MR DISRAELI
The Queen showed Lord Stanley Lord John Russell's letterrespecting Mr Disraeli's denial of the truth of Lord John's statement in the House of Commons yesterday.
Lord Stanley said it had been a very unfortunate misunderstanding, that he had been sorry Lord John and Lord Lansdowne should have felt it necessary to say that "he had notthenbeen prepared to form a Government," as the knowledge of this fact, as long as there was a chance of his being called back, could not but act injuriously to him and dispirit those with whom he acted. He would explain all this on Friday in the House of Lords, and had no objection to sending Lord John a copy of his letter.
We now came toMeasures. Lord Stanley hopes to obviate the Papal Question by a Parliamentary declaration and the appointment in both Houses of a Committee to enquire into the position of the Roman Catholic Church in this country; he would diminish the Income Tax by a million, and exempt temporary incomes; he would allow compounding for the Window Tax and levy a moderate duty on corn, which he called a Countervailing Duty, and tried to defend as good political economy, on the authority of Mr M'Culloch's last edition of "Ricardo." (I had some discussion with him, however, on that point.)
Returning to the offices to be filled, Lord Stanley said he should have to propose Mr Disraeli as one of the Secretaries of State. The Queen interrupted him by saying that she had not a very good opinion of Mr Disraeli on account of his conduct to poor Sir R. Peel, and what had just happened did not tend to diminish that feeling; but that she felt so much Lord Stanley's difficulties, that she would not aggravate them by passing a sentence of exclusion on him. She must, however, make Lord Stanley responsible for his conduct, and should she have cause to be displeased with him when in office, she would remind Lord Stanley of what now passed. Lord Stanley promised to be responsible, and excused his friend for his former bitterness by his desire to establish his reputation for cleverness and sharpness; nobody had gained so much by Parliamentary schooling, and he had of late quite changed his tone.
Mr Herries would make a good Chancellor of the Exchequer.
As to Ireland, he had thought of having a more ostensible Lord-Lieutenant, whilst the business should be done by the Secretary for Ireland. He asked the Queen whether the Duke of Cambridge might be offered that post, which she tookad referendum. The Duke of Northumberland, though not of his Party, he should like to offer the Admiralty to.
DISSOLUTION
At the conclusion of the interview he broached the important question of Dissolution, and said that a Dissolution wouldanyhow become necessary; that, if it was thought that the Queen would withhold from him the privilege of dissolving, he would not have the slightest chance in the House of Commons; he would be opposed and beat, and then his adversaries would come in and dissolve. He avowed that it could not be said that the Queen had refused him the power of dissolving, but he required some assurance.
On the Queen's objecting to giving him a contingent positive promise, but declaring her readiness fairly to discuss the question when the emergency arose, he contented himself with the permission to deny, if necessary, that she wouldnotconsent to it, putting entire confidence in the Queen's intention to deal fairly by him.
I tried to convince Lord Stanley, and I hope not without effect, of the advantage, both to the Queen and Lord Stanley himself, that they should not be hampered by a positive engagement on that point, which might become very inconvenient if circumstances arose which made a Dissolution dangerous to the country.
Albert.
Buckingham Palace,25th February 1851.
The Queen has seen Lord Stanley, who will let Lord John Russell have a copy of the letter. He wishes it not to be known or considered that he has formally undertaken to form a Government till to-morrow, on account of the House of Lords meeting to-day. He feels the difficulty of his position, and is not sure yet that he will be able to complete a Ministry. To-morrow he will give the Queen a positive answer.
Buckingham Palace,25th February 1851.
The Queen has just received Lord Stanley's letter. She had forgotten the Levée, and was just going to write to him to inform him that she wished to see him at eleven o'clock to-morrow.
The Queen cannot but regret that Lord Stanley should think Lord John Russell's explanation led to a wrong inference; for Lord Stanley will himself recollect that he stated his objections to her much more strongly in his first interview than he did in writing, and as Lord Stanley so strongly advised the Queen to try if no other arrangement could first be come to, she hardly knows how this could otherwise have been expressed than by the words used by Lord Lansdowne and Lord John Russell.
26th February 1851.(Wednesday.)
Lord Stanley came again at eleven. The first part of the audience, which was not long, was occupied by Lord Stanley's trying to explain away Mr Disraeli's contradiction of Lord John Russell, though he termed it "very unfortunate," by saying that he wished Lord John hadnot mentionedthathe(Lord Stanley) "was notthenprepared" to form a Government, for that, though true in fact, he hadnotabsolutelyrefused, but had only advised me totryand make other arrangements first. I said I thought the distinction "a very nice one," which he admitted. What passed between us on the subject the correspondence between Albert and Lord John will best explain.
Lord Stanley then told us that he had seen the Duke of Northumberland, who wished for time to consider; that he was to see Lord Canning again to-day, but had no hopes of his accepting; and that he found so many people out of Town that he must ask forforty-eighthours more before he could give me a positive answer, viz. till Friday. He added he "must not conceal" from me that he was "not very sanguine" of success; almost all depended on Mr Gladstone, who was expected to arrive to-day; but that it mightnowbe said (in answer to a question of Albert's "whether in these days of nice distinctions onemightsay that he hadundertakento form a Government"), that he hadattemptedtoundertaketoform a Government.
Victoria R.
LORD STANLEY RESIGNS
St James's Square,27th February 1851.
(Four o'clockp.m.)
Lord Stanley, with his humble duty, awaits your Majesty's commands at what hour he may be honoured with an audience, to explain the grounds on which, with the deepest regret, he feels himself under the necessity of resigning the important trust with which your Majesty has honoured him.
Buckingham Palace,27th February 1851.
The Queen sanctions Sir James Graham's making any statement to the House of Commons which he thinks necessary, to explain the part which he and Lord Aberdeen took in the lateMinisterial negotiations, and indeed hopes that these explanations will be as full as possible on all parts, in order that the country may fully appreciate the difficulties of the crisis.
LORD STANLEY'S REASONS
Buckingham Palace,27th February 1851.
Lord Stanley arrived at half-past five o'clock. We were struck by the change of his countenance, which had lost all the expression of care and anxiety which had marked it at the previous interviews.
He assured the Queen that he had been labouring incessantly since he had seen her last, but that he was sorry to say without any success.
THE PAPAL BILL
He had seen Mr Gladstone, who declined joining his Government on account of his previous pledges in Parliament respecting the Commercial Policy of Sir R. Peel, but evidently also on account of his peculiar views with respect to the Papal Aggression, which he did not seem disposed to look upon as in any way objectionable.
Lord Canning had given him some hope at one time, but finally declined in order not to risk his credit for political consistency.
Mr H. Corry, whose opinions on Free Trade were by no means decided, and who had only filled a very subordinate situation in Sir R. Peel's Government, he had offered high office, but was refused, Mr Corry expressing his fears that the Government had no chance of standing against the opposition it would have to meet in the House of Commons.
The Duke of Northumberland was the only person not properly belonging to the Protection Party who had accepted office (First Lord of the Admiralty). At one time Lord Ellenborough had accepted, but having been sent on a mission to Mr Goulburn in order to see whether he could convert him, he came home himself converted, and withdrew his acceptance again.
In this situation Lord Stanley called his friends together, and after some discussion concurred in their opinion that it was not possible for them to form such an Administration as ought to be offered to the Queen. Lord Stanley then qualified this expression again, and said that though he could have offered a very respectable Government if he had had a majority in the House of Commons, or the means of strengthening himself by an immediate Dissolution, he could not form such a one which could have withstood an adverse majority and such a formidable array of talent in the Opposition. He thereforereturned the trust which had been committed to him into the Queen's hands, expressing at the same time his deep sense of gratitude for the kindness with which she had treated him, the support and confidence she had given him, sorry only that it should have led to no result. He thought, however, that the prolongation of the crisis had not inconvenienced the public service, as Her Majesty'spresentGovernment were constitutionally enabled to carry on all necessary business.
The Queen rejoined that she was very sorry that this attempt had also failed, that she had tried every possible combination, and still was without a Government. Lord Stanley answered as if he considered it natural that Lord John Russell's Government should now quietly proceed; but on the Queen's observation, that it was now necessary that all Parties should join in the support of some measures at least, and particularly the Papal Bill, he stated what he was prepared to support, and would have been prepared to propose had he taken office, viz. a fuller recital in the preamble of the Bill and no penal clause in the body of it. (The present Bill looked pettish and undignified, as if framed in anger as a return for the insult, and not a correction of the state of the law.) He thought the Law very complex and obscure, and never found it acted upon. He would have proposed therefore that Committees of both Houses should enquire into the whole subject; the state of the Convents; whether subjects were detained against their will; whether people were forced to bequeath their property to the Church on the deathbed, etc., etc.; he knew that the Roman Catholic laity felt severely the oppression which the Priests exercised over them, and would be willing to give evidence.
Lord Stanley asked whether it could be of use if he were to state all this in his explanation to-day, which the Queen strongly affirmed. I added that I hoped he would explain what he was prepared to do on all the subjects in dispute—the Commercial and Financial Policy as well. He promised to do so, and entered into his views on the Income Tax, which he called a War Tax, which had been imposed for temporary purposes only in 1842, and ought to be taken off again when practicable in order to keep faith with the public; but if, as often as there was a surplus, this was immediately absorbed by remission of other burdens, this object could never be fulfilled. He would propose that by degrees, as surpluses arose, the Income Tax should be decreased, and so on to its final repeal.
I disputed with him for some time on the advantages of an Income Tax, but without coming to any result.
On his enquiry whether there was anything else the Queen might wish him to state—perhaps the rumour that he hadbeen refused the power of dissolving—we agreed that he should say the question had never been seriously entertained, but that the Queen had been ready to give him the same support and advantages which any other Government might have enjoyed.9
Albert.
Footnote 9: The Prince thereupon, at the Queen's request, communicated with Lord John Russell, and after recounting to him the various successive failures to form a Government, wrote that the Queen must "pause before she again entrusts the commission of forming an Administration to anybody, till she has been able to see the result of to-morrow evening's Debate." He added, "Do you see any Constitutional objection to this course?"
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Buckingham Palace,28th February 1851.
My dear Duke,—Lord Stanley has likewise resigned his task, not being able to gain over any of Sir R. Peel's friends, and being incapable of forming a Government out of his Party alone.
So Lord John Russell has declared his inability to carry on the Government. Lord Stanley has then declared his inability to form one until every other combination should have failed. We have tried all possible combinations between Whigs and Peelites, and have not succeeded, and now Lord Stanley throws up the game a second time! The Queen would be happy to consult you and hear your advice in this dilemma. Possibly to-night's Debate may define the position of Parties more clearly, and give a clue to what may be best to be done under the circumstances. Ever yours, etc.
Albert.
Chesham Place,28th February 1851.
Sir,—The former Cabinet meet at eleven, at Lansdowne House.
It appears to me that the Queen might with advantage see Lord Lansdowne. He was in office with Mr Fox and Lord Grenville in 1806; he has been distinguished and respected in political life ever since; he is now desirous of retiring, and has therefore no personal object to gain. If the Queen approves, Lord Lansdowne might wait on Her Majesty soon after twelve o'clock. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's very dutiful Servant,
J. Russell.
LORD LANSDOWNE
Buckingham Palace,28th February 1851.
It would be a great satisfaction to the Queen to hear Lord Lansdowne's advice in the present critical state of affairs,and she would be glad if he could come to her at twelve this morning. The Queen has sent to the Duke of Wellington in order to hear his opinion also; but he cannot be here before to-night, being at Strathfieldsaye.
Friday,28th February 1851.
Lord Lansdowne, who arrived at twelve o'clock, was asked by the Queen what advice he could offer her in the present complication. His answer was: "I wish indeed I had any good advice to offer to your Majesty." He expressed his delight at the Queen having sent for the Duke of Wellington. We talked generally of the state of affairs; he agreed in a remark of mine, that I thought the Queen should be entirely guided in her choice of the person to construct a Government, by the consideration which Party would now appear to be the strongest in the House of Commons. On my asking, however, whether he knew if, on the failure of Lord Stanley to form a Government, part of his followers would now give up Protection as past hope, and be prepared in future to support the Peelite section of the Conservative Party, Lord Lansdowne said he had heard nothing on the subject, nor could he give us more information on the chance of the Radicals and Irish members now being more willing to support Lord John Russell in future. He liked Lord Stanley's plan of dealing with the Papal Question, of which the Queen communicated to him the outlines, was afraid of Sir J. Graham's excessive leaning towards economy, shook his head at Lord John Russell's letter to the Bishop of Durham10which had been instrumental in bringing on the present crisis, and confessed that he had been amongst those in the Cabinet who had prevented the bringing forward of a measure of reform in the present Session. He offered to do whatever might be most conducive to the Queen's comfort—stay out of office, or come into office—as might be thought the most useful.
Albert.
Footnote 10: Seeante,p. 273note 45.
FURTHER DIFFICULTIES
Buckingham Palace,1st March 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—I did not write to you yesterday, thinking I could perhaps give you some more positive news to-day, but Icannot. I am still without a Government, and I am still trying to hear and pause before I actually call to Lord John to undertake to form, or rather more to continue, theGovernment. We have passed an anxious, exciting week, and the difficulties are very peculiar; there are so many conflicting circumstances which render coalition between those who agree in almost everything, and in particular onFree Trade, impossible, but the "Papal Question" is the real and almost insuperable difficulty.
Lord Lansdowne is waiting to see me, and I must go, and with many thanks for your two kind letters, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL
Buckingham Palace,2nd March 1851.
(Sunday.)
Lord Lansdowne, who arrived after church, had seen Lord John Russell and discussed with him the Memorandum which we left with him yesterday. He had since drawn up a Memorandum himself which embodied his views, and which he had not yet communicated to any one. He was very apprehensive lest to begin a new Government with an open question would produce the greatest prejudice against it in the public; he was still inclined therefore to recommend the continuance of the present Government avowedly for the purpose of passing the Papal Bill, after which the Coalition might take place, which, however, should be agreed upon and settled at this time. As the Duke of Wellington has not yet sent his promised Memorandum, and Lord Lansdowne was anxious to hear his opinion, the Queen commissioned him to appoint Lord John Russell to come at three o'clock, and to go himself to the Duke of Wellington.
Lord John Russell, who arrived at the appointed time, and had not seen Lord Lansdowne's Memorandum yet, read it over, and expressed great misgivings about the execution of the proposal. He said he saw in fact, like Sir J. Graham, nothing but difficulties. He had ascertained that his Party by no means liked the idea of a fusion, and had been much relieved when the attempt to form a Coalition Ministry had failed. He was afraid that in the interval between their resuming office and giving it up again every possible surmise would be current who were the Ministers to be displaced, and every possible intrigue would spring up for and against particular members of the Cabinet. He would prefer not to make any arrangements for the Coalition now, but merely to engage to resign again after having carried the Papal Bill, when the Queen could try the Coalition, and that failing, could entrust Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham with the carrying on of theGovernment, whose chief difficulty would then be removed. I objected to this—that his Party might feel justly aggrieved if after their having carried him through the difficulty of the Papal Measure, he were to throw them over and resign, and asked him whether his Cabinet would not repent in the meantime and wish to stay in.
He answered that it would be entirely in his and Lord Lansdowne's hands to carry out the proposed arrangements.
We asked him whether it would strengthen his hands if, instead of his onlyacceptingthe task of continuing the Government till the Papal Measure had been passed, the Queen were to make it aconditioningivinghim the Commission, that it should terminate then. He replied, "Certainly." He begged, however, to be understood not to have given a decided opinion that the plan of "the open Question" proposed in our Memorandum was not preferable, although he saw great objections to that also, particularly as Sir J. Graham had reserved the statement of his principal objections to the Papal Bill for the second reading. He promised to draw up a Memorandum, which he would bring to-morrow at twelve o'clock, after having consulted some of his colleagues, and begged that it might not be considered that he had accepted the Government till then.
One of the difficulties which we likewise discussed was the position of the financial measures which required almost immediate attention, and still ought to be left open for the consideration of the future Government.
We agreed that the pressing on the Papal Measure was the chief point, and that it ought to be altered to meet the objections (as far as they are reasonable) of its opponents, strengthening the declaratory part, however, to please Lord Stanley; and the Queen promised to call upon Lord Stanley to give this so modified Bill the support of himself and his Party, which we thought she could in fairness claim after all that had happened.
The Queen reiterated her objections to Lord Palmerston, and received the renewed promise that her wishes should be attended to.
Albert.
A COALITION IMPOSSIBLE
Buckingham Palace,3rd March 1851.
Lord John Russell arrived at the hour appointed (twelve o'clock), and was sorry to inform the Queen that all hope of a Coalition must be given up. He had found that his Party was very much averse to it. On proposing to his former colleagues the plan of keeping Office now, and vacating it after the AggressionBill had passed, many of them, amongst which were Lord Grey, Sir Charles Wood, Sir Francis Baring, declared they would not bewarming-pans(an expression used at the time of the Grey-Grenville Coalition), and would resign at once. The Duke of Wellington, whose opinion the Queen had asked, had recommended the return of the old Cabinet to power. He (Lord John) could therefore only advise that course, although he was conscious that it would be a very weak Government, and one not likely to last any length of time.
He then read the Memorandum which he had drawn up and which follows here.11
The Queen now asked whether Lord John proposed a modification of his own Cabinet, to which Lord John replied, None, except perhaps an exchange of Office between Sir C. Wood and Sir F. Baring, if Sir Charles were to refuse bringing in a different budget from the one he had already propounded; he was for maintaining the Income Tax, whilst Sir Francis was for repealing it by degrees. The Queen then reminded Lord John of her objections to Lord Palmerston, and his promise that Lord Palmerston should not again be thrust upon her as Foreign Secretary. Lord John admitted to the promise, but said he could not think for a moment of resuming office and either expel Lord Palmerston or quarrel with him. He (Lord John) was in fact the weakness and Lord Palmerston the strength of the Government from his popularity with the Radicals.... He said he was very anxious that he and Lord Lansdowne should bear the responsibility of removing Lord Palmerston from the Foreign Office and not the Queen; her refusal now could only go to the country as a personal objection on her part, and the country would be left without a Government in consequence. On the Queen's reiterating that she wanted to keep Lord John and get rid of Lord Palmerston, and that it was too painful to her to be put into the situation of having actually towishthe fall of her own Government, Lord John promised to move Lord Palmerston in the Easter recess, or to resign then himself if he should meet with difficulties; in the meantime he must apprise Lord Palmerston of this intention, which he could explain to him as a wish to make a general modification of his Government. He would offer him the Lieutenancy of Ireland or the Presidency or lead in the House of Lords, which Lord Lansdowne would be ready to resign. He might at that period perhaps get some of the Radicals into office or some Peelites. The Queen finally entrusted Lord John with the Government on these conditions.
Albert.
Footnote 11:Seenext page.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ADVICE
3rd March 1851.
Her Majesty having tried in vain the formation of a Government—first, by Lord Stanley; second, by Lord John Russell, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham; third, by Lord Aberdeen; fourth, by Lord Stanley a second time—had recourse to the advice and opinion of the Duke of Wellington. The Duke, admitting the great qualifications for office of the adherents of the late Sir Robert Peel, yet advises the Queen to restore her former Ministers to office.
But supposing Her Majesty to follow that advice, a further question naturally arises: the late Government having fallen from want of Parliamentary support, can they upon their return be in any way strengthened, and be enabled to carry on the public business with more power and efficiency?
This might be done in three ways: first, by a Coalition sooner or later with the Peel Party; secondly, by admitting to office some of their own Radical supporters; thirdly, by seeking aid from the Party which has followed Lord Stanley.
The first of these courses appears the most natural. The present Ministers are agreed with the adherents of Sir Robert Peel on Free Trade, and on the policy which has regulated our finances of late years. The difference between them is of a temporary nature. But it may be doubted whether any strength would be gained by an immediate junction with that Party.
ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL
If such junction took place now, the Ministers coming in must oppose their colleagues on the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill—an unseemly spectacle, a source of weakness, and probably the beginning of strife, which would not end with the Bill in question.
If, on the other hand, the junction were delayed till the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill is disposed of, the existing Ministry would be divided into two portions, one of which would have only a temporary tenure of office. Rumours, cabals, and intrigues would have ample room to spread their mischief in such a state of things.
But finally the Whig Party in the House of Commons would not be cordial supporters of the junction; jealousy and discontent would soon break up the Ministry.
Secondly, by admitting to office some of their Radical supporters. This course must lead to concessions on measures as well as men, and those concessions would provoke hostility in other quarters. The great question of the defence of the country is besides one of too great importance to be made a matter of compromise.
Third, by seeking aid from the Party which has followed Lord Stanley. This cannot be done by means of official connection; but something might be effected by adopting measures calculated to convince the Landed Interest that their sufferings were not disregarded.
Upon the whole, if the late Ministers are invited by your Majesty to resume office, the easiest course would be to proceed at once with the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. That question disposed of, it would be seen whether the Ministry had sufficient strength to go on; if they had, they might, as occasion arose, seek assistance from other quarters, looking to those with whom there is the greatest agreement of opinion.
Should the Ministry, on the other hand, not receive Parliamentary support sufficient to enable them to carry on the Government, the Queen would be in a position to form a new Government free from the obstacles which have lately been fatal.
Buckingham Palace,4th March 1851.
... The Queen was in hopes to have heard from Lord John Russell this morning relative to what passed in the House of Commons last night. She wishes likewise to hear what takes place at the meeting of Lord John's supporters to-day. The Queen must ask Lord John to keep her constantly informed of what is going on, and of the temper of parties in and out of Parliament; for no onecandeny that the present state of affairs is most critical; and after all that has happened it is absolutely necessary that the Queen should not be in a state of uncertainty, not to say of ignorance, as to what is passing. She can else not form a just opinion of the position of affairs.
Buckingham Palace,4th March 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Pray receive my warmest thanks for two kind letters of the 28th, and my excuses for the terribly incoherent scrawl of last Saturday. Thedénouementof ten days of the greatest anxiety and excitement I cannot call satisfactory, for it holds out only the prospect of another crisis in a very short time, and the so much wished-for union of Parties has been again frustrated. I have been speakingvery stronglyabout Lord Palmerston to Lord John, and he haspromisedthat if the Government should still be in at Easter, then to make a change.... Lord Stanley can never succeeduntilhe givesup Protection, which he would do, if the country decides against him;12he has failed solely from theimpossibilityof findingonesingle man capable to take the important Offices. He said last night to Lord John Russell, "I aml'homme impossible; they cannot come to me again." Still it would be very desirable that there should be a strong Conservative Party; nothing but the abandonment of Protection can bring this to pass, and Lord Stanley cannot abandon it with honour tillafterthenext Election. This is the state of Parties, which is greatlyerschwertby the Papal Question, which divides the Liberals and Conservatives. In short, thereneverwassuchacomplicatedand difficult state of affairs. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Stockmar has been an immense comfort to us in our trials, and I hope you will tell him so.
Footnote 12: The Queen's judgment was amply confirmed by the events of 1852. Seepost,p. 404note 50.
THE NATIONAL GALLERY
Buckingham Palace,5th March 1851.
The Queen would give every facility to the selection of a good site for a new National Gallery, and would therefore not object to its being built on to Kensington Palace or anywhere in Kensington Gardens; but does not see why it should exactly be placed upon the site of the present Palace, if not for the purpose of taking from the Crown the last available set of apartments. She is not disposed to trust in the disposition of Parliament or the public to give her an equivalent for these apartments from time to time when emergencies arise. The surrender of Kensington Palace will most likely not be thanked for at the moment, and any new demand in consequence of such surrender would be met with lavish abuse. As to economy in the construction, it will most likely be best consulted by building on a spot perfectly free and unencumbered.
Chesham Place,14th March 1851.
Sir,—I cannot undertake to make any change in the Foreign Office. Our Party is hardly reunited, and any break into sections, following one man or the other, would be fatal to us. I need not say that the Queen would suffer if it were attributed to her desire, and that as I have no difference of opinion on Foreign Policy, that could not fail to be the case.
Upon the whole, the situation of affairs is most perplexing. A Dissolution I fear would not improve it.
I can only say that my Office is at all times at the Queen's disposal.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,
J. Russell.
Buckingham Palace,30th March 1851.
The Queen approves of the draft of a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury. With respect to the Archbishop's letter and the address, the Queen will receive it in the Closet. It seems strange to propose as a remedy for the present evils in the Church, and for its evident great disunion,600more churches to be built! There ought clearly to be some security given to those who are to encourage such a scheme against the extension of those evils.
THE GREAT EXHIBITION
Pembroke Lodge,19th April 1851.
Sir,—Lord Granville came here yesterday to speak to me upon the order for opening the Exhibition at one o'clock on the 1st of May. He is anxious to have the order changed, and the season-ticket bearers admitted at eleven o'clock.
I did not give him any positive opinion on the subject. But the account he gave me of the route which the Queen will follow in going to the Exhibition takes away the main objection which I felt to the admission of visitors before one o'clock. It appears there cannot well be any interruption to Her Majesty's progress to and from the Crystal Palace on the 1st of May.
I conclude that Her Majesty will not go in the State Coach, but in the same manner that Her Majesty goes in state to the theatres....
I feel assured there will be no undue and inconvenient pressure of the crowd in the part of the building in which Her Majesty may be. Colonel Wemyss and Colonel Bouverie might easily be in attendance to request the visitors not to crowd where the Queen is. At the same time, I am ready to abide by the existing order, if Her Majesty wishes it to be enforced.
I have the honour to submit two private letters sent by Lord Palmerston. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,
J. Russell.
THE OPENING CEREMONY
Gloucester House,2nd May 1851.
My dearest Victoria,—It is impossible to tell you how warmly I do participate in all you must have felt yesterday, as well as dear Albert, at everything having gone off so beautifully. After so much anxiety and the trouble he has had, the joymustbe the greater.13
The sight from my window was the gayest and the most gratifying to witness, and to me who loves you so dearly asI do, made it the more delightful. The good humour of all around, the fineness of the day, the manner you were received in both going and coming from the Exhibition, was quite perfect. Therefore what must it have been in the inside of the building!
Mary and George came away in perfectenchantment, and every soul I have seen describes it as the fairest sight that ever was seen and the best-conductedfête!Why, G. Bathurst told me it far surpassed theCoronationas to magnificence, and we all agreed in rejoicing that theForeigners shouldhave witnessed the affection of thePeopletoyouandyour Family, and how theEnglish peopledoloveand respect theCrown. As to Mary, she was inperfect enchantment, and full of how pretty your dear little Victoria looked, and how nicely she was dressed, and so grateful to your Mother for all her kindness to her. I should have written to you last night, but I thought I would not plague you with a letter until to-day, as I think you must have been tired last night with theexcitementof the day. I shall ever lament the having missed such a sight, but I comfort myself in feeling sure I could not have followed you (as I ought) when you walked round. Therefore I wasbetterout of the way. We drank your health at dinner andcongratulationon thecomplete successofAlbert's plansandarrangements, and also dear little Arthur's health. Many thanks for kind note received last night. Love to Albert. Yours,
Mary.
Footnote 13: The Great Exhibition in Hyde Park was opened with brilliant ceremony on the 1st of May.
THE GREAT EXHIBITION
Buckingham Palace,3rd May 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—... I wish youcouldhave witnessed the1st May 1851, thegreatestday in our history, themost beautifulandimposingandtouchingspectacle ever seen, and the triumph of my beloved Albert. Truly it was astonishing,a fairy scene. Many cried, and all felt touched and impressed with devotional feelings. It was thehappiest,proudestday in my life, and I can think of nothing else. Albert's dearest name is immortalised with thisgreatconception,hisown, and myowndear countryshowedshe wasworthyof it. The triumph isimmense, for up to thelast hourthe difficulties, the opposition, and the ill-natured attempts to annoy and frighten, of a certain set of fashionables and Protectionists, were immense; but Albert's temper, patience, firmness, and energy surmounted all, and the feeling is universal.Youwill be astounded at this great work when you see it!—the beauty of the building and the vastness of it all. I can never thank God enough. I feelsohappy, so proud. Our dear guests were much pleased and impressed. You are right to like the dear Princess, for she is a noble-minded, warm-hearted, distinguished person, much attached to you, and who revered dearest Louise. Oh!howI thought ofheron that great day, how kindly she would have rejoiced in our success! Now good-bye, dearest Uncle. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Palais de Buckingham,5 Mai 1851.
Sire et mon bon Frère,—C'est avec un vif empressement que je viens remercier votre Majesté Impériale des superbes objets de l'industrie et des arts de votre Empire, que vous avez eu l'extrême bonté de m'envoyer et qui me seront bien précieux à plus d'un titre d'abord comme venant de votre Majesté, et puis à cause de leur grande beauté et comme un souvenir à une époque où il a plu au Tout-Puissant de permettre une réunion pacifique de tous les peuples du monde et de leurs produits.
La cérémonie de l'inauguration de l'Exposition a fait une profonde impression sur mon cœur et je regrette d'avoir été le seul Souverain qui ait pu jouir de cette scène à la fois imposante et parlant au cœur. Nous avons déjà fait plusieurs visites au département Autrichien et le Prince et moi avons eu occasion d'admirer beaucoup les produits qui nous sont venus de vos États. Puisse leur exposition contribuer à la prospérité du commerce de l'Empire Autrichien.
Agréez l'expression de ma sincère amitié, qui j'espère pourra un jour être cimentée par la connaissance personnelle de votre Majesté, et croyez-moi toujours, Sire, de votre Majesté Impériale, la bonne Sœur,
Victoria R.
Footnote 14: Francis Joseph, who became Emperor in December 1848.