LORD HOWDEN
Buckingham Palace,27th April 1850.
In order to save the Government embarrassments, the Queen has sanctioned the appointment of Lord Howden12to Madrid, although she does not consider him to be quite the stamp of person in whom she could feel entire confidence that he will be proof against all spirit of intrigue, which at all times and now particularly is so much required in Spain. But she must once more ask Lord John to watch that the Queen may be quite openly and considerately dealt by. She knows that Lord Howden has long been made acquainted with his appointment, and has been corresponding upon it with General Narvaez; the correspondent of theTimeshas announced his appointment from Madrid already three weeks ago, and all that time Lord Palmerston remained silent upon the matter to the Queen, not even answering her upon her letter expressing her wish to see Lord Westmorland13appointed. Lord John must see the impropriety of this course, and if it were not for the Queen's anxiety to smooth all difficulties, the Government might be exposed to most awkward embarrassments. She expects, however, and has the right to claim, equal consideration on the part of her Ministers. She addresses herself in this matter to Lord John as the head of the Government.
Footnote 12: Lord Howden had been recently Minister at Rio Janeiro.
Footnote 13: Minister at Berlin, 1841-51.
Pembroke Lodge,28th April 1850.
... Lord John Russell cannot but assent to your Majesty's right to claim every consideration on the part of your Majesty's Ministers. He will take care to attend to this subject, and is much concerned to find that your Majesty has so frequently occasion to complain of Lord Palmerston's want of attention.
THE KOH-I-NOOR
Simla,15th May 1850.
... When the Governor-General had the honour of addressing your Majesty from Bombay, the arrangements forthe transmission of the Koh-i-noor were incomplete. He therefore did not then report to your Majesty, as he now humbly begs leave to do, that he conveyed the jewel himself from Lahore in his own charge, and deposited it in the Treasury at Bombay. One of your Majesty's ships had been ordered to Bombay to receive it, but had not then arrived, and did not arrive till two months afterwards, thus causing delay. TheMedea, however, sailed on 6th April, and will, it is hoped, have a safe and speedy passage to England.
By this mail the Governor-General transmits officially a record of all that he has been able to trace of the vicissitudes through which the Koh-i-noor has passed. The papers are accurate and curious.
In one of them it is narrated, on the authority of Fugueer-ood-deen, who is now at Lahore, and who was himself the messenger, that Runjeet Singh sent a message to Wufa Begum, the wife of Shah Sooja, from whom he had taken the gem, to ask her its value. She replied, "If a strong man were to throw four stones, one north, one south, one east, one west, and a fifth stone up into the air, and if the space between them were to be filled with gold, all would not equal the value of the Koh-i-noor." The Fugueer, thinking probably that this appraisement was somewhat imaginative, subsequently asked Shah Sooja the same question. The Shah replied that its value was "good fortune; for whoever possessed it had conquered their enemies."
The Governor-General very respectfully and earnestly trusts that your Majesty, in your possession of the Koh-i-noor, may ever continue to realise its value as estimated by Shah Sooja.
He has the honour to subscribe himself, with deep respect, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject and Servant,
Dalhousie.
PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY
Buckingham Palace,18th May 1850.
My dear Lord John,—I return you the enclosed letters which forbode a new storm, this time coming from Russia.14I confess I do not understand that part of the quarrel, but oneconviction grows stronger and stronger with the Queen and myself (if it is possible), viz. that Lord Palmerston is bringing the whole of the hatred which is borne to him—I don't mean here to investigate whether justly or unjustly—by all the Governments of Europe upon England, and that the country runs serious danger of having to pay for the consequences. We cannot reproach ourselves with having neglected warning and entreaties, but the Queen may feel that her duty demands her not to be content with mere warning without any effect, and that for the sake of one man the welfare of the country must not be exposed....
Albert.
Footnote 14: Russia as well as France had been appealed to by Greece against the pressure brought to bear upon her. On the 18th of April a Convention was signed in London disposing of the whole dispute, and referring Don Pacifico's claims against Portugal to arbitration. Lord Palmerston was remiss in communicating the progress of those negotiations to Mr Wyse, who persisted in his coercive measures, disregarding the intelligence on the subject he received from Baron Gros, and Greece accordingly submitted to his terms. France and Russia were incensed, the French Ambassador was recalled, and on the 18th of May Baron Brunnow intimated the imminence of similar action by the Czar.
Pembroke Lodge,18th May 1850.
Sir,—I feel very strongly that the Queen ought not to be exposed to the enmity of Austria, France, and Russia on account of her Minister. I was therefore prepared to state on Monday that it is for Her Majesty to consider what course it will be best for her and for the country to pursue.
1. I am quite ready to resign my office, but I could not make Lord Palmerston the scapegoat for the sins which will be imputed to the Government in the late negotiations.
2. I am ready, if it is thought best, to remain in office till questions pending in the two Houses are decided. If unfavourably, a solution is obtained; if favourably, Lord John Russell will no longer remain in office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary.
These are hasty and crude thoughts, but may be matured by Monday.
Buckingham Palace,20th May 1850.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REPORT
Lord John Russell came to-day to make his report to the Queen on his final determination with respect to the Greek question and Lord Palmerston. He said it was quite impossible to abandon Lord Palmerston upon this question, that the Cabinet was as much to blame (if there were cause for it) as Lord Palmerston, and particularly he himself, who had given his consent to the measures taken, and was justly held responsible by the country for the Foreign Policy of the Government. Admitting, however, that Lord Palmerston's personal quarrels with all Governments of foreign countries and the hostility with which they were looking upon him was doingserious injury to the country, and exposing the Crown to blows aimed at the Minister, he had consulted Lord Lansdowne.... Lord Lansdowne fully felt the strength of what I said respecting the power of the Leader of the House of Commons, and the right on the part of the Queen to object to its being conferred upon a person who had not her entire confidence. I said I hoped Lord Lansdowne would consider the communication of the letter as quite confidential, as, although I had no objection to telling Lord Palmerston anything that was said in it myself, I should not like that it should come to his ears by third persons or be otherwise talked of. Lord John assured me that Lord Lansdowne could be entirely relied upon, and that he himself had locked up the letter under key the moment he had received it, and would carefully guard it.
The result of our conference was, that we agreed that Lord Clarendon was the only member of the Government to whom the Foreign Affairs could be entrusted unless Lord John were to take them himself, which was much the best. Lord John objected to Lord Clarendon's intimate connection with theTimes, and the violent Austrian line of that paper; moreover, Lord Clarendon would be wanted to organise the new department of Secretary of State for Ireland. The Colonial Office was much the best for Lord Palmerston, and should Lord John go to the House of Lords, Sir George Grey was to lead in the Commons. Lord John would take an opportunity of communicating with Lord Palmerston, but wished nothing should be said or done about the changes till after the close of the Session.15
Albert.
Footnote 15: The question of the relations of Lord Palmerston with the Crown had to be postponed owing to the debates in both Houses on Foreign Policy. In the Lords, Lord Stanley moved a vote of censure on the Government for enforcing by coercive measures various doubtful or exaggerated claims against the Greek Government.
SUNDAY POSTS
Osborne,9th June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters. If the Cabinetthinkit impossible to do otherwise, of course the Queen consents—thoughmost reluctantly—to a compliance with the vote respecting the Post Office.16The Queen thinks it a veryfalsenotion of obeying God's will, to do what will be the cause of much annoyance and possibly of great distress toprivate families. At any rate, she thinks decidedly that great caution should be used with respect to any alteration in the transmission of the mails, so that at leastsome meansof communication may still be possible.
Footnote 16: Lord Ashley carried a resolution forbidding the Sunday delivery of letters; a Committee of Inquiry was appointed, and reported against the proposed change, which was abandoned.
Osborne,10th June 1850.
My dear Uncle,—I have enquired into the precedents, and find that though there are none exactly similar to the case of George, there will be no difficulty to call him up to the House of Lords; and I should propose that he should be called up by the name of Earl of Tipperary, which is one of your titles. Culloden, which is your other title, would be from recollections of former times obviously objectionable. There are several precedents of Princes being made Peers without having an establishment, consequently there can be no difficulty on this point.
I feel confident that George will be very moderate in his politics, and support the Government whenever he can. Princes of the Royal Family should keep as much as possible aloof fromParty Politics, as I think they else invariably become mixed up with Party violence, and frequently are made the tools of people who are utterly regardless of the mischief they cause to the Throne and Royal Family. Believe me, always, your affectionate Niece,
Victoria R.
PRINCE GEORGE OF CAMBRIDGE
Cambridge House,10th June 1850.
My dearest Victoria,—I seize the earliest opportunity of thanking you for your very kind letter, which I have this moment received, and to assure you at the same time that I do most fully agree with you in your observations concerning the line in politics which the members of the Royal Family ought to take. This has always been my principle since I entered the House of Lords, and I am fully convinced that George will follow my example.
I must also add that I have felt the great advantage of supporting the Government, and I have by that always been well with all Parties, and have avoided many difficulties which other members of my family have had to encounter.
I shall not fail to communicate your letter to George, who will, I trust, never prove himself unworthy of the kindness you have shown him.
With the request that you will remember me most kindly to Albert, I remain, my dearest Victoria, your most affectionate Uncle,
Adolphus.
St James's Palace,15th June 1850.
My dear Cousin,—I have not as yet ventured to address you on a subject of much interest personally to myself, and upon which I am aware that you have been in correspondence with my father; but as I believe that the question which was brought to your notice has been settled, I cannot any longer deprive myself of the pleasure of expressing to you my most sincere and grateful thanks for the kind manner in which you have at once acceded to the anxious request of my father and myself, by arranging with the Government that I should be called up to the House of Lords. This has been a point upon which I have long been most anxious, and I am truly and sincerely grateful that you have so considerately entered into my feelings and wishes. I understand that it is your intention that I should be called up by my father's second title as Earl of Tipperary; at the same time I hope that though I take a seat in the House as Earl of Tipperary, I may be permitted to retain and be called by my present name on all occasions not connected with the House of Lords. As regards the wish expressed by yourself, that I should not allow myself to be made a political partisan, I need not, I trust, assure you that it will be ever my endeavour to obey your desires upon this as on all other occasions; but I trust I may be permitted to add, that even before this desire expressed by you, it had been my intention to follow this line of conduct. I conceive that whenever they conscientiously can do so, the members of the Royal Family should support the Queen's Government; and if at times it should happen that they have a difficulty in so doing, it is at all events not desirable that they should place themselves prominently in opposition to it. This I believe to be your feelings on the subject, and if you will permit me to say so, they are also my own.
Hoping to have the pleasure soon of expressing to you my gratitude in person, I remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,
George.
Osborne,17th June 1850.
My dear George,—Many thanks for your kind letter received yesterday. I am glad to hear that you are so entirelyof my opinion with respect to the political conduct of the Princes of the Royal Family who are peers, and I feel sure that your conduct will be quite in accordance with this view. With respect to your wish to be called as you have hitherto been, I do not think that this will be possible. It has never been done, besides which I think the Irish (who will be much flattered at your being called up by the title of Tipperary) would feel it as a slight if you did not wish to be called by the title you bear. All the Royal Peers have always been called by their titles in this and in other countries, and I do not think it would be possible to avoid it. Ever, etc.,
Victoria R.17
Footnote 17: The patent was made out, but not signed, a memorandum of Prince Albert recording:—
Buckingham Palace.8th July 1850.
I kept this warrant back from the Queen's signature on account of the Duke of Cambridge's illness. The Duke died yesterday evening, without a struggle, after an attack of fever which had lasted four weeks. So the summons of Prince George has never been carried out.
Albert.
MR ROEBUCK'S MOTION
Chesham Place,21st June 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that Mr Roebuck asked him yesterday what course the Government intends to pursue after the late vote of the House of Lords.18
The newspapers contain the report of Lord John Russell's answer.
Mr Roebuck has proposed to move on Monday a general approbation of the Foreign Policy of the Government.
What may be the result of such a Motion it is not easy to say, but as Lord Stanley has prevailed on a majority in the House of Lords to censure the Foreign Policy of the Government, it is impossible to avoid a decision by the House of Commons on this subject.
The misfortune is that on the one side every detail of negotiation is confounded with the general principles of our Foreign Policy, and on the other a censure upon a Foreign Policy, the tendency of which has been to leave despotism and democracy to fight out their own battles, will imply in the eyes of Europe a preference for the cause of despotism, and a willingness to interfere with Russia and Austria on behalf of absolute government. The jealousy of the House of Commons would not long bear such a policy.
Be that as it may, Lord Stanley has opened a beginning of strife, which may last for many years to come.
Footnote 18: Lord Stanley's Motion of Censure was carried by a majority of 37 in a House of 301.
LORD STANLEY'S MOTION
Buckingham Palace,21st June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and read his speech in the House of Commons. She regrets exceedingly the position in which the Government has been placed by the Motion of Lord Stanley in the House of Lords. Whichever way the Debate in the House of Commons may terminate, the Queen foresees great troubles. A defeat of the Government would bemost inconvenient. The Queen has always approved thegeneraltendency of the policy of the Government to let despotism and democracy fight out their battles abroad, but must remind Lord John that in the execution of this policy Lord Palmerston hasgone a long wayin taking up the side of democracy in the fight, and this is the "detail of negotiations" which Lord John is afraid may be confounded with the general principle of our Foreign Policy. Indeed it is already confounded by the whole of the foreign and the great majority of the British public, and it is to be feared that the discussion will place despotic and democratic principles in array against each other in this country, whilst the original question turns only upon the justice of Don Pacifico's claims.
Chesham Place,22nd June 1850.
Lord John Russell deeply regrets that your Majesty should be exposed to inconvenience in consequence of Lord Stanley's Motion. He has copied Mr Roebuck's Motion as it now stands on the votes. The word "principles" includes the general policy, and excludes the particular measures which from time to time have been adopted as the objects of approbation.
It is impossible to say at this moment what will be the result. Lord Stanley, Lord Aberdeen, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Disraeli appear to be in close concert.
Lord Stanley can hardly now abandon Protection. Mr Gladstone, one should imagine, can hardly abandon Free Trade. The anger of the honest Protectionists and the honest Free-Traders will be very great at so unprincipled a coalition.
Mr Roebuck's Motion: That the principles on which the Foreign Policy of Her Majesty's Government has been regulated have been such as were calculated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country, and in times of unexampled difficulty to preserve peace between England and the various nations of the world.
HOLSTEIN AND GERMANY
Buckingham Palace,22nd June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday, but cannot say that his arguments in support of his former opinion, that the Germanic Confederation should be omitted from amongst the Powers who are to be invited to sign a protocol, the object of which is to decide upon the fate of Holstein, have proved successful in convincing her of the propriety of this course. As Holstein belongs to the Germanic Confederation and is only accidentally connected with Denmark through its Sovereign, a Protocol to ensure the integrity of the Danish Monarchy is a direct attack upon Germany, if carried out without her knowledge and consent; and it is an act repugnant to all feelings of justice and morality for third parties to dispose of other people's property, which no diplomatic etiquette about the difficulty of finding a proper representative for Germany could justify. The mode of representation might safely be left to the Confederation itself. It is not surprising to the Queen that Austria and Prussia should complain of Lord Palmerston's agreeing with Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France upon the Protocol before giving Prussia and Austria any notice of it.
THE PROTOCOL
Carlton Gardens,23rd June 1850.
My dear John Russell,—The Queen has entirely misconceived the object and effect of the proposed Protocol. It does not "decide upon the fate of Holstein," nor is it "an attack upon Germany." In fact, the Protocol is todecidenothing; it is to be merely a record of the wishes and opinions of the Power whose representatives are to sign it....19
How does any part of this decide the fate of Holstein or attack Germany?
Is not the Queen requiring that I should be Minister, not indeed for Austria, Russia, or France, but for the Germanic Confederation? Why should we take up the cudgels for Germany, when we are inviting Austria and Prussia, the two leading powers of Germany, and who would of course put in a claim for the Confederation if they thought it necessary, which, however, for the reasons above stated, they surely would not?...
As to my havingagreedwith Sweden, Russia, Denmark, and France before communicating with Prussia and Austria, that is not the course which things have taken. Brunnow proposed the Protocol to me, and I have been in discussion with him about it. It ishewho has communicated it to the French Ambassador, to Reventlow, and to Rehausen; I sent it privately several weeks ago to Westmorland, that he might show it confidentially to Schleinitz, but telling Westmorland that it was not a thing settled, but only a proposal by Russia, and that, at all events, some part of the wording would be altered. I have no doubt that Brunnow has also shown it to Koller; but I could not send it officially to Berlin or Vienna till Brunnow had agreed to such a wording as I could recommend the Government to adopt, nor until I received the Queen's sanction to do so.
The only thing that occurs to me as practicable would be to say to Austria and Prussia that if, in signing the Protocol, they could add that they signed also in the name of the Confederation, we should be glad to have the additional weight of that authority, but that could not be made asine quâ non, any more than the signature of Austria and Prussia themselves, for I think that the Protocol ought to be signed by as many of the proposed Powers as may choose to agree to it, bearing always in mind that it is only a record of opinions and wishes, and does not decide or pretend to decide anything practically. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston.
Footnote 19: The Protocol was to record the desirability of the following points:—(1) that the several states which constituted the Danish Monarchy should remain united, and that the Danish Crown should be settled in such manner that it should go with the Duchy of Holstein; (2) that the signatory Powers, when the peace should have been concluded, should concert measures for the purpose of giving to the results an additional pledge of stability, by a general European acknowledgment.
THE QUEEN'S OPINION
Buckingham Palace,25th June 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter enclosing those of Lord Palmerston and Lord Lansdowne. Themisconceptionon the Queen's part, which Lord Palmerston alleges to exist, consists in her taking the essence of the arrangement for the mere words. Lord Palmerston pretends that the Protocol "does not decide upon the fate of Holstein nor attack Germany." However, the only object of the Protocol is the fate of Holstein, which is decided upon—
(1.) By a declaration of the importance to the interests of Europe to uphold the integrity of the Danish Monarchy (which has no meaning, if it does not mean that Holstein is to remain with it).
(2.) By an approval of the efforts of the King of Denmark to keep it with Denmark, by adapting the law of succession to that of Holstein.
(3.) By an engagement on the part of the Powers to use their "soins" to get the constitutional position of Holstein settled in a peace according to the Malmoe preliminaries, of which it was one of the conditions that the question of the succession was to be left untouched.
(4.) To seal the whole arrangement by an act of European acknowledgment.
If the declarations of importance, the approval, the "soins" and the acknowledgments ofallthe great Powers of Europe are to decide nothing, then Lord Palmerston is quite right; if they decide anything, it is the fate of Holstein.
Whether this will be an attack upon Germany or not will be easily deduced from the fact that the attempt on the part of Denmark to incorporate into her polity the Duchy of Schleswig was declared by the Diet in 1846 to be a declaration of war against Germany merely on account of its intimate connection with the Duchy of Holstein.
The Queen does not wish her Minister to be Minister for Germany, but merely to treat that country with the same consideration which is due to every country on whose interests we mean to decide.
The Queen would wish her correspondence upon this subject to be brought before the Cabinet, and will abide by their deliberate opinion.
Buckingham Palace,25th June 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—Charles will have told you how kindly and amiably the Prince of Prussia has come here, travelling night and day from St Petersburg, in order to be in time for the christening of our littleArthur.20I wish you could (and you will, for he intends stopping at Brussels) hear him speak, for he is so straightforward, conciliatory, and yet firm of purpose; I have a great esteem and respect for him. The poor King of Prussia is recovered,21and has been received with great enthusiasm on the first occasion of his first reappearance in public.
We are in acrisis, no one knowing how this debate upon this most unfortunate Greek business will end. It is most unfortunate, for whatever way it ends, it must do great harm.
I must now conclude, for I am quite overpowered by the heat. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 20: The present Duke of Connaught, born on the 1st of May, the birthday of the Duke of Wellington, who was one of the sponsors, and after whom he was named.
Footnote 21: From an attempt to assassinate him.
THE DON PACIFICO DEBATE
Chesham Place,26th June 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that in the debate of last night Viscount Palmerston defended the whole Foreign Policy of the Government in a speech of four hours and three quarters.22This speech was one of the most masterly ever delivered, going through the details of transactions in the various parts of the world, and appealing from time to time to great principles of justice and of freedom.
The cheering was frequent and enthusiastic. The debate was adjourned till Thursday, when it will probably close.
The expectation is that Ministers will have a majority, but on the amount of that majority must depend their future course.
Footnote 22: It lasted from dusk till dawn, and the Minister asked for a verdict on the question whether, "as the Roman in days of old held himself free from indignity when he could say,Civis Romanus sum, so also a British subject, in whatever land he may be, shall feel confident that the watchful eye and the strong arm of England will protect him against injustice and wrong." Peel, who made his last appearance in the House, voted against Palmerston.
Chesham Place,27th June 1850.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that the prospects of the division are rather more favourable for Ministers than they were.
Ministers ought to have a majority of forty to justify their remaining in office.23
Mr Gladstone makes no secret of his wish to join Lord Stanley in forming an Administration.
Lord John Russell would desire to have the honour of an audience of your Majesty on Saturday at twelve or one o'clock.
The division will not take place till to-morrow night.
Footnote 23: In the result, Ministers succeeded by 310 to 264, although opposed to them in the debate were Mr Gladstone, Mr Cobden, Sir Robert Peel, Mr Disraeli, Sir James Graham, and Sir William Molesworth. Next to the speeches of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, the most effective speech on the Government side was that of Mr Alexander Cockburn, afterwards Lord Chief Justice of England.
PEEL'S ACCIDENT
Buckingham Palace,2nd July 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—For two most kind and affectionate letters I offer my warmest and best thanks. The good report of my beloved Louise's improvement is a great happiness.By my letter to Louise you will have learnt all the details of this certainly very disgraceful and very inconceivable attack.24I have not suffered except from my head, which is still very tender, the blow having been extremely violent, and the brassendof the stick fell on my head so as to make a considerable noise. I own it makes me nervous out driving, and I start at any person coming near the carriage, which I am afraid is natural. We have, alas! now another cause of much greater anxiety in the person of our excellent Sir Robert Peel,25who, as you will see, has had a most serious fall, and though going on well at first, was very ill last night; thank God! he is better again this morning, but I fear still in great danger. I cannot bear even to think of losing him; it would be the greatest loss for the whole country, and irreparable for us, for he is so trustworthy, and so entirely to be depended on.Allparties are in great anxiety about him. I will leave my letter open to give you the latest news.
Our good and amiable guest26likes being with us, and will remain with us till Saturday. We had a concert last night, and go to the opera very regularly. TheProphèteis quite beautiful, and I am sure would delight you. The music in theScène du Couronnementis, I think, finer than anything in eitherRobertor theHuguenots; it is highly dramatic, and really very touching. Mario sings and acts in it quite in perfection. HisRaoulin the Huguenots is also most beautiful. He improves every year, and I really think his voice is the finest tenor I ever heard, and he sings and acts with suchintensefeeling.
What do you say to the conclusion of our debate? It leaves things just as they were. The House of Commons is becoming very unmanageable and troublesome....
I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your most affectionate Niece,
Victoria R.
I am happy to say that Sir Robert, though still very ill, is freer from pain, his pulse is less high, and he feels himself better; the Doctors think there isnovital injury, and nothing from which he cannot recover, but that he must be for some days in a precarious state.
Footnote 24: The Queen, as she was leaving Cambridge House, where she had called to inquire after the Duke of Cambridge's health, was struck with a cane by one Robert Pate, an ex-officer, and a severe bruise was inflicted on her forehead. The outrage was apparently committed without motive, but an attempt to prove Pate insane failed, and he was sentenced to seven years' transportation.
Footnote 25: On the day following the Don Pacifico debate, Sir Robert Peel, after attending a meeting of the Exhibition Commissioners, had gone out riding. On his return, while passing up Constitution Hill, he was thrown from his horse, and, after lingering three days in intense pain, died on the 5th of July.
Footnote 26: The Prince of Prussia.
THE KING OF DENMARK
Copenhague,4 Juillet 1850.
Madame ma Sœur,—Je remplis un devoir des plus agréables, en m'empressant d'annoncer à votre Majesté que la paix vient d'être signée le 2 de ce mois à Berlin entre moi et Sa Majesté le Roi de Prusse, en Son nom et en celui de la Confédération Germanique.27
Je sais et je reconnais de grand cœur combien je suis redevable à votre Majesté et à Son Gouvernement de ce résultat important, qui justifie mon espérance de pouvoir bientôt rendre à tous mes sujets les bienfaits d'une sincère réconciliation et d'une véritable concorde.
Votre Majesté a par la sollicitude avec laquelle Elle a constamment accompli le mandat de la médiation dans l'intérêt du Danemark et de l'Europe, ajouté aux témoignages inappréciables de sincère amitié qu'elle n'a cessé de m'accorder durant la longue et pénible épreuve que le Danemark vient de nouveau de traverser, mais qui paraît, à l'aide du Tout-Puissant, devoir maintenant faire place à un meilleur avenir, offrant, sous les auspices de votre Majesté, de nouvelles garanties pour l'indépendance de mon antique Couronne et pour le maintien de l'intégrité de ma Monarchie, à la défense desquelles je me suis voué entièrement.
Je suis persuadé que votre Majesté me fera la justice de croire que je suis on ne peut plus reconnaissant, et que mon peuple fidèle et loyal s'associe à moi et aux miens, pénétré de ces mêmes sentiments de gratitude envers votre Majesté.
Je m'estimerais infiniment heureux si Elle daignait ajouter à toutes Ses bontés, celle que de me fournir l'occasion de Lui donner des preuves de mon dévouement inaltérable et de la haute considération avec lesquels je prie Dieu qu'il vous ait, Madame ma Sœur, vous, votre auguste Époux et tous les vôtres, dans sa sainte et digne garde, et avec lesquels je suis, Madame ma Sœur, de votre Majesté, le bon Frère,
Frederick.
Footnote 27: Denmark and the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies were still at war. Germany was bent on absorbing the Duchies, but Prussia now concluded a peace with Denmark: the enlistment of individual Germans in the insurgent army continued.
DEATH OF PEEL
Laeken,5th July 1850.
My dearest Victoria,—It gave me the greatest pain to learn of the death of our true and kind friend, Sir Robert Peel. That he should have met with his end—he so valuable to the whole earth—from an accident so easily to be avoided withsome care, is the more to be lamented. You and Albert lose in him a friend whose moderation, correct judgment, great knowledge of everything connected with the country, can never be found again. Europe had in him a benevolent and a truly wise statesman....
Give my best thanks to Albert for his kind letter. I mean to send a messenger probably on Sunday or Monday to write to him. I pity him about the great Exhibition. I fear he will be much plagued, and I was glad to see that the matter is to be treated in Parliament. Alas! in all human affairs one is sure to meet with violent passions, and Peel knew that so well; great care even for the most useful objects is necessary.
I will write to you a word to-morrow. God grant that it may be satisfactory.28Ever, my beloved, dear Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 28: The Princess Charlotte of Belgium was seriously ill.
Buckingham Palace,6th July 1850.
Sire, my most honoured Brother,—I have to express to you my thanks for the pleasure which the visit of your dear brother has given us, who, as I hope, will remit these lines to you in perfect health. That things go so well with you, and that the healing of your wound has made undisturbed progress, has been to us a true removal of anxiety. You will no doubt have learnt that I too have been again the object of an attempt, if possible still more cowardly. The criminal is,as usual, this time too, insane, or will pretend to be so; still the deed remains.
All our feelings are, in the meanwhile, preoccupied by the sorrow, in which your Majesty and all Europe will share, at the death of Sir Robert Peel. That is one of the hardest blows of Fate which could have fallen on us and on the country. You knew the great man, and understood how to appreciate his merit. His value is now becoming clear even to his opponents; all Parties are united in mourning.
The only satisfactory event of recent times is the news of your conclusion of peace with Denmark. Accept my most cordial congratulations on that account.
Requesting you to remember me cordially to the dear Queen, and referring you for detailed news to the dear Prince, also recommending to your gracious remembrance Albert, who does not wish to trouble you, on his part, with a letter, I remain, in unchangeable friendship, dear Brother, your Majesty's faithful Sister,
Victoria R.