LORD ABERDEEN'S SCRUPLES
London,26th November 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The Cabinet met to-day for the consideration of the overtures made by the French Government for the settlement of the Eastern Question.32These proposals were in substance adopted; although a considerable change was made in their form, and in some of their details. The step now taken is evidently wise; but Lord Aberdeen can scarcely venture to hope that it will be attended with success. Pacific language is accompanied with insulting and hostile acts; and it remains to be seen what effect will be produced on the Emperor of Russia by the entrance of English and French ships of war into the Black Sea, under the pretext of bringing off Consuls from Varna, and of looking after the grain-ships at the Sulina mouth of the Danube. This information has hitherto been only communicated by telegraph; but it is calculated to lead to serious consequences, of which Lord Stratford must be perfectly well aware.
Footnote 32: The Emperor had made certain suggestions to Lord Cowley, which the British Government were willing to adopt; but the anti-Russian feeling was increasing daily in the nation, and, as will be seen from the Queen's letter of the 27th of November, Lord Stratford seemed resolved on war.
Osborne,27th November 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday. She is sorry to find that after all a considerable change was made in the form of the French proposal. She is not aware at present of what that change consists in and is therefore unable to form an opinion as to the effects of its introduction, but she quite concurs in Lord Aberdeen's apprehensions with regard to the effect of Lord Stratford's orders to the Fleet. The perusal of Lord Stratford's Despatches of the 5th inst. has given the Queen the strongest impression that, whilst guarding himself against the possibility of being called to account for acting in opposition to his instructions, he is pushing us deeper and deeper into the War policy which we wish to escape. Wherefore should three poor Turkish steamers go to the Crimea, but to beard the Russian Fleet and tempt it to come out of Sebastopol, which would thus constitute the much desired contingency for our combined Fleets to attack it, and so engage us irretrievably!
The Queen must seriously call upon Lord Aberdeen and the Cabinet to consider whether they are justified in allowing such a state of things to continue!
THE CZAR TO THE QUEEN
Madame,—Je remercie votre Majesté d'avoir eu la bonté de répondre aussi amicalement que franchement à la lettre que j'ai eu l'honneur de lui écrire. Je la remercie également de la foi qu'elle accorde à ma parole,—je crois le mériter, je l'avoue,—28 années d'une vie politique, souvent fort pénible, ne peuvent donner le droit à personne d'en douter.
Je me permets aussi, contrairement à l'avis de votre Majesté, de penser, qu'en affaires publiques et en relations de pays à pays, rien ne peut êtreplus sacréet ne l'est en effet à mes yeux que la parole souveraine, car elle décide en dernière instance de la paix ou de la guerre. Je ne fatiguerais certes pas l'attention de votre Majesté par un examen détaillé du sens qu'elle donne à l'article 7 du Traité de Kainardji; j'assurerais seulement, Madame, que depuis 80 ans la Russie et la Porte l'ont compris ainsi que nous le faisons encore. Ce sens-là n'a été interrompu qu'en derniers temps, à la suite d'instigations que votre Majesté connaît aussi bien que moi. Le rétablir dans son réception primitive et la justifier par un engagement plus solennel, tel est le but de mes efforts, tel il sera, Madame, quand même le sang devrait couler encore contre mon vœu le plus ardent; parce que c'est une question vitale pour la Russie, et mes efforts ne lui sont impossibles pour y satisfaire.
Si j'ai dû occuper les Principautés, ce que je regrette autant que votre Majesté, c'est encore Madame, parce que les libertés dont ces provinces jouissent, leurs ont été acquisesau prix du sang Russe, et par moi-même Madame les années1828et29. Il ne s'agit donc pas deconquêtes, mais à la veille d'un conflit que l'on rendait de plus en plus probable, il eût été indigne de moi de les livrer sûrement à la main des ennemis du Christianisme, dont les persécutions ne sont un secret que pour ceux qui veulent l'ignorer. J'espérais avoir répondu ainsi aux doutes et aux regrets de votre Majestéavec la plus entière franchise. Elle veut bien me dire qu'Elle ne doute pas qu'avec mon aide le rétablissement de la paix ne soit encore possible, malgré le sang répandu; j'y réponds de grand cœur,Oui, Madame, si les organes des volontés de votre Majestéexécutent fidèlement ses ordres et ses intentions bienveillantes. Les miennes n'out pas varié dès le début de cette triste épisode. Reculer devant le danger, comme vouloir maintenant autre chose que je n'ai voulu en violant ma parole, serait au-dessous de moi, et le noble cœur de votre Majesté doit le comprendre.
J'ajouterais encore que son cœur saignera en apprenant leshorreurs qui se commettent déjà par les hordes sauvages, près desquels flotte le pavillon Anglais!!!
Je la remercie cordialement des vœux qu'Elle veut bien faire pour moi; tant que ma vie se prolongera ils seront réciproqués de ma part. Je suis heureux de le Lui dire, en l'assurant du sincère attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame, de votre Majesté, le tout dévoué Frère and Ami,
Nicolas.
Je me rappelle encore une fois au bon souvenir de Son Altesse Royale le Prince Albert et le remercie également de ses paroles obligeantes.
LORD PALMERSTON AND REFORM
London,6th December 1853.
... As Lord John Russell will have the honour of seeing your Majesty to-morrow, he will be able to explain to your Majesty the present state of the discussions on Reform, and the progress of the Measure.33Lord Aberdeen feels it to be his duty to inform your Majesty that on Saturday evening he received a visit from Lord Palmerston, who announced his decided objection to the greater part of the proposed plan.34He did this in such positive terms that Lord Aberdeen shouldimagine he had made up his mind not to give the Measure his support; but Lord John entertains considerable doubt that such is the case.
Lord Aberdeen thinks it by no means improbable that Lord Palmerston may also desire to separate himself from the Government, in consequence of their pacific policy, and in order to take the lead of the War Party and the Anti-Reformers in the House of Commons, who are essentially the same. Such a combination would undoubtedly be formidable; but Lord Aberdeen trusts that it would not prove dangerous. At all events, it would tend greatly to the improvement of Lord John's Foreign Policy.
Footnote 33: On the 19th of November Lord John had written to the Queen outlining the Reform proposals of the Committee of the Cabinet. The Queen subsequently wrote to make additional suggestions,e.g., for finding a means of bringing into the House official persons or men without local connections, and for dealing with Ministerial re-elections.
Footnote 34: Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Lansdowne, giving an account of the affair:—
"Carlton Gardens,8th December 1853.
"My dear Lansdowne,—I have had two conversations with Aberdeen on the subject of John Russell's proposed Reform Bill, and I have said that there are three points in it to which I cannot agree.
"These points are—the extent of disfranchisement, the extent of enfranchisement, and the addition of the Municipal Franchise in Boroughs to the pound;10 Householder Franchise....
"We should by such an arrangement increase the number of bribeable Electors, and overpower intelligence and property by ignorance and poverty.
"I have told Aberdeen that I am persuaded that the Measure as proposed by John Russell and Graham will not pass through the two Houses of Parliament without material modifications, and that I do not choose to be a party to a contest between the two Houses or to an Appeal to the Country for a Measure of which I decidedly disapprove; and that I cannot enter into a career which would lead me to such a position, that, in short, I do not choose to be dragged through the dirt by John Russell. I reminded Aberdeen that on accepting his offer of Office, I had expressed apprehension both to him and to you, that I might find myself differing from my Colleagues on the question of Parliamentary Reform.
"I have thought a good deal on this matter. I should be very sorry to give up my present Office at this moment: I have taken a great interest in it, and I have matters in hand which I should much wish to bring to a conclusion. Moreover, I think that the presence in the Cabinet of a person holding the opinions which I entertain as to the principles on which our Foreign Affairs ought to be conducted, is useful in modifying the contrary system of Policy, which, as I think, injuriously to the interests and dignity of the Country, there is a disposition in other quarters to pursue; but notwithstanding all this. I cannot consent to stand forward as one of the Authors and Supporters of John Russell's sweeping alterations. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston".
LORD PALMERSTON'S POSITION
Osborne,9th December 1853.
My dear Lord Aberdeen,—The Queen has consulted with Lord John Russell upon the Reform plan, and on the question of Lord Palmerston's position with regard to it; and he will doubtless give you an account of what passed. She wishes me, however, to tell you likewise what strikes her with respect to Lord Palmerston. It appears to the Queen clear that the Reform Bill will have no chance of success unless prepared and introduced in Parliament by aunitedCabinet; that, if Lord Palmerston has made up his mind to oppose it and to leave the Government, there will be no use in trying to keep him in it, and that there will be danger in allowing him to attend the discussions of the Cabinet, preparing all the time his line of attack; that if a successor to him would after all have to be found at the Home Office, it will be unfair not to give that important member of the Government full opportunity to take his share in the preparation and deliberation on the measure to which his consent would be asked. Under these circumstances it becomes of the highest importance to ascertain—
1. What the amount of objection is that Lord Palmerston entertains to the Measure;
2. What the object of the declaration was, which he seems to have made to you.
This should be obtainedin writing, so as to make all future misrepresentation impossible, and on this alone a decision can well be taken, and, in the Queen's opinion, even the Cabinet could alone deliberate.
Should Lord Palmerston have stated his objections with the view of having the Measure modified it will be right to consider how far that can safely be done, and for the Queen, also, tobalance the probable value of the modification with the risk of allowing Lord Palmerston to put himself at the head of the Opposition Party, entailing as it does the possibility of his forcing himself back upon her as leader of that Party.
Should he on the other hand consider his declaration as a "notice to quit," the ground upon which he does so should be clearly put on record, and no attempt should be made to damage the character of the Measure in the vain hope of propitiating him. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
LORD PALMERSTON RESIGNS
Osborne,16th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen arrived yesterday and returned to-day to meet the Cabinet to-morrow. Lord Palmerston has sent in his resignation in a short note to Lord Aberdeen, a further correspondence with Lord John and Lord Lansdowne, Lord Aberdeen put into my hands, and I have copied the two most important letters which follow here.
Lord John is reported as very angry, calling Lord Palmerston's conduct "treacherous," a term Lord Aberdeen hardly understands, as against him he has been perfectly consistent with regard to the Reform Measure, from the beginning, and had frequently denied the necessity of Reform.... Lord Aberdeen had advised Lord John to show boldness and energy, and to undertake the Home Office at once himself; this would have a great effect under the difficulties of the circumstances, would show that he was in earnest and determined to carry his Reform Measure. Lord John seemed hit by the idea, but asked for time to consider; after seeingLadyJohn, however, he declined.
Lord Aberdeen's fears are still mainly as to the Eastern Question, Lord John pressing for war measures. Lord Aberdeen had followed my advice, and had a long explanation on the subject, in which they both agreed that their policy should be one of Peace, and he thought matters settled when Lord John now asks for contingent engagements to make war on Russia if her forces cross the Danube (which Lord Aberdeen thinks quite uncalled for), and to convoy the Turkish expeditions in the Black Sea, even if directed against Russian territory, etc., etc. The Cabinet is certain not to agree to either of these propositions.
When Lord Aberdeen announced the intended rupture with Lord Palmerston to Lord John, he drily said: "Well, it would be very awkward for you if Palmerston quarrelsone day with you about Reform, and I the next about Turkey!"
There can be no doubt that Lord Palmerston will at once try to put himself at the head of the late Protectionist party, and, with the present indifference of the Country upon Reform, the fate of the Bill is by no means certain. On the question of Peace or War, Lord Aberdeen is quite certain that the House of Commons will adopt no war resolutions.
Much will depend, however, on the line taken by Lord Lansdowne, who has great influence in the House of Lords, and whose secession would spread great alarm over the Country as to the real tendency of the Measure (which the Duke of Newcastle describes as in fact a great increase of power to the land35). We agree that the Queen should write to him to prevent any hasty step.
The Queen sanctioned the offer of the Home Office to Sir George Grey, and of a seat in the Cabinet to Mr Cardwell (the President of the Board of Trade).
Albert.
Footnote 35:I.e., the landed interest.
LORD LANSDOWNE AND REFORM
Osborne,16th December 1853.
The Queen has been made very anxious by the Resignation of Lord Palmerston, but still more so by hearing that Lord Lansdowne has not been able to reconcile himself to the Measure of Reform as now proposed in the Cabinet, which has caused Lord Palmerston's withdrawal. Lord Lansdowne is aware of the paramount importance which the Queen attaches to a safe settlement of that question, and to the maintenance of her present Government; and she would press upon Lord Lansdowne not to commit himself to a final determination before she shall have an opportunity of seeing him. The Queen will go to Windsor on Thursday, and hold a Council on Friday, at which it may perhaps be convenient to Lord Lansdowne to attend, and it will give the Queen the greatest pleasure to find that Lord John Russell has succeeded in removing Lord Lansdowne's objections.
LORD STRATFORD'S DESPATCH
Osborne,17th December 1853.
The Queen returns the enclosed Draft and Despatch to Lord Clarendon.
She has never been so much perplexed respecting any decision she has had to make, as in the present instance. She has read Lord Stratford's Despatch (358) over several times, and she is struck, every time more, with the consummate ability with which it is written and argued; but also with the difficulty in which it places the person reading it to extract distinctly what the Porte will be prepared to concede.
The concluding passage of the Draft involves the most important consequences. As the Queen understands it, it promises war with Russia in a given contingency, but the contingency is: Russia rejecting terms which are "in their spirit and character such as Your Excellency sets forth in your Despatch." The Queen finds it impossible to make such tremendous consequences dependent upon such vague expressions. The more so, as "the spirit and character" alluded to, appears to her to be, as if purposely, obscure.
When Lord Stratford says, that the Turks would be satisfied "with a renewal in clear and comprehensive terms of the formal Declarations and Treaties already existing in favour of the Porte"—the Queen cannot understand what is meant—as all the former Treaties between Russia and Turkey have certainly not been in favour of the Porte. Nor is it clear to the Queen whether "the clear and unquestionable deliverance from Russian interference applied to spiritual matters" is compatible with the former treaties.
Whilst the Queen, therefore, perfectly agrees in the principle that, should Russia "for its own unjustifiable objects, show herself regardless of the best interests of Europe" by rejecting every fair term, the time will have arrived "for adopting measures of more active coercion against her"—she cannot sanction such a Declaration except on terms which are so clear in themselves as to exclude all misinterpretation.
SINOPE
(Undated.)
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter of the 19th, and enclosures. She approves the Draft to Vienna, and asks to have a copy of it, together with the Despatch from Lord Westmorland to which it refers.
She also approves of the Draft to Lord Cowley, with certain exceptions, viz., on the second page our accordance with theviews of the French Government "upon the utterly unjustifiable course that Russia has pursued," etc., is stated. If, as the Queen must read it, this refers to the affair at Sinope,36it is a dangerous assertion, as we have yet no authentic account of the circumstances of the case, which would make it possible to judge what degree of justification there might have been. The sentence should, at any rate, be qualified by some expression such as "as far as we know," or "should present accounts prove correct," etc.
The word "utterly" might under any circumstances be left out, as a state of War is in itself a justification of a battle.
On page four the words "by sea" will have to be added to make the statement precise and correct.
The concluding sentence, the Queen must consider as tantamount to a declaration of war, which, under the guarded conditions however attached to it, she feels she cannot refuse to sanction. It would, in the Queen's opinion, be necessary, however, distinctly and fully to acquaint the Russian Government with the step now agreed upon.
Lord Palmerston's mode of proceeding always had that advantage, that it threatened steps which it was hoped would not become necessary, whilst those hitherto taken, started on the principle of not needlessly offending Russia by threats, obliging us at the same time to take the very steps which we refused to threaten.
The Queen has to make one more and a mostseriousobservation. The Fleet has orders now to prevent a recurrence of such disasters as that of Sinope. This cannot mean that it should protect the Turkish Fleet in acts of aggression upon the Russian territory, such as an attack on Sebastopol, of which the papers speak. This point will have to be made quite clear, both to Lord Stratford and the Turks.
The Queen would also wish to have copies of the Draft, when corrected, of Lord Cowley's Despatch.
Footnote 36: On the 30th of November the Russian Fleet from Sevastopol attacked the Turkish squadron in the harbour of Sinope, a naval station in the Black Sea, and destroyed it. The feeling in the country against Russia was greatly inflamed by the incident, which was referred to as the "massacre of Sinope."
PUBLIC FEELING
Windsor Castle,25th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen had an Audience of the Queen yesterday afternoon. He reported that some of his colleagues, Sir C.Wood, the Duke of Newcastle, and Mr Gladstone, had been very anxious that Lord Palmerston should be readmitted into the Cabinet; they had had interviews with him in which he had expressed his hope to be allowed to reconsider his step. Lady Palmerston had been most urgent upon this point with her husband. All the people best conversant with the House of Commons stated that the Government had no chance of going on with Lord Palmerston in opposition, and with the present temper of the public, which was quite mad about the Oriental Question and the disaster at Sinope. Even Sir W. Molesworth shared thisopinion.
Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Lord Aberdeen, in which he begs to have his resignation considered as not having taken place, as it arose entirely from a misapprehension on his part, his having believed that none of the details of the Reform Measure were yet open for consideration, he had quite agreed in the principle of the Measure! Lord Aberdeen saw Lord John and Sir J. Graham, who convinced themselves that under the circumstances nothing else remained to be done. Lord Aberdeen having asked Lord John whether he should tell the Queen that it was a politicalnecessity, he answered: "Yes, owing to the shabbiness of your colleagues," to which Lord Aberdeen rejoined: "Not shabbiness;cowardiceis the word."
Lord Aberdeen owns that the step must damage the Government, although it ought to damage Lord Palmerston still more. Lord John's expression was: "Yes, it would ruin anybody but Palmerston."
Lord Aberdeen thinks, however, that he can make no further difficulties about Reform, and he, Lord John, and Graham were determined to make no material alterations in the Bill. Graham is suspicious lest the wish to get Palmerston in again, on the part of a section of the Cabinet, was an intrigue to get the Measure emasculated. Lord Aberdeen does not believe this....
Lord Aberdeen describes Lord John's feeling as very good and cordial towards him. He, Lord John, had even made him a long speech to show his gratitude for Lord Aberdeen's kindness to him.
Albert.
PALMERSTON RESUMES OFFICE
London,26th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, has the honour of enclosing copies of Lord Palmerston's letterto him,37and of his answer. Lord Aberdeen was not without some apprehension of receiving a rejoinder; but instead of which, a note arrived this morning, merely asking if a Cabinet was likely to be summoned in the course of the week, as he was going into the country; in fact, a note just as if nothing whatever has taken place!
Footnote 37: Lord Palmerston wrote: "I find ... that I was mistaken in inferring from your letter that the details of the intended Reform Bill had been finally settled by the Government, and that no objection to any part of those details would be listened to." He went on to say that, under the circumstances, he could not decline to comply with the wish of many members of the Government that he should withdraw his resignation.
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