ETON MONTEM
Downing Street,19th November 1846.
... Lord John Russell breakfasted with Dr Hawtrey yesterday, and had much conversation with him. He finds Dr Hawtrey strongly impressed with the evils of Montem, and he declared himself as decidedly against its continuance. He thinks your Majesty would please the Etonians equally by going to the boats once a year, which he said the late King was in the habit of doing. The Chancellor of the Exchequer,28who was at Eton, wishes to see Montem abolished. Lord Morpeth would prefer seeing it regulated. Upon the whole, Lord John Russell thinks it would not be advisable for your Majesty to interpose your authority against the decided opinion of Dr Hawtrey, the Provost, and the assistants.29
Footnote 28: Mr (who a few weeks later became Sir) Charles Wood.
Footnote 29: Montem, the triennial Eton ceremony, the chief part of which took place at Salt Hill (ad montem), near Slough, was abolished in 1847.
A PENINSULAR MEDAL
Osborne,25th November 1846.
The Queen has learned from various quarters that there still exists a great anxiety amongst the officers and men who served under the Duke of Wellington's orders in the Peninsula to receive and wear a medal as a testimony that they assisted the Duke in his great undertaking. The Queen not only thinks this wish very reasonable, considering that for recent exploits of infinitely inferior importance such distinctions have been granted by her, but she would feel personally a great satisfactionin being enabled publicly to mark in this way her sense of the great services the Duke of Wellington has rendered to his country and to empower many a brave soldier to wear this token in remembrance of the Duke.
THE DUKE'S VIEW
Strathfieldsaye,27th November 1846.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty.
He has just now received your Majesty's most gracious commands from Osborne, dated the 26th instant.
He does not doubt that many of the brave officers and soldiers who served in the armies in the Peninsula under the command of the Duke are anxious to receive and wear a medal, struck by command of the Sovereign, to commemorate the services performed in that seat of the late war.
Many of them have, upon more than one occasion, expressed such desire, in their letters addressed to the Duke, in their petitions to Parliament, and, as the Duke has reason to believe, in petitions presented to your Majesty.
Although the Duke has never omitted to avail himself of every occasion which offered to express his deep sense of the meritorious services of the officers and soldiers of the Army which served in the Peninsula, he did not consider it his duty to suggest to the Sovereign, under whose auspices, or the Minister under whose direction the services in question were performed, any particular mode in which those services of the Army should be recognised by the State.
Neither has he considered it his duty to submit such suggestion since the period at which the services were performed, bearing in mind the various important considerations which must have an influence upon the decision on such a question, which it was and is the duty of your Majesty's confidential servants alone to take into consideration, and to decide.
Neither can the Duke of Wellington now venture to submit to your Majesty his sense of a comparison of the services of the Army which served in the Peninsula, with those of other armies in other parts of the world, whose recent services your Majesty has been most graciously pleased to recognise by ordering that medals should be struck, to commemorate each of such services, one of which to be delivered to each officer and soldier present, which your Majesty was graciously pleased to permit him to wear.
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington humbly solicits your Majesty, in grateful submission to your Majesty upon the subject of the last paragraph of your Majesty's most gracious letter, that, considering the favour with which his services were received and rewarded by the gracious Sovereign, under whose auspices they were performed; the professional rank and the dignity in the State to which he was raised, and the favour with which his services were then and have been ever since received, that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to consider upon this occasion only the well-founded claims upon your Majesty's attention of the officers and soldiers who served in the Army in the Peninsula; and to consider him, as he considers himself, amply rewarded for any service which he might have been instrumental in rendering; and desirous only of opportunities of manifesting his gratitude for the favour and honour with which he has been treated by his Sovereign.
All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful and devoted Servant and Subject,
Wellington.
Osborne,28th November 1846.
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's draft to Mr Southern,30and must observe that she does not quite approve the tone of it, as it will be likely only to irritate without producing any effect. If our advice is to be taken, it must be given in a spirit of impartiality and fairness. Lord Palmerston's despatch must give the impression that we entirely espouse the cause of the rebels, whose conduct is, to say the least, illegal and very reprehensible. Lord Palmerston likewise takes the nation and the Opposition to be one and the same thing. What we must insist upon is a return to Constitutional Government. And what we may advise is a compromise with the Opposition. What Ministry is to be formed ought to be left to the Portuguese themselves. It being the 28th to-day, the Queen is afraid the despatch went already yesterday. The Queen hopes in future that Lord Palmerston will not put it out of her power to state her opinion in good time.
Footnote 30: Secretary of Legation at Lisbon, and Chargé d'Affaires in the absence of Lord Howard de Walden.
THE PENINSULAR MEDAL
Arundel Castle,1st December 1846.
The Queen has not yet acknowledged the Duke of Wellington's last letter.
She fully appreciates the delicacy of the Duke in not wishing to propose himself a step having reference to his own achievements, but the Queen will not on that account forgo the satisfaction of granting this medal as an acknowledgment on her part of those brilliant achievements.
The Queen has been assured by Lord John Russell that her confidential servants will be ready to assume the responsibility of advising such a measure.
Arundel castle,2nd December 1846.(Morning.)
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He did not receive your Majesty's commands, dated the 1st instant, in this Castle, till seven o'clock in the afternoon; and being under the necessity of attending at [? Dover] in the evening, he has not had it in his power till this time to express his acknowledgment of the receipt of them.
He submits to your Majesty that he has always been aware that it would be impolitic to confer upon the officers and soldiers who served in the Peninsula the wished-for distinction without the concurrence of your Majesty's confidential servants.
They alone can give the orders to carry into execution the measure, and can adopt means to remedy any inconvenience which may result from it; and it is satisfactory to him to learn, from the perusal of your Majesty's note, that Lord John Russell is disposed to adopt it, notwithstanding that the Duke has no personal wish or feeling in the adoption of the measure, excepting to see gratified the wishes of so many gallant officers and brave soldiers, who have so well served.
The few words which he addressed to your Majesty in his last letter of the 27th of November in relation to himself, referred to the expressions in that of your Majesty of the 26th November, to the Duke; from which it appeared to be your Majesty's intention "to empower many a brave soldier to wear this token, in remembrance of the Duke."
Having stated to your Majesty that he would serve your Majesty, and would promote the objects of your Majesty's Government, to the utmost of his power, he has faithfully performed his engagement, as he believes, to the satisfaction of your Majesty's servants.
His whole life being devoted to your Majesty's service, he is most anxious to deserve and receive your Majesty's approbation.
But he wishes that it should be conveyed only when it may be convenient to your Majesty's Government. Your Majesty and your Majesty's servants must be the best judges upon this point, as well as whether the medal in question shall be struck and granted at all or not.
If granted, or whatever may be the mode in which granted, or whether the Duke's name is recalled to recollection or not, the Duke will be equally satisfied, and grateful for your Majesty's gracious favour, and desirous to merit a continuance of it, by his devotion to your Majesty's service.
All of which is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,
Wellington.
THE QUEEN'S DECISION
Osborne,14th December 1846.
The Queen has still to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of the 11th. She has carefully read the Duke of Wellington's letter to Lord John, which evinces all the Duke's honourable feelings. He should certainly be relieved from the appearance of having refused honours to others, but agreed to the granting of them the moment it was intended to couple the measure with an honour conferred upon himself. On the other hand, the Queen still wishes the step to be taken as a means of doing honour to the Duke. His name should, therefore, certainly be connected with it. The introduction of the names of other commanders, even of that of Sir John Moore, the Queen does not think advisable. She does not quite understand from Lord John's letter whether he proposes to adopt the Duke's recommendation tore-issue all the medals formerly granted, or to adhere to the original idea of striking a new one. In the latter case, which appears the most natural, the word "Peninsula" would cover all the campaigns, and in these the Duke of Wellington had by far so much the greatest share that his name being introduced onallthe medals cannot be considered as anomalous.
CRACOW
Osborne,14th December 1846.
The Queen returns the enclosed private letters.31The view Lord Palmerston takes of the affair of Cracow appears to the Queen a very sound one, and she would much wish to see the plan of a conference realised against which Lord Ponsonby does not bring any very relevant reasons. Prince Metternich's plan of a declaration "that the case is to be considered an exceptional one and not to afford a precedent to other powers" is too absurd. The Prince very justly compared it to the case of a person giving another a box on the ear and declaring at the same time that he is to consider it as exceptional, and that it is in no way to afford him a precedent for returning it. The Queen hopes the Cabinet will well consider the question, and contrive to find means to prevent the evil consequences of the unjustifiable step against Cracow by speaking out in time, before Russia or France may have decided on acts of further infraction of the Treaty of Vienna. It seems quite clear that Russia was at the bottom of the measure relative to Cracow, and it is therefore but reasonable to expect that she has an ulterior object in view.
Footnote 31: The first ill fruits of the disruption of theententebetween England and France were seen in the active co-operation of Russia, Prussia, and Austria to destroy Polish independence. Seeante,p. 72.
During the year 1847 the Parliament which had been elected in 1841 with a great Tory majority was dissolved, and, as a result, the position of the Whig Ministry was slightly improved; but they were still dependent on the support of Sir Robert Peel. A Factory Act limiting the labour of women and children to ten hours a day was passed. An autumn session was rendered necessary by an acute financial crisis, the Ministry having authorised the Bank of England to infringe the provisions of the recent Bank Charter Act, and as a consequence being compelled to ask Parliament for an indemnity. The knowledge of the Bank's authority to issue notes beyond the prescribed limits was of itself sufficient to allay the panic. The Church of England was convulsed by the promotion of Dr Hampden, whom Lord Melbourne had made Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, to the See of Hereford; his orthodoxy was impugned in a memorial presented by thirteen bishops to the Prime Minister, and an unsuccessful application was made to the Queen's Bench (the Court being divided in opinion) to compel the Primate to hear objections to Dr Hampden's consecration. The new House of Lords was used for the first time this year.
Perhaps the most important event in France was the cold-blooded murder of the Duchesse de Praslin (daughter of Count Sebastiani, formerly French Ambassador in England) by her husband, an incident which, like the Spanish intrigue of 1846, contributed subsequently to the downfall of the Orleanist dynasty.
Switzerland was torn by internecine strife, partly owing to the existence, side by side, of Catholic and Protestant cantons; the proposed expulsion of Jesuits and the formation of the "Sonderbund" were the questions of the day. The latter was an offensive and defensive confederation of seven cantons, and civil war raged round the question of its legality.
In Italy the death of Pope Gregory XVI. and the election of a more liberal successor induced Lord John Russell to send his father-in-law, Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, on a special mission to the new Pope Pius IX., to encourage him in the path of Reform. But more violent measures were in progress, and it was soon clear that Lombardy and Venetia were rising against Austria, and the way being paved for the Unity of Italy.
Spain was in a ferment, frequent changes of Ministry taking place, and the miserable marriage of the Queen having all the evil results anticipated in England. Portugal continued in a state of civil war, the British attempting to mediate, but the revolutionary Junta refused to abide by their terms, and ultimately armed intervention became necessary.
Windsor Castle,7th January 1847.
The turn which the Portuguese affairs are now likely to take is really very satisfactory. The Queen is sure that the Court will not allow violent measures of revenge to be taken against the vanquished party nor the overthrow of a Constitutional Government; but the Queen of Portugal will have to punish those who have broken their oath of allegiance, and will have to remove from the country those who would infallibly ere long plunge the country afresh into thosehorrorsfrom which it is just emerging. The further infusion of democracy into the Charter would at this moment be quite misplaced, but this opportunity should be taken by the Queen of Portugal toestablishastateoflegalityandsecurity, by compelling any new Ministry to lay the accounts every year before the Cortes (which has not been done for the last ten years, either by Progressistas, Septembristas, or others), by establishing irremovable judges, and appointing thereto incorruptible persons, byhonestly and fairlydistributing the patronage in the Army—apart from the party—which will now be possible as the King has the command himself, and by adopting such measures ofinternalimprovement as will promote thematerialwelfare of the people.
Theseare the principles which the Queen would wish to seeherrepresentative urge upon the Portuguese Court and Government, and she has no doubt that they are in perfect conformity with Lord John Russell's own views. The Queen cannot help repeating that the tone and bearing of Mr Southern are more those of a Portuguese Demagogue than of an English Representative.
A CONCILIATORY POLICY
Tuileries,15th January 1847.
My Dearest Victoria,—I am truly happy to learn what you say about your feelings on those troublesome politics;I can assure you that many people who are, in fact, quite indifferent to politics,renchérissentin expressions of dislike and contemptseulement, because they believe that you have those opinions. Many wise people repeat sayings which they assume to come from your own mouth, such, for instance, "that Louis Philippe could never be trusted, being, after all, an old fox," etc.
The King's Speech was as unobjectionable as possible. I trust that there will be nobitternessin yours. It is as much, if not more, in the interest of Great Britain to keep France quiet and continuing a peaceable policy than in that of France. France, as the old Duke once said with great truth, has been alreadyunder water several times, what could be spoiled has been spoiled, what remainsis pretty solid. To attack France in France would lead to the most dangerous consequences. In general, if we get once a great war again you will be sure to have everywhere revolutions, and to imagine that you will escape in England all reactions would be a grievous mistake. When one looks to the changes, brought about in England in consequence of the Revolution of July, one is quite astounded. Here they changed nothing but the dynasty, in Englandthe very spirit of the old Monarchy has been abolished, and what will be, in the course of time, the consequences, it is not easy to tell. A bad Constitution acts strongly on the people. Look to America, even to Belgium. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL
Buckingham Palace,14th February 1847.
Lord John Russell's memorandum contains two different questions. The one is this: how far the interests of England require an interference in the affairs of Portugal for the restoration of peace in that country and the preservation of its Throne, and how far England is bound by existing treaties to interfere.
As to this question, it appears from Lord John's memorandum that the ancient treaties having reference toforeigninvasion only are inapplicable to the present case, that the Quadruple Treaty would revive on the appearance of Dom Miguel in Portugal, that an understanding with Spain ought to be come to for its execution, but Lord John does not make any specific proposal.
The other question is, what wrongs the Queen, the Ministers, and the rebels may have done to bring about the present stateof affairs. This the Queen conceives can only be decided by amost minute, impartial, and anxious scrutiny. She indignantly rejects the notion to leave this decision to Mr Southern.... Lord John's statement contains, however, nothing but the echo of his reports.
Lord John will upon reflection admit that to say "that recent events exhibit a spirit of tyranny and cruelty in the Portuguese Governmentwithout a parallelin any part of Europe," there, where notoneexecution has taken place, is rather a strong expression.
That the cruelties and miseries inseparable from a Civil War are to be deplored, there can be no doubt of, and it is in order to stop a further continuance and perhaps aggravation of these horrors, that the Queen is so anxious to see the struggle brought to an early termination.
The Queen hopes to see Lord John to-morrow at three o'clock, when she hopes that he will be able to submit a definitive step.
ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL
14th March 1847.
The Queen wishes again to call Lord John Russell's serious attention to the state of Spain and Portugal, and to the policy which has been pursued with regard to them, and the result of this policy. In Spain we have taken up the cause of the Progressistas, and what has been the consequence? They desert us.
We have no longer the slightest influence in that country; France has it all her own way, and we shall see the Cortes confirm the succession of the Infanta and her children without being able to prevent it. Of the Progressistas, on whom Lord Palmerston, Lord Clarendon, and others always placed their hopes, Mr Bulwer saysnow: "The fact is, that though they are the party least servile to France, they are the most impracticable party, and belonging to a lower class of society, who have not the same feelings of honourable and gentlemanlike conduct which sometimes guide a portion, though a very small one, of their opponents."
In Spain therefore it is, the Queen fears,too late; but let us not throw away this lesson, and, if it is still possible, not also lose Portugal. Our influence there is fast going, and Sir H. Seymour1confirms whatevery onebut Mr Southern has statedfor the last two months, viz. that we are believed to be favourable to the rebels; consequently, that no advice of ours will be listened to. Sir H. Seymour further says: "I should have been glad to have gained a little time, and not at the outset of my mission to be obliged to call the Government to account upon various scores. Your orders, however, leave me no option, and I shall be obliged to administer a series of reproofs which will, I fear, confirm the notion as to our unfriendly feelings." This is the course the Queen thinks so very unfortunate; trifles about two horses, the beating of a gardener of Lord Howard's by some soldiers on a march in times of Civil War, etc., are made topics of serious complaint. Most peremptory notes are written, threatening the Government with our men-of-war, whilst it is held to be unwise to threaten the insurgents.
Then, the Court is told to believeour feelings of attachmentfor them!
Sir H. Seymour says that his position is rendered very difficult in consequence. We have now the results before us. Let us, therefore, before Portugal, our ancient ally, turns also away from us, and leans to France or Spain in preference, as shemust, if we give her such doubtful support, try to pursue a more conciliatory course; these peremptory and dictatory notes, these constant complaints, produce the worst and most unfortunate effect.
These very Septembristas have been always the greatest enemies of England, and would be the first to turn against us should they succeed.
There should more latitude be given to the resident Minister not to press things at moments when they produce embarrassment to a Government alreadytottering, but to give him the option of waiting for a fit opportunity, and for the manner in which it is to be done, which a person on the spot can be a better judge of than we can in England.
Once more the Queen earnestly warns Lord John of the imminent danger of England losingalllegitimate influence in Portugal, which ought now, more than ever, to be of the greatestimportanceto us.
The Queen has in all thisspokensolely of English influence, but this influence becomes of still greater importance to her when the Sovereigns of that country are her near and dear relations.2
Footnote 1: Envoy Extraordinary at Lisbon.
Footnote 2: This letter at once bore fruit, a conference being held in London between the representatives of Great Britain, Spain, France, and Portugal, and armed co-operation to enforce the acceptance of certain terms by the Revolutionary Junta being decided upon.
THE SEPTENNIAL ACT
Chesham Place,19th March 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Lord John Russell thinks it right to state to your Majesty that the prevailing opinion in the Cabinet is that when the necessary business in the House of Commons has been finished, a Dissolution of Parliament should take place.
This course would be conformable to the usage from the passing of the Septennial Act till 1830. From 1830 to the present year no House of Commons has been allowed to continue six years. The Dissolutions of Lord Grey in 1831 and 1832, of Sir Robert Peel in 1834, the death of William the Fourth in 1837, Lord Melbourne's Dissolution in 1841, have all interrupted the natural life of Parliaments. But all Governments since the accession of the House of Hanover have been of opinion (with one or two exceptions) that it is hazardous to allow a Parliament to continue seven years, as circumstances may arise making a Dissolution very detrimental to the public welfare.
These being general considerations, Lord John Russell would reserve any decision on the subject till the moment shall arrive when a Dissolution may appear to your Majesty's advisers to be the course most likely to secure moderate and fair elections.
25th March 1847.
The Queen with pleasure approves the appointment of Lord Clarendon's brother to the vacant stall at St Paul's. The Queen would, however, draw Lord John's attention generally to the mode of filling up those Church sinecures. She is quite aware how necessary it is for a Minister to be able to recommend to such places persons of political connections, but she thinks that where it can be done, it would be of great use both to the Church and the country to give these places of emolument to Churchmen distinguished for theirscientific attainments, who have neither the means nor the time to prosecute their researches, whilst their labours might be of the greatest importance to the country. Such person of this kind, for instance, the Prince thinks, is a Mr Cureton, who has just published therealepistles of St Ignatius, which he translated from the Syriac, and is about to produce a Gospel of St Matthew which is considered the undoubted original in the Copticdialect, and other most important documents lately acquired for the British Museum.
FOREIGN OFFICE DRAFTS
Buckingham Palace,17th April 1847.
The Queen has several times asked Lord Palmerston, through Lord John Russell and personally, to see that the drafts to our Foreign Ministers are not despatchedpreviousto their being submitted to the Queen. Notwithstanding, this is still done, as for instance to-day with regard to the drafts for Lisbon. The Queen, therefore, once more repeats her desire that Lord Palmerston should prevent the recurrence of this practice.
Chesham Place,18th May 1847.
Lord John Russell has the painful duty of announcing to your Majesty the death of the Earl of Bessborough.3The firmness and kindness of his temper, together with his intimate knowledge of Ireland and his sound judgment, make this event a public misfortune.
It appears to Lord John Russell very desirable that his successor should be named without loss of time, and as the Cabinet agreed yesterday that the Earl of Clarendon was the fittest person for the office, Lord John Russell would suggest that a Council should be held on Thursday next, at the hour your Majesty may appoint, for a Council for the purpose of the declaration of your Majesty's pleasure.
It was the opinion of the Cabinet that although it is advisable finally to abolish the office of Lord-Lieutenant, it is not advisable to propose any measure, or make any announcement for the present.
Footnote 3: John William, formerly Lord Duncannon, 4th Earl, born 1781; Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
JENNY LIND
Buckingham Palace,12th June 1847.
My dearest Uncle,—We are here in terrible hot water, thoughIthink we shall get out of it.4But only think that theRadicalsandProtectionists join to attack Government for our interference in Portugal! A change of Government on such a subject would befullof mischief for the future, independent of the great momentary inconvenience; but it would cripple all future Governments in their future conduct respecting Foreign Affairs, would create distrust abroad in our promises, and is totally contrary to England's ancient policy of upholding Portugal.
In short, it would beverybad. The old Duke will doeverything to set matters right.
To-night we are going to the Opera in state, and will hear and see Jenny Lind5(who is perfection) inNorma, which is considered one of her best parts. Poor Grisi is quite going off, and after the pure angelic voice and extremely quiet, perfect acting of J. Lind, she seems quitepassée. Poor thing! she isquitefurious about it, and was excessively impertinent to J. Lind.
To-morrow we go to a ball at Stafford House, and on Thursday to one at Gloucester House. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 4: The Government were severely attacked by a coalition of Radicals and Protectionists for their intervention in Portugal. A hostile motion of Lord Stanley's in the House of Lords was opposed by the Duke of Wellington and defeated, while one of Mr Hume's in the House of Commons was talked out, Sir Robert Peel supporting the Ministry.
Footnote 5: She made herdébutin London on the 4th of May inRoberto il Diavolo. The Queen had heard her sing previously at Stolzenfels. In May 1849, after singing for two years to enthusiastic audiences, she retired from the stage, and made extended concert tours in Europe and America.
THE WELLINGTON STATUE
London,12th July 1847.(Five in the afternoon.)
Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He submits to your Majesty the expression of his sorrow and shame that your Majesty should be troubled for a moment by anything so insignificant as a statue of himself.
When he first heard of the intention to remove the statue from the pedestal on which it had been placed, he was apprehensive that the measure might be misconstrued and misrepresented in this country as well as abroad.
That feeling was increased when the probable existence of such misconstruction was adverted to in one of the printed papers circulated by the Committee for the erection of the statue; and still farther when the removal became the subject of repeated discussions in Parliament. His daily experience of your Majesty's gracious reception of his endeavours to serve your Majesty; and the events of every day, and the repeated marks which he received of your Majesty's consideration and favour proved clearly, as the Duke stated in his letter to LordJohn Russell, that there was no foundation for the misconstruction of the intended act—which undoubtedly existed. The apprehension of such misconstruction had from the first moment created an anxious wish in the mind of the Duke that the removal should be so regulated and should be attended by such circumstances as would tend to relieve the transaction from the erroneous but inconvenient impression which had been created.
The Duke apprehended that he might find it impossible to perform the duties with which he had been entrusted, and therefore, when Lord John Russell wrote to him, he deprecated the measure in contemplation; and he rejoices sincerely that your Majesty has been most graciously pleased to countermand the order for the removal of the statue.
All of which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,
Wellington.6
Footnote 6: The Duke ofWellingtonwrote to Croker, 19th of December 1846:—"I should desire never to move from my principles of indifference and non-interference on the subject of a statue of myself to commemorate my own actions."
And again, on the 14th of June 1847, the Duke wrote to Croker:—"It has always been my practice, and is my invariable habit, to say nothing about myself and my own actions.
"More than forty years ago Mr Pitt observed that I talked as little of myself or my own acts as if I had been an assistant-surgeon of the army....
"I follow the habit of avoiding to talk of myself and of what I have done; with the exception only of occasions when I am urging upon modern contemporaries measures which they don't like, and when I tell them I have some experience, and have had some success in these affairs, and feel they would experience the benefit of attending to my advice, I never talk of myself.
"These are the reasons for which they think that I don't care what they do with the statue.
"But they must be idiots to suppose it possible that a man who is working day and night, without any object in view excepting the public benefit, will not be sensible of a disgrace inflicted upon him by the Sovereign and Government whom he is serving. The ridicule will be felt, if nothing else is!"...
Buckingham Palace,12th July 1847.
The Queen has been informed by Lord John Russell that the Duke of Wellington is apprehensive that the removal of his statue from the Arch to another pedestal might be construed as a mark of displeasure on her part. Although the Queen had hoped that her esteem and friendship for the Duke was so well known to the public in general as not to render such a construction possible, and although she had thought that another pedestal would have been more suitable forthisstatue, and that the Arch might have been more becomingly ornamented in honour of the Duke than by the statuenowupon it, she has given immediate direction that the Statue should remain inits present situation, and only regrets that this monument should be so unworthy of the great personage to whose honour it has been erected.
INDIAN AFFAIRS
27th July 1847.
Lord Hardinge, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly acknowledges the letter in which your Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve of his conduct in the Government of your Majesty's Eastern Empire, and to sanction his return to Europe the end of this year.
It will always be a source of happiness to Lord Hardinge to have contributed his efforts towards maintaining the stability of your Majesty's Indian possessions committed to his charge, and he feels, in the performance of these duties, that the approbation of his Sovereign is the most grateful distinction to which honourable ambition can aspire.
The Governor-General entertains the most sanguine expectations that peace has been securely established beyond the north-west frontiers, as well as throughout India, and in this confidence he has ordered nearly 50,000 men of the native force to be reduced, which reductions have caused no discontent, being for the most part voluntary on the part of the men and accompanied by gratuities in proportion to the service performed.
As regards internal dangers, there is no native power remaining able to face a British army in the field. The people are very generally engaged in trade and agriculture, and to a great extent in the British Provinces no longer carry arms. Confidence in the protection of the Government has superseded the necessity. Formerly trade and wealth were concentrated in a few large cities—and Indian manufactures have been ruined by cheaper goods sent from England; but wealth and comfort have, under British rule, been more extensively diffused through the agricultural districts, and all classes, including the warlike tribes, are becoming more devoted to the happier and safer pursuits of peace.
In this state of things Lord Hardinge entertains a very confident expectation that the Government of India, by judicious attention to the native army in time of peace—which may have its peculiar dangers—will maintain due subordination in its ranks; and by abstaining from all interference in the religious prejudices of the people, will secure their loyal attachmentto your Majesty, and their willing obedience to the Governor acting in your Majesty's behalf.
Lord Hardinge has the honour to subscribe himself your Majesty's most humble and dutiful Subject and Servant,
Hardinge.
A GENERAL ELECTION
Pembroke Lodge,5th August 1847.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that he considers the elections which have taken place since he last addressed your Majesty as satisfactory.
The Liberal gains, upon the whole, have been upwards of thirty, and when the elections are concluded will probably be upwards of forty.
The rejection of so distinguished a man as Mr Macaulay7is the most disgraceful act in the whole election. It has only a parallel in the rejection of Mr Burke by the city of Bristol.
The result of the whole elections will be, even if Sir George Grey is defeated in Northumberland, that neither Lord John Russell or any other Minister will have the command of a regular party majority.
But it is probable that Government will be sufficiently strong to resist both a reaction against free trade, and any democratic movement against the Church or the aristocracy.
Footnote 7: In consequence of his vote on Maynooth. The poem he wrote on the present occasion will be remembered.