PALMERSTON'S ABSENCE EXPLAINED
Windsor Castle,27th December 1851.
The Queen forgot to remind Lord John Russell yesterday of his correspondence with Lord Palmerston, which he promised to let her have.
The Queen concludes from what Lord John said yesterday that he intended sounding the Duke of Newcastle relative to the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland.
Has Lord John ascertained the cause of Lord Palmerston's absence yesterday? If it was not accidental, she must say she thinks it most disrespectful conduct towards his Sovereign.
Pembroke Lodge,27th December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and submits a letter of Lord Palmerston, which explains his not going to Windsor. It appears to have arisen from a mistake in the message sent through Lord Stanley, and not from any want of respect to your Majesty.
Carlton Gardens,27th December 1851.
My dear John Russell,—I am distressed beyond measure by the note from you which I have this moment received on my arrival here from Hampshire. I understood from Stanley that you had desired him to tell me that if it was inconvenient for me to come up yesterday, I might send the Seals to you at Windsor, and that my presence would be dispensed with.41Thereupon I sent the Seals up by an early train yesterday morning to Stanley, that he might send them down to you as suggested by you, and I desired that they might be taken by a messenger by the special train.
I shall be very much obliged to you if you will have the goodness to explain this matter to the Queen, and I beg you to assure Her Majesty how deeply grieved I am that what appears to have been a mistake on my part should have led meto be apparently wanting in due respect to Her Majesty, than which nothing could possibly be further from my intention or thoughts. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston.
Footnote 41: There is a fuller account given of Lord Palmerston's version of the whole affair in a letter to his brother, printed in Ashley'sLife of Lord Palmerston, vol. i. p. 315.
THE QUEEN ON FOREIGN POLICY
Windsor Castle,28th December 1851.
The Queen thinks the moment of the change in the person of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to afford a fit opportunity to have the principles upon which our Foreign Affairs have been conducted since the beginning of 1848 reconsidered by Lord John Russell and his Cabinet.
The Queen was fully aware that the storm raging at the time on the Continent rendered it impossible for any statesman to foresee with clearness and precision what development and direction its elements would take, and she consequently quite agreed that the line of policy to be followed, as the most conducive to the interests of England, could then only be generally conceived and vaguely expressed.
But although the Queen is still convinced that the general principles laid down by Lord John at that time for the conduct of our Foreign Policy were in themselves right, she has in the progress of the last three years become painfully convinced that the manner in which they have beenpractically appliedhas worked out very different results from those which the correctness of the principles themselves had led her to expect. For when the revolutionary movements on the Continent had laid prostrate almost all its Governments, and England alone displayed that order, vigour, and prosperity which it owes to a stable, free, and good Government, the Queen, instead of earning the natural good results of such a glorious position, viz. consideration, goodwill, confidence, and influence abroad, obtained the very reverse, and had the grief to see her Government and herself treated on many occasions with neglect, aversion, distrust, and even contumely.
Frequently, when our Foreign Policy was called in question, it has been said by Lord John and his colleagues that the principles on which it was conducted were the right ones, and having been approved of by them, received their support, and that it was only thepersonal mannerof Lord Palmerston in conducting the affairs which could be blamed in tracing the causes which led to the disastrous results the Queen complains of.
The Queen is certainly not disposed to defend the personal manner in which Lord Palmerston has conducted Foreign Affairs, but she cannot admit that the errors he committed weremerelyfaults in form and method, that they were no more than acts of "inconsideration, indiscretion, or bad taste." The Queen considers that she has also to complain of what appeared to her deviations from the principles laid down by the Cabinet for his conduct, nay, she sees distinctly in their practical application apersonal and arbitrary perversionof the very nature and essence of those principles. She has only to refer here to Italy, Spain, Greece, Holstein, France, etc., etc., which afford ample illustrations of this charge.
It was one thing for Lord Palmerston to have attempted such substantial deviations; it will be another for the Cabinet to consider whether they had not the power to check him in these attempts.
The Queen, however, considering times to have now changed, thinks that there is no reason why we should any longer confine ourselves to the mere assertion of abstract principles, such as "non-intervention in the internal affairs of other countries," "moral support to liberal institutions," "protection to British subjects," etc., etc. The moving powers which were put in operation by the French Revolution of 1848, and the events consequent on it, are no longer so obscure; they have assumed distinct and tangible forms in almost all the countries affected by them (in France, in Italy, Germany, etc.), and upon the state of things now existing, and the experience gained, the Queen would hope that our Foreign Policy may bemore specifically defined, and that it may be considered how the general principles are to be practically adapted to our peculiar relations with each Continental State.
The Queen wishes therefore that a regular programme embracing these different relations should be submitted to her, and would suggest whether it would not be the best mode if Lord John were to ask Lord Granville to prepare such a paper and to lay it before her after having revised it.
This would then serve as a safe guide for Lord Granville, and enable the Queen as well as the Cabinet to see that the Policy, as in future to be conducted, will be in conformity with the principles laid down and approved.
Pembroke Lodge,29th December 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has received your Majesty's communication of yesterday, and will transmit it to Lord Granville.
It is to be observed, however, that the traditionary policy of this country is not to bind the Crown and country by engagements, unless upon special cause shown, arising out of the circumstances of the day.
For instance, the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance between England, France, Spain, and Portugal was contrary to the general principle of non-intervention; so was the interference in Portugal in 1847, but were both justified by circumstances.
Thus it is very difficult to lay down any principles from which deviations may not frequently be made.
The grand rule of doing to others as we wish that they should do unto us is more applicable than any system of political science. The honour of England does not consist in defending every English officer or English subject, right or wrong, but in taking care that she does not infringe the rules of justice, and that they are not infringed against her.42
Footnote 42: A summary of Lord Granville's Memorandum in reply (which was couched in very general terms) will be found in Lord Fitzmaurice'sLife of Earl Granville, vol. ii. p. 49.
AFFAIRS IN FRANCE
Windsor Castle,30th December 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Most warmly do I thank you for your kind and affectionate and interesting letter of the 26th, which I received on Sunday. All that you say about Lord Palmerston is but too true.... Hebrouillédus and the country with every one; and his very first act precipitated the unfortunate Spanish marriages which wasle commencement de la fin. It is too grievous to think how much misery and mischief might have been avoided. However, now he has done with the Foreign Office for ever, and "the veteran statesman," as the newspapers, to our great amusement and I am sure tohisinfinite annoyance, call him, must rest upon his laurels.... I fear much lest they should be imprudent at Claremont; the poor Queen hinted to Mamma that she hoped you would not become a friend to the President; no doubt you can have no sympathies for him, butjust becauseyou are related to the poor Orleanses, you feel that you must be doubly cautious to do nothing which could provoke the enmity of Louis Napoleon. I fear that poor Joinvillehadsomemadidea of going to France, which, fortunately, his illness prevented. It would have been the height of folly. Their only safe policy is to remain entirely passiveet de se faire oublier, which was Nemours' expression to me two years ago; nothing could be wiser or more prudent than he was then—but I don'tthink they were wise since.La Candidatureof Joinville was in every way unwise, and led Louis Napoleon to take so desperate a course. Nemours told me alsolastyear that they were not at all against afusion, but that they could notdisposer de la France, unless called upon to do so by the nation. I wish you would caution them to be very circumspect and silent—for all the mistakes made by others is intheirfavour; in fact, no good for them could come till Paris is old enough to be his own master—unless indeed they all returned under Henri V., but a Regency for Paris would be an impossibility....
We spent a very happy Christmas, and now wish you a very happy New Year—for many succeeding years. Also to the children, who I hope were pleased with the prints, etc.
We have got young Prince Nicholas of Nassau here, a pretty, clever boy of nineteen, with a good deal of knowledge, and a great wish to learn and hear, which is a rare thing for the young Princes, of our day in particular. I must stop now, as I fear I have already let my pen run on for too long, and must beg to be excused for this voluminous letter.
With Albert's love ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE
Windsor Castle,30th December 1851.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters of yesterday. She quite agrees with him and his colleagues in thinking it of importance to strengthen the Government, and she is pleased with his proposal to communicate with the Duke of Newcastle as to what assistance he and his friends can give to the Government.
The Queen expects better results from such a negotiation, with an ostensible head of a Party, than from attempts to detach single individuals from it, which from a sense of honour they always felt scruples in agreeing to.
THETE DEUMIN PARIS
Windsor Castle,31st December 1851.
The Queen sees in the papers that there is to be aTe Deumat Paris on the 2nd for the success of thecoup d'état, and that the Corps Diplomatique is to be present. She hopes that Lord Normanby will be told not to attend. Besides the improprietyof his taking part in such a ceremony, his doing so would entirely destroy the position of Lord John Russell opposite Lord Palmerston, who might with justice say that he merely expressed his personal approval of thecoup d'étatbefore, but since, the Queen's Ambassador had been ordered publicly to thank God for its success.
Early in 1852, the Whig Government, impaired in public credit by the removal of Lord Palmerston, attempted once more a coalition with the Peelites, office being offered to Sir James Graham; the overtures failed, and soon, after the meeting of Parliament, the ex-Foreign Secretary, whose version of the cause of his dismissal failed to satisfy the House of Commons, succeeded in defeating the Government on their Militia Bill, affairs in France having caused anxiety as to the national defences. The Government Bill was for the creation of a local Militia, Lord Palmerston preferring the consolidation of the regular Militia. A Ministry was formed by Lord Derby (formerly Lord Stanley) from the Protectionist Party, but no definite statement could be elicited as to their intention, or the reverse, to re-impose a duty on foreign corn. Mr Disraeli, who became Chancellor of the Exchequer, and was the mainspring of the Government policy, showed great dexterity in his management of the House of Commons without a majority, and carried a Militia Bill in the teeth of Lord John Russell; but a plan of partial redistribution failed. The elections held in the summer did not materially improve the Ministerial position, and, on the meeting of Parliament in the autumn, the Fiscal Question had to be squarely faced. After much wrangling, Protection was finally abandoned, and the Government saved for the moment, but on their House-tax proposals they were defeated, after an impassioned debate, by a coalition of Whigs, Peelites, and Radicals, from whom Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen (and finally the latter alone) were called upon to construct a strong representative Government. The Duke of Wellington had died in September, and his funeral was the signal for an outburst of national feeling. During the year the Houses of Parliament designed by Sir Charles Barry, though not absolutely completed, were formally opened by the Queen; the new House of Lords had already been in use.
In France, the first result of thecoup d'étatwas Louis Bonaparte's election as President for ten years by an immense majority; late in the year he assumed the Imperial title as Napoleon III., and the Empire was formally recognised by the majority of the Powers; the Emperor designed to add to his prestige by contracting a matrimonial alliance with Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe. In the East of Europe a dispute had commenced between France and Russiaabout the Holy Places in Palestine. Simultaneously with the death of the Duke of Wellington, the era of European peace was destined to come to an end, and Nicholas, encouraged by the advent to power of Aberdeen (whom he had met in 1844, and with whom he had frankly discussed European politics), was hoping for the consummation of his scheme for the partition of Turkey.
To Great Britain the year was a memorable one, in consequence of the granting of a Constitution to New Zealand.
ENGLAND AND DENMARK
Windsor Castle,4th January 1852.
Sir, my Brother,—I received the letter which your Majesty addressed to me on the 24th of August last, and in which, after referring to the necessity for establishing some definite arrangement with regard to the eventual succession to the Crown of Denmark, your Majesty is pleased to acquaint me that, in your opinion, such an arrangement might advantageously be made in favour of your Majesty's cousin, His Highness the Prince Christian of Glücksburg,1and the issue of his marriage with the Princess Louisa of Hesse, in favour of whom the nearer claimants have renounced their rights and titles.
I trust I need not assure your Majesty of the sincere friendship which I entertain for you, and of the deep interest which I feel in the welfare of the Danish Monarchy. It was in accordance with those sentiments that I accepted the office of mediator between your Majesty and the States of the German Confederation, and it afforded me the sincerest pleasure to have been thus instrumental in re-establishing the relations of peace between your Majesty and those States.
With regard to the question of the eventual succession to both the Danish and Ducal Crowns, I have to state to your Majesty that although I declined to take any part in the settlement of that combination, it will be a source of great satisfaction to me to learn that an arrangement has been definitely determined upon equally satisfactory to your Majesty and to the Germanic Confederation; and whenever it shall have beennotified to me that such an arrangement has been arrived at, I shall then be ready, in accordance with what was stated in the Protocol of the 2nd of August 1850, to consider, in concert with my Allies, the expediency of giving the sanction of an European acknowledgment to the arrangement which may thus have been made.
I avail myself with great pleasure of this opportunity to renew to your Majesty the expression of the invariable attachment and high esteem with which I am, Sir, my Brother, your Majesty's good Sister,
Victoria R.
Footnote 1: Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg was named successor to Frederick VII., King of Denmark by a Treaty signed in London on the 8th of May 1852; and by the Danish law of succession (of the 31st of July 1853), he ascended the throne under the style of Christian IX., on the 15th of November, 1863. He was the father of His Majesty Frederick VIII., the present King of Denmark, and of Her Majesty Queen Alexandra of England; King Christian died in 1906, Queen Louise having predeceased him in 1898.
Windsor Castle,15th January 1852.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter last night, and wishes now shortly to repeat what she desired through the Prince, Sir Charles Wood to explain to Lord John.2
The Queen hopes that the Cabinet will fully consider what their object is before the proposed negotiation with Sir James Graham be opened.
Is it to strengthen theircasein Parliament by proving that no means have been left untried to strengthen the Government? or really to effect a junction with the Peelites?
If the first is aimed at, the Cabinet will hardly reap any of the desired advantages from the negotiation, for, shrewd as Sir James Graham is, he will immediately see that the negotiation has been begun without a desire that it should succeed, and this will soon become generally known.
If the latter, the Queen must observe that there are two kinds of junctions—one,a fusionof Parties; the other,the absorptionof one Party by the other. For afusion, the Queen thinks the Peelites to be quite ready; then, however, they must be treated as a political Party, and noexclusionshould be pronounced against particular members of it, nor should it be insisted upon that the new Government and Party is still emphatically theWhigparty.
Anabsorptionof the most liberal talents amongst the Peelites into the Whig Government, the Queen considers unlikely to succeed, and she can fully understand that reasons of honour and public and private engagement must make it difficult to members of a political Party to go over to another in order to receive office.
Having stated thus much, the Queen gives Lord John full permission to negotiate with Sir James Graham.
Footnote 2: Lord John Russell having vainly attempted to secure the co-operation of the Duke of Newcastle, announced the wish of the Cabinet to make overtures to Sir J. Graham.
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Windsor Castle,20th January 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your kind letter of the 16th I received on the 17th, with the newspaper, for which I return my best thanks. The papers which Stockmar communicated to us are most interesting, and do the writer the greatest credit. Watchful we certainly shall and must be. We shall try and keep on the best of terms with the President, who is extremely sensitive and susceptible, but for whom, I must say, I have never had anypersonalhostility; on the contrary, I thought that during 1849 and 1850 we owed him all a good deal, as he certainly raised the French Governmentde la boue. But I grieve over the tyranny and oppression practised since thecoup d'état, and it makes everything very uncertain, for though I believe it in every way his wish and his policy not to go to war, still,il peut y être entraîné.
Your position is a peculiarly delicate one, but still, as I again repeat, I think there is no reason to be alarmed; particularly, I wouldnevershow it.
The poor Nemours were here from Saturday till yesterday evening with their dear nice boys, and I think it always does them good. They feel again as if they were in their own position, and they are diverted from the melancholy reality and the great sameness of their existence at Claremont. I found him very quiet and reallynotbitter, and disposed to be very prudent,—but seriously alarmed at the possibility of losing their property, which would betoodreadful and monstrous. I fear that the candidature and poor Hélène's imprudence in talking are the cause of this cruel persecution. The poor Orleans have really (and you should write them that) notruerand more faithful friends than we are—and it is for this reason that I urge and entreat them to be entirely passive; fortheir daywill come, I feel convinced!
Now good-bye, my dearest, kindest Uncle. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Windsor Castle,27th January 1852.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday with the draft of Bills, and likewise that of to-dayenclosing a Memorandum on the probable effects of the proposed Measure.3She has perused these papers with great attention, but feels that any opinion upon the future results of the Measure must rest on surmises; she has that confidence, however, in Lord John's experience and judgment in these matters, and so strong a conviction that he will have spared no pains in forming as correct an opinion as may be formed on so problematical a matter, that she is prepared to come to the decision of approving the Measure on the strength of Lord John's opinion. She only hopes that the future may bear it out, and that the character of the House of Commons may not be impaired. Should this prove the case, the extension of the privilege of voting for Members will strengthen our Institutions. The Queen is glad that the clause abolishing the necessity for every Member of the Government to vacate his seat upon his appointment4should have been maintained. She hopes that the schedules showing which towns are to be added to existing boroughs will be drawn up with the greatest care and impartiality, and will soon be submitted to her. The Queen would be glad if the plan once proposed of giving to the Queen's University in Ireland the vacant seat for Sudbury were still carried out, as she feels sure that not only would it be a great thing for the University and the Colleges, but a most useful and influential Irish Member would be gained for the House.
The Queen takes it for granted that the Bill as approved by her will be stood by in Parliament, and that Lord John will not allow himself to be drawn on to further concessions to Democracy in the course of the debate, and that the introduction of the ballot will be vigorously opposed by the Government.
Footnote 3: The Ministerial Reform Bill.
Footnote 4: The Act of Settlement excluded (as from the accession of the House of Hanover) the Ministers of State from the House of Commons; but the 6 Anne, c. 7, modified this, and made them re-eligible on appointment.
DRAFT OF THE SPEECH
Windsor Castle,1st February 1852.
The Queen has received the draft of the Speech. The passage referring to the proposed Reform Measure varies so materially from the one which was first submitted to her that she feels that she ought not to sanction it without having received some explanation of the grounds which have led the Cabinet to recommend it in its altered shape. The Queenwill not object to the mode of filling the Offices still vacant which Lord John Russell proposes.
WOMEN AND POLITICS
Buckingham Palace,3rd February 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—My warmest thanks for your kind little letter of the 30th. Matters are very critical and all Van de Weyer has told usn'est pas rassurant. With such an extraordinary man as Louis Napoleon, one can never be for one instant safe. It makes me very melancholy; I love peace and quiet—in fact, Ihatepolitics and turmoil, and I grieve to think that a spark may plunge us into the midst of war. Still I thinkthatmay be avoided. Any attempt on Belgium would becasus belli for us;thatyou may rely upon. Invasion I am not afraid of, but the spirit of the people here is very great—they are full of defending themselves—and the spirit of the olden times is in no way quenched.
In two hours' time Parliament will be opened, and to-night the explanations between Lord John and Lord Palmerston will take place. I amverycurioushowthey will go off. The curiosity and anxiety to hear it is very great.
I never saw Stockmar better, or more active and more sagacious, or more kind. To me he is really like a father—only too partial, I always think.
Albert grows daily fonder and fonder of politics and business, and is so wonderfullyfitfor both—such perspicacity and suchcourage—and I grow daily to dislike them both more and more. We women are notmadefor governing—and if we are good women, we mustdislikethese masculine occupations; but there are times which force one to takeinterestin themmal gré bon gré, andIdo, of course,intensely.
I must now conclude, to dress for the opening of Parliament.... Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Chesham Place,4th February 1852.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that the Address was agreed to last night without a division.
The explanations between Lord Palmerston and himself were made. Lord Palmerston made no case, and was not supported by any considerable party in the House. Hisapprobation of the President's conduct seemed to confound the Liberal Party, and he did not attempt to excuse his delay in answering Lord John Russell's letter of the 14th.5
The rest of the debate was desultory and heavy. Mr Disraeli made a long speech for the sake of making a speech. Mr Roebuck was bitter without much effect.
Generally speaking, the appearance of the House was favourable. Sir James Graham says the next fortnight will clear up matters very much.
The tone of the House was decidedly pacific.
Footnote 5: Seeante,p. 341.
THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT
Windsor Castle,4th February 1852.
We have learned with much satisfaction that everything went off so well in the House of Commons last night. Lord John Russell's speech is a most useful one, and he has given a most lucid definition of the constitutional position of the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary opposite to the Crown. Lord Palmerston's speech is a very weak one, and he in no way makes out a case for himself. This seems to [be] the general impression.
The Houses of Lords and Commons being now almost completed, and the Queen having entered the House of Lords by the Grand Entrance (which is magnificent), the Queen thinks this will be the right moment for bestowing on Mr Barry the knighthood, as a mark of the Queen's approbation of his great work.
PALMERSTON'S DISCOMFITURE
St George's Hotel,5th February 1852.
My dear Charles,—Yesterday morning I got a note from John Russell, saying that all had gone off so well the night before, and Palmerston had been so flat that he thought it better I should not revive the subject in the other House, as he had said nothing about me which in the least required that I should do so. I yielded, of course, to such an appeal, though there are several points in his speech on which I could have exposed inaccuracies. The fact is, John has never shown any consideration for me in the whole of these affairs; but I do not mean in any way to complain, and am very grateful tohim for the very successful way in which he executed his task on Tuesday. Nothing can be more universal than the feeling of the utter discomfiture of Palmerston.7I am convinced that what floored him at starting was that letter of the Queen's,8because every one felt that such a letter would never have been written unless every point in it could have been proved like a bill of indictment; and then came the question, how could any man, even feeling he deserved it, go on under such a marked want of confidence?...9
Aberdeen, whom I saw at Granville's last night, told me that Cardwell had said to him, that often as he had felt indignant at the arrogance of "that man," he really pitied him, so complete was his overthrow. Disraeli said that he had watched him during Johnny's speech, and doubted whether the hanging of the head, etc., was merely acting; but before he had spoken two sentences he saw he was a beaten fox. Many said that the extreme flippancy and insolence of his manner was more remarkable than ever, from their being evidently assumed with difficulty. I have always thought Palmerston very much overrated as a speaker; his great power arose from his not only knowing his subject better than any one else, but being the only man who knew anything about it, and using that exclusive knowledge unscrupulously for the purposes of misrepresentation.
Thiers was at Lady Granville's last night, and was enchanted with the spectacle of the Opening. He said that he had been endeavouring for thirty years to support the cause of Constitutional Monarchy, as the best Government in the world, and there he saw it in perfection, not only in its intrinsic attributes, but in the universal respect and adhesion with which it was received. He said, though he did not understand a word of English, he could have cried at the Queen's voice in reading the Speech. He is very "impressionable," and I am convinced at the time he was quite sincere in his appreciation.
I am vexed at not having been able to say anything publicly about all this, as I believe I could have dispelled many misrepresentations;but it cannot be helped. I have endeavoured throughout not to be selfish, and I may as well keep up that feeling to the last. Ever, etc.
Normanby.
I told John Russell last night I regretted that he had vouched for the intentions of Louis Napoleon. He said he had not done that, but owned that he had said more than he ought. "The fact is, I did not know what to say next. I stopped as one sometimes does, so I said that; I had better have said something else!" Candid and characteristic!
Footnote 6:Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.
Footnote 7:It appears from a Memorandum made about this time by Prince Albert that when Lord Palmerston's retirement became known, the Radical constituency of Marylebone wished to present him with an Address of sympathy, and to invite him to stand at the next Election, promising him to bring him in. Sir Benjamin Hall (one of the Members) told them that they had better wait till the explanation in Parliament had taken place, for at present they knew nothing about the merits of the case. This the Committee which had been organised consented to do. After the Debate on the 4th of February, Sir Benjamin called upon the Chairman of the Committee to ask him whether they would still carry out their intention. "No," said the Chairman; "we have considered the matter: a man who does not answer the Queen's letters can receive no Address from us."
Footnote 8:Seeante,p. 264.
Footnote 9:Cf.Greville's account in his Journal, 5th February 1852.Seealsop. 368.
Windsor Castle,10th February 1852.
The Queen returns the enclosed papers. She will not object to the proposed step10should Lord Granville and Lord John Russell have reason to expect that the Pope will receive Sir H. Bulwer; should he refuse, it will be doubly awkward. The Queen finds it difficult to give a decided opinion on the subject, as, first, she does not know how far the reception of Sir Henry at Rome will overcome the objections raised to his reception as Resident at Florence. Secondly, as she has never been able to understand what is to be obtained by a mission to Rome, a step liable to much misrepresentation here....
Footnote 10: The Tuscan Government declined to receive Sir H. Bulwer, and it was then proposed to send him to Rome instead.
THE PRINCE AND THE ARMY
Chesham Place,16th February 1852.
Sir,—I have seen the Duke of Wellington this morning, and have given him the Depôt plan.
It may be useful if your Royal Highness will see him from time to time in relation to the Army. On the one hand, your Royal Highness's authority may overcome the indisposition to change which he naturally entertains; and on the other, his vast experience may be of great use to your Royal Highness in regard to the future. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,
John Russell.
THE SLAVE TRADE
Admiralty,15th February 1852.
Sir Francis Baring presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state to your Majesty that despatches have thisevening arrived from Commander Bruce in command of the African Squadron. Commander Bruce gives an account of an attack on Lagos11which was completely successful. The town of Lagos was captured and in great part burnt. The resistance appears to have been obstinate and directed with much skill. Your Majesty's naval Service behaved with their accustomed gallantry and coolness, but the loss amounted to fourteen killed and sixty-four wounded. Sir Francis Baring will forward to your Majesty copies of the despatches to-morrow, with his humble duty.
F. Baring.
Footnote 11: Notorious as a centre of the Slave Trade. The native king was deposed.
Buckingham Palace,16th February 1852.
The Queen has received both Sir Francis Baring's letters of the 15th. The news of the capture and destruction of the town of Lagos has given us thegreatestsatisfaction, as it will give a most serious blow to the iniquitous traffic in slaves. The Rev. Mr Crowther, whom the Queen saw about two months ago (and whom she believes Sir Francis Baring has also seen), told us that the slave trade on that part of the African coast would be at an end if Lagos, the stronghold of its greatest supporters, was destroyed. The Queen must express to Sir Francis Baring her sense of the services rendered by Commodore Bruce and the Officers under him.
Buckingham Palace,17th February 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter of the 13th reached me on Saturday here, where we are since Friday afternoon. I am glad that you are satisfied with Lord Granville's answer. The question shall certainly be borne in mind, and you may rely on our doing whatever can be effected to bring about the desired end. I think Louis Napoleon will find his decrees very difficult to carry out. I am very glad to hear that you quietly are preparing to strengthen yourself against the possibility of any attack from France. This will, I think, put Louis Napoleon on his good behaviour....
The extension of the Suffrage12was almost unavoidable, and it was better to do it quietly, and not to wait till there was a cry for it—to which one would have to yield. The dealthere is to do, and the importance of everything going on at home and abroad, is unexampled inmyrecollection andverytrying; Albert becomes really aterribleman of business; I think it takes a little off from the gentleness of his character, and makes him so preoccupied. I grieve over all this, as Icannotenjoy these things,muchas I interest myself ingeneralEuropean politics; but I am every day more convinced thatwe women,ifweareto begoodwomen,feminineandamiableanddomestic, arenot fitted to reign; at least it iscontre gréthat they drive themselves to theworkwhich it entails.
However, this cannot now be helped, and it is the duty of every one to fulfil all that they are called upon to do, in whatever situation they may be!
Mme. van de Weyer thinks your children so grown and improved, and Charlotte as lovely as ever. With Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 12: Seeante, pp.294,324.