Buckingham Palace,13th July 1848.
The Queen was glad to hear of the majorities the other night. She concludes Lord John Russell cannot at all saywhenthe Session is likely to end? Is it not much to be regretted that the measure relative to the Navigation Laws is given up, and was it unavoidable? The Queen sends Lord John Col. Phipps's report of the Prince's reception at York, which she thinks will interest him. Does Lord J. Russell think, if we should not go to Ireland, that we could go to Balmoral for ten days or a fortnight, without shocking the Irish very much? It strikes the Queen that to go to seeour own placemakes a difference, and is in fact a natural thing; it is, however, impossible to say if wecanget away even for so short a time.
The Queen concludes that there can be no possible objectionto the Duc de Nemours bringing or fetching the Duchess to and from Osborne? He is the Queen's Cousin, and consequently in a different position to any of the others; moreover, he doesnotwishat presentto spend onenightthere even, but merely to pay a morning visit.
Lastly, the Queen wishes to know if the King and Queen and the other Princes and Princessesshould themselvesask to come and pay the Queen a morning visit at Osborne, and return again the same day (as they do here), there would be any objection to it? The Queen merely wishes to know, incase theyshould ask leave to do so, what she can answer.
COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY
Buckingham Palace,14th July 1848.
The Queen has received Sir George Grey's letter of yesterday, and has considered the proposed alteration in the mode of preparing Commissions for Officers in the Army. The Queen does not at all object to the amount of trouble which the signature of so many Commissions has hitherto entailed upon her, as she feels amply compensated by the advantage of keeping up a personal connection between the Sovereign and the Army, and she very much doubts whether the Officers generally would not feel it as a slight if, instead of their Commissions bearing the Queen's sign-manual, they were in future only to receive a certificate from the Secretary at War that they have been commissioned.
She therefore prefers matters to remain on their old footing.
The Secretary at War speaks in his Memorandum of his responsibility to Parliament with respect to allowing Appointments to go on; the Queen apprehends that his responsibility does not extend beyond the appropriation of the money voted by Parliament for the use of her Army.
Laeken,18th July 1848.
My dearest Cousin,—I have received the beautiful dolls' house you have been so kind as to send me, and I thank you very much for it. I am delighted with it; every morning I dress my doll and give her a good breakfast; and the day after her arrival she gave a great rout at which all my dolls were invited. Sometimes she plays at drafts on her prettylittle draft-board, and every evening I undress her and put her to bed.
Be so good, my dearest Cousin, as to give my love to my dear little Cousins, and believe me always, your most affectionate Cousin,
Charlotte.
ITALY AND FRANCE
Osborne,24th July 1848.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter33reporting his conversation with M. de Tallenay. She can only repeat her opinion that a negotiation with France in order to agree with her upon a common line of policy to be followed with regard to the Italian question can lead to no good; it will make us the ally of a Government which is not even legally constituted, and which can accordingly not guarantee the fulfilment of any engagement it may enter into, and it will call upon the very power to judge the Italian dispute which it is the interest of Europe to keep out of it. M. de Tallenay seems to have admitted that the French Republic, if called upon to act, will neither allow Austria to keep the Venetian territory nor Sardinia to acquire it, but that she will strive to set up a Venetian Republic. It can really not be an object for us to assist in such a scheme, or even to treat upon it.
Lord Cowley the Queen means to invite to dinner to-day, and she wishes Lord Palmerston to let her know the day on which he is to leave for Frankfort in order that she may prepare her letter for the Archduke accordingly.
Footnote 33: Lord Palmerston had reported an interview withde Tallenay, who sought the co-operation of England with France in Northern Italy; the Austrian force in Italy to be withdrawn or reduced, the union of Lombardy and Piedmont to be accepted as afait accompli, and Venetian territory erected into a separate republic.
NORTHERN ITALY
Osborne,25th July 1848.
The Queen sends Lord John Russell the enclosed Despatch from Lord Normanby, with a draft in answer to it which was sent for her approval, but which she really cannot approve. The Queen must tell Lord John what she has repeatedly told Lord Palmerston, but without apparent effect, that the establishment of anentente cordiale with the French Republic, for the purpose of driving the Austrians out oftheir dominionsin Italy, would be adisgraceto this country. That the French would attach the greatest importance to it and gain the greatestadvantage by it there can be no doubt of; but how will England appear before the worldat the momentwhen she is struggling to maintain her supremacy in Ireland, and boasts to stand by treaties with regard to her European relations, having declined all this time to interfere in Italy or to address one word of caution to the Sardinian Government on account of its attack on Austria, and having refused to mediate when called upon to do so by Austria, because the terms were not good enough for Sardinia, if she should now ally herself with the arch-enemy of Austria to interfereagainst herat the moment when she has recovered in some degree her position in the Venetian territory?
The notion of establishing a Venetian State under French guarantee is too absurd. Lord Palmerston in his draft says that we believe that the French plan would be agreed to by Austria. Now this is completely at variance with every account, report, or despatch we have received from Verona,Innspruck, or Vienna; however, Lord Palmerston hints that the King of Sardinia might expect still better terms. The French Republic seemsnotto be anxious for war, not able to conduct it, and the country appears to be decidedly against it; all M. Bastide says is: "There were two extremes which it would be very difficult for them to admit without opposition, viz. the restoration of Lombardy to the Dominion of Austria on the one side, and the union under one powerful state under Charles Albert of all the principalities into which the north of Italy has hitherto been divided." With this explicit declaration, it would surely be best for the interests of Europe that we should namethisto Charles Albert, and call upon him to rest satisfied with his conquest, and to conclude a peace with Austria, leaving her what he cannot take from her, and thus avoid calling in France as an arbiter. Why this has not been done long ago, or should not be done now, the Queen cannot comprehend.
Osborne,27th July 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's two letters with respect to Italy. The alterations in the draft meet many of the Queen's objections, giving to the whole step another appearance. The Queen ... must acknowledge the advantage of our trying to bind [the French] to good conduct; only this must be done in a way not to appear as a league with them against a friendly Power, struggling to preserve to herselfa territory granted to her by a Treaty to which we were a party.
As the amended draft secures us against these appearances, and leaves us free for the future, the Queen approves it.
MINOR GERMAN STATES
Osborne,1st August 1848.
My dearest Uncle,—I had yesterday the happiness of receiving your kind letter of the 29th, for which I return my best thanks.
There are ample means of crushing the Rebellion in Ireland,34and I think it now is very likely to go off without any contest. ...Lord Hardinge is going over there to serve on the Staff, which is very praiseworthy of him.
I do not think the fate of the Minor Princes in Germany is so completely decided as Charles35... issoanxious to make one believe. There is only a question of taking certain powers and rights away, and not at all of getting rid of them; and I think you will see that theAusführungof the Unity will be an impossibility, at least in the sense they propose at Frankfort. The Archduke John has spoken very reassuringly both to Ernest and the Duke of Meiningen, and the attachment in many of those smaller principalities is still extremely great, and I am sure they will never consent to beingausgewischt. Coburg, for instance, on the occasion of the suppression of a very small riot, showed the greatest attachment and devotion to Ernest; at Gotha the feeling of independence isverygreat, and at Strelitz, on the occasion of Augusta's confinement with ason, the enthusiasm and rejoicing was universal. All this cannot be entirely despised.
We are as happy as possible here, and would be perfectly so, if it was not for the sorrow and misfortunes of so many dear to us, and for the state of the world in general.
I have always forgotten to tell you that we bought a fine marble bust of you quite by accident in London the other day. It is in armour and with moustaches, but quite different to the one the Gardners have at Melbourne; Albert saw it at the window of a shop, and heard it had been bought in a sale of a General Somebody. Now, with Albert's best love, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
We have just heard that there has been anactionin Ireland in which some of the insurgents have been killed;fiftyPolice dispersedfour thousandpeople. Smith O'Brien is, however, not yet taken.
Footnote 34:SeeIntroductory Note for the year,ante,p. 141.
Footnote 35: The Frankfort Assembly, in pursuance of the policy of German consolidation, had placed the central executive power in the hands of a Reichsverweser, or Vicar of the Empire. The Archduke John, uncle of the Emperor of Austria, was elected to this position, and the Queen's half-brother Charles, Prince of Leiningen, was entrusted with the Department of Foreign Affairs.
AN AMBASSADOR TO FRANCE
Osborne,8th August 1848.
... The Queen has attentively perused the statement of Lord Palmerston in favour of accrediting an Ambassador at Paris. As the proposed arrangement for the present is to be only aprovisionalone, the Queen thinks that the appointment of aMinisternow will leave it quite open to have an Ambassador hereafter, if it should be found necessary or advantageous, whilst it would set that matter at rest for the moment. Withdrawing an Ambassador and substituting a Minister hereafter, would be much more difficult. The French Republic would no doubt like to have an Ambassador here, and perhaps take immediate steps to secure that object if Lord Normanby were accredited Ambassador at Paris, against which we would be secured in having only a Minister there.... Lord Normanby's acquaintance with the public men at Paris is as much an inconvenience as it may be a convenience in some respects; his having been the great admirer and friend of M. Lamartine, for instance, etc., etc. The possibility of mixing freely with persons of various kinds, which Lord Palmerston adduces as an important consideration will, in the Queen's opinion, be more easy for a Minister than for a person of the high rank of Ambassador. All things considered therefore, the Queen will prefer to have temporarily a Minister accredited at Paris.
M. de Tallenay the Queen would receive in London on Tuesday next at six o'clock, when the Queen will be in Town.
Osborne,11th August 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday. The Queen was quite surprised to hear from Lord Palmerston in his last communication that he had written to Lord Normanby to offer him to stay as Minister at Paris, after his having before stated to the Queen that this would never do and could not be expected from Lord Normanby; Lord Normanby's answer declining this offer therefore does in no way alter the matter, and must have been foreseen by Lord Palmerston.By the delay and Lord Normanby's various conversations with M. Bastide36and General Cavaignac it has now become difficult to depart from the precedent of the Belgian and Sardinian Missions without giving offence at Paris. The Queen must, however, insist upon this precedent being fully adhered to. She accordingly sanctions Lord Normanby's appointment as Ambassador Extraordinary, on thedistinct understandingthat there is to be no Ambassador sent in return to London now, and that a Minister is to be appointed to Paris when the diplomatic intercourse is permanently to be settled. The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to bear this in mind, and to submit to her the arrangement which he thinks will be best calculated to carry this into effect.
Footnote 36: Minister of Foreign Affairs.
LORD NORMANBY'S APPOINTMENT
Osborne,11th August 1848.
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of to-day. The Queen is highly indignant at Lord Palmerston's behaviour now again with respect to Lord Normanby's appointment; he knew perfectly well that Lord Normanby could not accept the post of Minister, and had written to the Queen before that such an offer could not be made, and has now made it after all, knowing that, by wasting time and getting the matter entangled at Paris, he would carry his point. If the French are so anxious to keep Lord Normanby as to make any sacrifice for that object, it ought to make us cautious, as it can only be on account of the ease with which they can make him serve their purposes. They, of course, like anentente cordialewith us at the expense of Austria;... but this can be no consideration for us....
Threatening the Austrians with war, or making war upon them in case they should not be inclined to surrender their provinces at his bidding [Lord Palmerston] knows to be impossible; therefore theententewith the Republic is of the greatest value to him, enabling him to threaten the Austrians at any time with the French intervention which he can have at command if he agrees to it.37The Queen has read the leading articles of theTimesof yesterday and to-day on this subject with the greatest satisfaction as they express almost entirelythe same views and feelings which she entertains. The Queen hopes that Lord John Russell will read them; indeed, the whole of the Press seem to be unanimous on this subject, and she can hardly understand how there can be two opinions upon it....
Footnote 37: The success of the Piedmontese in Northern Italy had not continued through the summer, and the States whose assistance they had hitherto received began to fall away from them. The King of Naples, successful within his own dominions, had withdrawn his troops; the Pope hesitated to attack Austria; even undivided support from Venetia could no longer be counted upon. After several reverses, Charles Albert, now left virtually alone in the contest, was decisively defeated by Radetzky, at Custozza, and retreated across the Mincio. With what was left of his troops he entered Milan, which he was eventually forced to surrender, being unable to maintain himself there. Italy now turned to France for assistance, but Cavaignac, virtually Dictator in Paris, would not go further than combining with England to effect a peaceful mediation. Austria was not in a frame of mind to relinquish any part of the provinces she had had so severe a struggle to retain.