NATIONAL DEFENCES
Windsor Castle,8th November 1852.
My dear Lord Hardinge,—In reference to our conversation of yesterday, and the Queen's request to Lord Derby that he should call upon the different departments of the Admiralty, Army, Ordnance, and Home Office to furnish a report as to how far the measures begun last spring to put our defences in a state of efficiency have been carried out, and what remains to be done in that direction—I beg now to address you in writing. The object the Queen wishes to obtain is, to receive an account which will show what means we havereallyat our disposal for purposes of defence,ready for actionat the shortest possible notice, and what remains to be done to put us into a state of security, what the supply of the wants may cost (approximately), and what time it would require.
As it will be not only convenient but necessary that the Horse Guards and Ordnance should consult together and combine their deliberations, I beg this letter to be understood to apply as well to Lord Raglan as to yourself, and that you would meet and give the answer to the Queen's questions conjointly.
(A detailed list follows.)
These questions would all present themselves at the moment when we received the intelligence of a threatenedcoup de mainon the part of Louis Napoleon, when it would be too late to remedy any deficiency. The public would be quite ready to give the necessary money for our armament, but they feel with justice that it is unfair to ask them for large sums and then always to hear,We are quite unprepared. They don't understand and cannot understand details, but it is upon matters of detail that our security will have to depend, and we cannot be sure of efficiency unless a comprehensive statement be made showing the whole.
I beg this to be as short as possible, and if possible in a tabular shape. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Windsor Castle,13th November 1852.
The Queen was very sorry to hear from Lord Derby andMr Disraeli that Mr Villiers' Motion45will create Parliamentary difficulties.
With respect to the financial statement, she must most strongly impress Lord Derby with the necessity of referring to our defenceless state, and the necessity of alargeoutlay, to protect us from foreign attack, which would almost ensure us against war. The country is fully alive to its danger, and Parliament has perhaps never been in a more likely state to grant what is necessary, provided a comprehensive and efficient plan is laid before it. Such a plan ought, in the Queen's opinion, to be distinctly promised by the Government, although it may be laid before Parliament at a later period.
Footnote 45: This Motion, intended to extort a declaration from the House in favour of Free Trade, and describing the Corn Law Repeal as "a just, wise, and beneficial measure," was naturally distasteful to the Ministers. Theiramour-proprewas saved by Lord Palmerston's Amendment omitting the "odiousepithets" and affirming the principle of unrestricted competition.
FINANCIAL POLICY
London,14th November 1852.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs permission to enclose an answer to the Address for your Majesty's approbation, and which should be delivered, if your Majesty pleases, to the House of Commons to-morrow.
Referring to a letter from your Majesty, shown to him yesterday by Lord Derby, the Chancellor of the Exchequer also begs permission to state that, in making the financial arrangements, he has left a very large margin for the impending year (April 1853-4), which will permit the fulfilment of all your Majesty's wishes with respect to the increased defence of the country, as he gathered them from your Majesty's gracious expressions, and also from the suggestion which afterwards, in greater detail, His Royal Highness the Prince deigned to make to him.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer will deeply consider the intimation graciously made in your Majesty's letter to Lord Derby as to the tone on this subject to be adopted in the House of Commons, and he will endeavour in this, and in all respects, to fulfil your Majesty's pleasure.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer fears that he sent to your Majesty a somewhat crude note from the House of Commons on Thursday night, but he humbly begs your Majesty will deign to remember that these bulletins are often written in tumult, and sometimes in perplexity; and that he is under the impressionthat your Majesty would prefer a genuine report of the feeling of the moment, however miniature, to a more artificial and prepared statement.
Windsor Castle,14th November 1852.
The Queen has received with much satisfaction Mr Disraeli's letter of this day's date, in which he informs her of his readiness to provide efficiently for the defence of the country, the call for which isveryurgent. Lord Malmesbury, with whom the Prince has talked very fully over this subject, will communicate further with Mr Disraeli and Lord Derby on his return to Town to-morrow.
LORD DALHOUSIE
Government House,23rd November 1852.
The Governor-General still retains some hope of seeing general peace restored in India before he quits it finally, as your Majesty's Ministers and the Court of Directors have some time since requested him not to retire from its administration in January next, as he had intended to do.
Many private considerations combined to draw him homewards, even though the honour and the advantages of retaining this Office were willingly recognised. But the gracious approbation with which his services here have been viewed was a sufficient motive for continuing them for some time longer, if they were thought profitable to the State.
Your Majesty has very recently been pleased to bestow upon him a still further distinction, which calls not merely for the expression of his deep and humble gratitude to your Majesty, but for a further devotion to your Majesty's service of whatever power he may possess for promoting its interests.
That your Majesty should prefer him at all to an Office of such traditional distinction as the Wardenship was an honour to which the Governor-General would never at any time have dreamt of aspiring. But by conferring it upon him thus—during his absence—and above all, by conferring it upon him in immediate succession to one whom he must all his life regard with reverence, affection, and gratitude—your Majesty has surrounded this honour with so much of honourable circumstance that the Governor-General is wholly unable to give full expression to the feelings with which he has received your Majesty's goodness.
The Governor-General is very sensible that in him, as Lord Warden, your Majesty will have but a sorry successor to the Duke of Wellington in every respect, save one. But in that one respect—namely in deep devotion to your Majesty's Crown, and to the true interests of your Empire—the Governor-General does not yield even to the Master he was long so proud to follow.
INDIA AND THE DUKE
In every part of India the highest honours have been paid to the memory of the Duke of Wellington, which your Majesty's Empire in the East and its armies could bestow.
Even the Native Powers have joined in the homage to his fame. In the mountains of Nepaul the same sad tribute was rendered by the Maharajah as by ourselves, while in Mysore the Rajah not only fired minute guns in his honour, but even caused the Dusserah, the great Hindoo festival, to be stopped throughout the city, in token of his grief.
Excepting the usual disturbance from time to time among the still untamed mountain tribes upon our north-western border, there is entire tranquillity in India. The season has been good, and the revenue is improving.
Respectfully acknowledging the letter which he had lately the honour of receiving from your Majesty, and the gracious message it contained to Lady Dalhousie, who, though much improved in health, will be compelled to return to England in January, the Governor-General has the honour to subscribe himself with the utmost respect and gratitude, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and devoted Subject and Servant,
Dalhousie.
THE FUNERAL
Windsor Castle,23rd November 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—What you say about Joinville has interested us very much, and we have confidentially communicated it to Lord Derby, who is never alarmed enough. There is, however, a belief that the Orleans family have been very imprudent, and that Louis Napoleon has heard things and expressions used which did a great deal of harm, and Lord Derby begged me to warn them very strongly and earnestly on this point;Icannot do much, but I thinkyoumight, for in fact they mightunintentionally compromise us seriously. The Government are rather shaky; Disraeli has been imprudent and blundering, and has done himself harm by a Speech he made about the Duke of Wellington, which was borrowed from anélogeby Thiers on a French Marshal!!!46
You will have heard from your children and from Charles how very touching the ceremony both in and out of doors was on the 18th. The behaviour of the millions assembled has been the topic of general admiration, and the foreigners have all assured me that they never could have believedsucha number of people could have shown such feeling, such respect, fornota sound was heard! I cannot saywhata deep andwehmtühigeimpression it made on me! It was a beautiful sight. In the Cathedral it was much more touching still! The dear old Duke! he is an irreparable loss!
We had a great dinner yesterday to all the Officers. There is but one feeling of indignation and surprise at the conduct of Austria47in takingthisopportunity to slight England in return for what happened toHaynau48forhis owncharacter. Ernest Hohenlohe was extremely anxious you should know the reason why he maypossiblyappear one evening at the Elysée (they are gone for three or four days to Paris).
Louis Napoleon being excessively susceptible, and believing us to be inimical towards him, we and the Government thought it would not be wise or prudent formybrother-in-law, just comingfrom here, purposely to avoid him and go out of his way, which Louis Napoleon would immediately say wasmy doing; and unnecessary offence we do not wish to give; the more so as Stockmar was presented to him at Strasburg, and received theLégion d'honneur. I promised to explain this to you, as Ernest was distressed lest he should appear to betimeserving, and I said I was sure you would understand it.
I must end in a hurry, hoping to write again on Thursday or Friday. Dear Stockmar is very well and most kind. He is much pleased at your children spending some time with him every day. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 46: Marshal Gouvion de St Cyr.
Footnote 47: In sending no representative to the funeral of the Duke of Wellington.
Footnote 48: Seeante,p. 267.
CONFUSION OF PARTIES
Downing Street,25th November 1852.
(Thursday, fourp.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, in obedience to your Majesty's gracious commands of this morning, proceeds to report to your Majesty what he finds to have taken place and to be in contemplation; but the accounts of the latter are so conflicting and contradictory, that his report must be as unsatisfactory to your Majesty as the state of the case is unintelligible to himself.
On arriving in London, Lord Derby called on Mr Disraeli, and found that late last night he had had, by his own desire, a private interview with Lord Palmerston, who had come to his house with that object; that Lord Palmerston's language was perfectly friendly towards the Government; that he assured Mr Disraeli that his only object in offering his Amendment was to defeat Mr Villiers; that if that could be done, it was a matter of indifference to him which Amendment was adopted; and he concluded by declaring that though he sat by Mr Sidney Herbert in the House of Commons, and was an old personal friend, he did not act in concert with him or with Mr Gladstone; and that he did not see, on their part, any disposition to approach the Government! After this declaration Mr Disraeli felt that it would be useless and unwise to sound him farther as to his own ulterior views, and the conversation led to nothing.
As Lord Derby was walking home, he was overtaken by Lord Jocelyn, who stated, in direct opposition to what had been said by Lord Palmerston, that he, and the other two gentlemen named, were consulted upon, and had concocted the proposed Amendment; and that they weredecidedlyacting together. He was present at a dinner of the Peelite Party yesterday at Mr Wortley's, when Speeches were made, and language held about the reunion of the Conservative Party, resulting, however, in a declaration that if your Majesty's servants did not accept Lord Palmerston's Amendment, they, as a body, would vote in favour of Mr Villiers. Lord Derby has been farther informed that they are willing to join the Government, but that one of their conditions would be that Lord Palmerston should lead the House of Commons, Mr Gladstone refusing to serve under Mr Disraeli. This, if true, does not look like an absence of all concert.
To complete the general confusion of Parties, the Duke of Bedford, who called on Lady Derby this morning, assures her that Lord John Russell does not desire the fall of your Majesty's present Government, and that in no case will he enter into any combination with the Radical Party, a declaration quite at variance with the course he has pursued since Parliament met.
Of course Lord Derby, in these circumstances, has not taken any step whatever towards exercising the discretion with which your Majesty was graciously pleased to entrust him this morning.49He much regrets having to send your Majesty so unsatisfactory a statement, and has desired to have the latestintelligence sent up to him of what may pass in the House of Commons, and he will endeavour to keep your Majesty informed of any new occurrence which any hour may produce.
Half-past six.
Lord Derby has just heard from the House of Commons that Sir James Graham has given the history of the framing of the Amendment, and has expressed his intention, if Lord Palmerston's Amendment be accepted, to advise Mr Villiers to withdraw. Mr Gladstone has held the same language; there appears to be much difference of opinion, but Lord Derby would think that the probable result will be the adoption of Lord Palmerston's proposition. He fears this will lead to a good deal of discontent among the supporters of the Government; but a different course would run imminent risk of defeat.
Footnote 49: The Queen had allowed him to enter into negotiations with the Peelites and Lord Palmerston on the distinct understanding that the latter could not receive the lead of the House of Commons.
LORD PALMERSTON
House of Commons,26th November 1852.
(Half-past one o'clocka.m.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that the House of Commons has this moment divided on Mr Villiers' resolution, and in a House of nearly 600 members they have been rejected by a majority of 80.50
The debate was very animated and amusing, from the rival narratives of the principal projectors of the demonstration, who, having quarrelled among themselves, entered into secret and—in a Party sense—somewhat scandalous revelations, to the diversion and sometimes astonishment of the House.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer deeply regrets that, having been obliged to quit the House early yesterday, he was unable to forward a bulletin to your Majesty.
He has fixed next Friday for the Budget.
Footnote 50: Lord Palmerston's Amendment (Seeante,p. 399.) was carried instead, and Protection was thenceforward abandoned by Mr Disraeli and his followers.
MR DISRAELI AND MR GLADSTONE
Windsor Castle,28th November 1852.
Before the Council held yesterday we saw Lord Derby, who seemed much pleased with the result of the Division, though a good deal galled by the tone of the Debate.
Lord Derby had heard it said that Mr Sidney Herbert,although very bitter in his language, had not meant to be hostile to the Government, but felt that he owed the duty to speak out to the memory of Sir Robert Peel; that he was glad to have thrown the load off his mind. Lord Derby then read us a letter from Lord Claud Hamilton, who had seen Mr Corry (one of the Peelites), who had given him to understand that they wouldnotserve under the leadership of Mr Disraeli; that they were ready, on the other hand, to serve under Lord Palmerston. This put all further negotiation out of the question, for, independently of the Queen objecting to such an arrangement, he himself could not admit of it. On my question why Mr Gladstone could not lead, he replied that Mr Gladstone was, in his opinion, quite unfit for it; he had none of that decision, boldness, readiness, and clearness which was necessary to lead a Party, to inspire it with confidence, and, still [more], to take at times a decision on the spur of the moment, which a leader had often to do. Then he said that he could not in honour sacrifice Mr Disraeli, who had acted very straightforwardly to him as long as they had had anything to do with each other, and who possessed the confidence of his followers. Mr Disraeli had no idea of giving up the lead.
We could quite understand, on the other hand, that the colleagues of Sir Robert Peel could not feel inclined to serve under Mr Disraeli.
Under these circumstances we agreed that nothing should be done at present, and that it must be left to time to operate changes, that much must depend upon the success which Mr Disraeli may have with his Budget, and that the knowledge that Lord Palmerston could not obtain the lead would oblige those who wished to join to think of a different combination.
Lord Derby owned (upon my blunt question) that he did not think Mr Disraeli had ever had a strong feeling, one way or the other, about Protection or Free Trade, and that he would make a very good Free Trade Minister.
The Queen was anxious to know what Lord Derby thought Lord George Bentinck (if now alive) would do in this conjunction. Lord Derby's expression was "he would have made confusion worse confounded" from his excessive violence.
Albert.
RECOGNITION OF THE EMPIRE
Osborne,2nd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter, and returns the enclosure from Lord Cowley. Under these circumstancesthe course recommended to be pursued by Lord Malmesbury51appears also to the Queen as the best. It is evident that we have no means of making Louis Napoleon say what he will not, nor would any diplomatic form of obtaining an assurance from him give us any guarantee of his not doing after all exactly what he pleases. Our honour appears therefore to be best in our own keeping. Whatever he may say, it is in ournote of recognitionthat we must statewhatwe recognise and what we donotrecognise.
Footnote 51: Lord Malmesbury advised that a formal repetition of the interpretation and assurances as to the use of the numeral "III" in the Imperial title, already verbally made by the President and the French Ambassador, should be demanded. This was duly obtained. On the 2nd of December, the anniversary of thecoup d'état, the Imperial title was assumed; on the 4th, the Empire was officially recognised.
St James's Square,3rd December 1852.(Friday night, twelve o'clockp.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, ventures to hope that your Majesty may feel some interest in hearing, so far as he is able to give it, his impression of the effect of Mr Disraeli's announcement of the Budget52this evening. Lord Derby was not able to hear quite the commencement of the Speech, having been obliged to attend the House of Lords, which, however, was up at a quarter past five, Mr Disraeli having then been speaking about half an hour. From that time till ten, when he sat down, Lord Derby was in the House of Commons, and anxiously watching the effect produced, which he ventures to assure your Majesty was most favourable, according to his own judgment after some considerable experience in Parliament, and also from what he heard from others. Mr Disraeli spoke for about five hours, with no apparent effort, with perfect self-possession, and with hardly an exception to the fixed attention with which the House listened to the exposition of the views of your Majesty's servants. It was altogether a most masterly performance, and he kept alive the attention of the House with the greatest ability, introducing the most important statements, and the broadest principles of legislature, just at the moments when he had excited the greatest anxiety to learn the precise measures which the Government intended to introduce. The Irish part of the question was dealt with with remarkable dexterity, though probably a great part of the point will be lost in the newspaper reports. It is difficult to foresee the ultimate result, but Lord Derby has nohesitation in saying that the general first impression was very favourable, and that, as a whole, the Budget seemed to meet with the approval of the House.
Footnote 52: Increase of the House Tax, reduction of the Malt and Tea duties, and relaxation of Income Tax in the case of farmers, were the salient features of the Budget.
THE QUEEN TO THE EMPEROR
Osborne House,4th December 1852.
Sir, my Brother,—Being desirous to maintain uninterrupted the union and good understanding which happily subsist between Great Britain and France, I have made choice of Lord Cowley, a peer of my United Kingdom, a member of my Privy Council, and Knight Commander of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, to reside at your Imperial Majesty's Court in the character of my Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. The long experience which I have had of his talents and zeal for my service assures me that the choice which I have made of Lord Cowley will be perfectly agreeable to your Imperial Majesty, and that he will prove himself worthy of this new mark of my confidence. I request that your Imperial Majesty will give entire credence to all that Lord Cowley shall communicate to you on my part, more especially when he shall assure your Imperial Majesty of my invariable attachment and esteem, and shall express to you those sentiments of sincere friendship and regard with which I am, Sir, my Brother, your Imperial Majesty's good Sister,
Victoria R.
To my good Brother,53the Emperor of the French.
Footnote 53: The Czar persisted in addressing him asMon cher Ami.
Osborne,6th December 1852.
The Queen has this morning received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday, relative to Count Walewski's audience. The manner in which Lord Malmesbury proposes this should be done the Queen approves, and only wishes Lord Malmesbury to communicate with the proper authorities in order that theFairymay be at Southampton at the right hour, and the Frigate, as suggested, in attendance off Osborne or Cowes, according to what the weather may be. The landing at Osborne Pier, in wet or stormy weather, is very bad, particularly for a lady.
The Queen wishes that the Count and Countess Walewskishould come down here with Lord Malmesbury onThursday next, and we should receive them at half-past one. We wish then that they shouldall three dine and sleep here that day.
A SECRET PROTOCOL
Osborne,8th December 1852.
The Queen was very much surprised to receive this morning in a box from Lord Malmesbury, without any further explanation, a secret Protocol54signed by the representatives of the four great Powers at the Foreign Office on the 3rd instant.
A step of such importance should not have been taken without even the intention of it having been previously mentioned to the Queen, and her leave having been obtained. She must therefore ask for an explanation from Lord Malmesbury. Though the purport of the Protocol appears to the Queen quite right, she ought not to allow the honour of England to be pledged by her Minister without her sanction.
The exact wording of a document of that nature is a matter of such serious importance that it requires the greatest consideration, and it is a question with the Queen whether it be always quite safe to adopt entirely what is proposed by Baron Brunnow, who is generally therédacteurof such documents.
Footnote 54: By this Protocol Louis Napoleon was to be recognised as Emperor by Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia.
Foreign Office,13th December 1852.
Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen. He thought it advisable to acquaint your Majesty as soon as possible with a conversation which Count Walewski had held of his own accord in reference to Her Serene Highness the Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe,55and he requested Lord Derby to repeat it to your Majesty.
Lord Malmesbury was not mistaken in believing that the Count had not alluded idly to the subject, as he this day called on Lord Malmesbury, and stated to him that the Emperor of the French had not decided to negotiate a marriage with the Princess of Wasa;56but, on the contrary, was rather averse to such an alliance; that he was anxious, on the contrary, tomake one which indirectly "resserrerait les liens d'amitié entre l'Angleterre et la France," and that with this view he wished Lord Malmesbury to ascertain from your Majesty whether any objections would be raised on the part of your Majesty, or of the Princess Adelaide's family, to his contracting a marriage with Her Serene Highness. Your Majesty may suppose that he received this intimation by a simple assurance that he would submit the French Emperor's sentiments to your Majesty, and he added that he foresaw a serious difficulty to the project in the fact that the Princess was a Protestant. Count Walewski was evidently sincere in the earnestness with which he spoke of the subject, and the impatience with which he pressed Lord Malmesbury to inform your Majesty of his proposal.
Footnote 55: The Queen's niece, daughter of Princess Hohenlohe.
Footnote 56: The Princess Caroline Stéphanie, daughter of Prince Gustavus de Wasa, who was son of the last King of Sweden of the earlier dynasty.
THE EMPEROR'S PROPOSED MARRIAGE
Osborne,14th December 1852.
The Queen sends to Lord Derby a communication which she has received from Lord Malmesbury.
The Queen is sorry to have been put in a situation which requires on her part a direct answer, which to have been spared would have been in every respect more prudent and safe. As it is, however, the Queen is fully aware that the answer she is forced to give may really have, or may hereafter be made appear to have, political consequences disadvantageous to our political relations with France, and injurious to the Queen's personal character.
The Queen therefore encloses for Lord Derby a draft of the answer she intends to give to Lord Malmesbury,57asking that Lord Derby will not only give these matters his fullest consideration, but that he will return to the Queen the draft as soon as possible, with such of his suggestions or alterations as he may think advisable to propose to her.
The Queen must also express her decided wish that LordDerby will not allow Lord Malmesbury to move a single step in this affair without it has been previously concerted with Lord Derby.58
Footnote 57:
[Draft.]
Osborne,14th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday, reporting his conversation with Count Walewski, who had asked him to ascertain from the Queen "whether any objections would be raised on her part or on that of the Princess Adelaide's family to his (the Emperor's) contracting a marriage with Her Serene Highness."
In a question which affects the entire prospects and happiness of a third person, and that person being a near and dear relation of hers, the Queen feels herself conscientiously precluded from forming an opinion of her own, and consequently from taking the slightest part in it either directly or indirectly. The only proper persons to refer to for the consideration of and decision on so serious a proposal are the parents of the Princess and the Princess herself.
Footnote 58: In his reply Lord Derby observed that it did not appear to him that the matter was at present in so critical a position. Lord Malmesbury would have little difficulty in showing Count Walewski, without any interruption of a friendlyentente, that the intended overtures were not likely to be favourably received. He suggested that Lord Malmesbury should be instructed to treat the proposition as emanating, not from the Emperor, but unofficially, from Count Walewski; and that he should, also unofficially, dissuade him from pressing the subject further; such course could have no injurious effect upon the political aspect of Europe. Lord Derby could not understand how the affair, however it might turn out, could affect the Queen's "personal character."
He suggested that the following words should be substituted for the last paragraph: "And while she fully appreciates the desire expressed by Count Walewski on the part of his Government, 'de resserrer les liens de l'amitié entre l'Angleterre et la France,' she feels bound to leave the consideration and decision of so serious a proposal to the unbiassed judgment of the parents of the Princess and the Princess herself, the only persons to whom such a question can properly be referred. The Queen thinks it right to add that being fully persuaded of the strong religious persuasion of the Princess, of the extreme improbability of any change of opinion on her part, and of the evils inseparable from a difference of opinion on such a subject between the Emperor and his intended Consort, she wishes Lord Malmesbury to place this consideration prominently before Count Walewski, before he takes any other step in the matter, which he appears to have brought unofficially under the consideration of Lord Malmesbury."
THE QUEEN AND LORD MALMESBURY
Osborne,16th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 14th inst. She did not intend to complain personally of Lord Malmesbury, who, the Queen is sure, was most anxious to do the best he could under the circumstances; but she still thinks that a question of such importance should not have been brought immediately before her for her decision; and although Lord Derby states his opinion that Lord Malmesbury had no alternative but to promise to Count Walewski that he would bring "the Emperor's sentiments before the Queen," the very suggestion Lord Derby now makes, viz. "that Lord Malmesbury should be instructed to treat the proposition as emanating, not from the Emperor, butunofficiallyfrom Count Walewski, and that he should alsounofficiallydissuade him from pressing the matter further"—shows that there was an alternative.
Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury alone can know, whether, after what may have passed in conversation between Lord Malmesbury and Count Walewski, this course still remains open.
THE QUEEN'S OPINION
There can be no doubt that the best thing would be to terminate this affair without the Queen being called upon to give any opinion at all.
Lord Derby seems to treat the matter as of much less importance than the Queen, but he will admit that, if the alliance is sought by the Emperor, "pour resserrer les liens d'amitié entre la France et l'Angleterre," the refusal of it on the part ofthe Queen must also have the opposite effect. The responsibility of having produced this effect would rest personally with the Queen, who might be accused of having brought it about, influenced by personal feelings of animosity against the Emperor, or by mistaken friendship for the Orleans family, or misplaced family pride, etc., etc., etc. The acceptance of the proposal, on the other hand, or even the consummation of the project without herdirectintervention, cannot fail to expose the Queen to a share in the just opprobrium attaching in the eyes of all right-thinking men to the political acts perpetrated in France ever since 2nd December 1851. And, while it would appear as if her Family did not care for any such considerations, so long as by an alliance they could secure momentary advantages, it would give the other Powers of Europe, whom the Emperor seems to be disposed to treat very unceremoniously (as shown by Lord Cowley's last reports) the impression that England suddenly had separated herself from them, and bound herself to France for a family interest pursued by the Queen.
These are the dangers to "the Queen's personal character," which presented themselves to her mind when she wrote her last letter, and which Lord Derby says remained unintelligible to him.
The Queen wishes Lord Derby to show this letter to Lord Malmesbury, whom, under the circumstances, she thinks it best not to address separately. They will be now both in the fullest possession of the Queen's sentiments, and she hopes will be able to terminate this matter without the expression of an opinion on the part of the Queen becoming necessary.
DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY
St James's Square,17th December 1852.
(4a.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, regrets to have to submit to your Majesty that the House of Commons, from which he has this moment returned, has rejected the resolution for the increase of the House Tax, by a majority of either nineteen or twenty-one.59This majority is so decisive, especially having been taken on a question which was understood to involve the fate of the Government, as to leave Lord Derby no alternative as to the course which it will be his duty to pursue; and although, as a matter of form, it is necessary that he shouldconsult his Colleagues, for which purpose he has desired that a Cabinet should be summoned for twelve o'clock, he can entertain no doubt but that their opinion will unanimously concur with his own; that he must humbly ask leave to resign into your Majesty's hands the high trust which your Majesty has been pleased to repose in him. Lord Derby, with your Majesty's permission, will endeavour to do himself the honour of attending your Majesty's pleasure this evening; but it is possible that he may not be able to find the means of crossing,60in which case he trusts that your Majesty will honour him with an audience to-morrow (Saturday) morning. Lord Derby trusts he need not assure your Majesty how deeply he feels the inconvenience and annoyance which this event will occasion to your Majesty, nor how anxious will be his desire that your Majesty should be enabled with the least possible delay to form an Administration possessing more of the public confidence. He will never cease to retain the deepest and most grateful sense of the gracious favour and support which he has on all occasions received at your Majesty's hands, and which he deeply regrets that he has been unable to repay by longer and more efficient service.
Footnote 59: This memorable debate and its sensational ending, with the notable speeches from Disraeli and Gladstone, has been repeatedly described. See,e.g., Morley'sGladstoneand McCarthy'sHistory of our own Times. TheTimesleader (quoted by Mr Morley) was cut out and preserved by the Queen.
Footnote 60: To Osborne.
LORD DERBY'S RESIGNATION
Osborne,18th December 1852.
Yesterday evening Lord Derby arrived from Town formally to tender his resignation. We retired to the Queen's room after dinner with him to hear what he had to say on the crisis. He complained of the factiousness of the Opposition, which he and his Party hoped, however, not to imitate; was ready to support, as far as he could, any Administration which was sincerely anxious to check the growth of democracy. He said his calculations at the close of the Elections had been found almost to a man verified in the late vote: 286 members voting with the Government, and these were their regular supporters; the other half of the House was composed of 150 Radicals, 50 of the so-called Irish Brigade, 120 Whigs, and 30 Peelites. It was clear that, if all these combined, he would be outvoted, though none of these Parties alone numbered as much as half of his. However, he had heard lately from good authority that the Whigs and Peelites had come to an agreement, and were ready to form an Administration on Conservative principles, to the exclusion of the Radicals, under the lead of Lord Aberdeen. Although only 150 strong, they thought,that with all the talent they had at their command, they would be able to obtain the confidence of the country, and hold the balance between the two extreme Parties in the House. He felt that after having failed to obtain the confidence of Parliament himself, he could do nothing else than retire at once, and he advised the Queen to send for Lord Lansdowne, who knew better than anybody the state of Parties, and would give the best advice. He did not advise the Queen to send for Lord Aberdeen at once, because, if it were reported that he had given this advice, many of his Party—who had already been distressed at his declaration to them that if he was defeated he would withdraw from public life—would think it necessary to join Lord Aberdeen as their new appointed leader; and then the other half, which felt the deepest indignation at the treatment they had received from the Peelites, would throw themselves into a reckless alliance with the Radicals, to revenge themselves upon the new Government, so the great Conservative Party would be broken up, which it was so essential for the country to keep together and moderate.
I interrupted Lord Derby, saying that, constitutionally speaking, it did not rest with him to give advice and become responsible for it, and that nobody therefore could properly throw the responsibility of the Queen's choice of a new Minister upon him; the Queen had thought of sending for Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen together. This, Lord Derby said, would do very well; he knew that, strictly speaking, the Sovereign acted upon her own responsibility, but it was always said on such occasions, for instance, "Lord John advised the Queen to send for Lord Derby," etc., etc.
He then gave it rather jokingly as his opinion that he thought less than 32 could hardly be the number of the new Cabinet, so many former Ministers would expect to be taken in; the Whigs said 36. Lord John Russell was designated for the Home Office, Lord Canning for the Foreign, Mr Gladstone for the Colonial Department, Lord Clanricarde for the Post Office, Lord Granville for Ireland. These were the reports.
Albert.
Osborne,18th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Lansdowne's letter, from which she was very sorry to learn that he is suffering from the gout. Although the Queen was very anxious to have consulted with him before taking a definite step for the formation of a new Government consequent on the resignation ofLord Derby, she would have been very unhappy if Lord Lansdowne had exposed his health to any risk in order to gratify her wishes. Time pressing, she has now sent a telegraphic message to Lord Aberdeen to come down here alone, which, from the terms of the Queen's first summons, he had thought himself precluded from doing. Should Lord Lansdowne not be able to move soon, Lord Aberdeen will confer with him by the Queen's desire immediately on his return to Town.