“My Lords continue to be of opinion thattheir terms are not only fair but liberal. Considering, moreover, that this matter has gone on for nearly twentyyears without any distinct understanding being arrived at, my Lords are of opinion that it is inconsistent with the public interests that it should be any longer delayed, and that they therefore, as far as they are concerned, must record these terms as their final decision on the points at issue. They are pleased, therefore, to direct thatno further payment be made on account, until a final settlement of the past and an agreement for the future be concluded.”
“My Lords continue to be of opinion thattheir terms are not only fair but liberal. Considering, moreover, that this matter has gone on for nearly twentyyears without any distinct understanding being arrived at, my Lords are of opinion that it is inconsistent with the public interests that it should be any longer delayed, and that they therefore, as far as they are concerned, must record these terms as their final decision on the points at issue. They are pleased, therefore, to direct thatno further payment be made on account, until a final settlement of the past and an agreement for the future be concluded.”
This peremptory minute was framed without any further communication with Sir. C. Barry, and presented to Parliament without any of the correspondence on the subject. It was also published in the ‘Times’ of the next day without his receiving any notice of the publication. Accordingly he felt compelled to send to the ‘Times’ next day a brief statement of facts, remarking on each of its clauses in succession.
A last application was made by Sir C. Barry, in an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr. Wilson, in which he advanced a plea that the original 25,000l.fixed by Lord Bessborough represented a percentage, not of three, but of four per cent. The plea was evidently an unfortunate one, entering as it did on statements, which, from the nature of the case, it was almost impossible to substantiate with any certainty, and, moreover, taking the case off the broad grounds on which it stood, to return to an agreement long since dropped on both sides. The Treasury were not slow to avail themselves of the advantage thus given them. In a minute of July 4th, 1856, they again traverse the whole ground, return tothe original bargain, and conclude that Sir C. Barry has failed to establish his position; they refer to the correspondence in 1839, and his acceptance under protest of the sum offered, expressing a doubt (which, except in official circles, has not been generally felt) “whether they have not taken too liberal a view of the question;” and state that, as the allowance of one per cent. for measurement, &c., applied to some works for which the services of a surveyor were not ordinarily required, it was more than Sir C. Barry’s due, and should be considered as giving a full equivalent for any extra services.
It was clear, both from the tenor of this decision and the spirit which it manifested, that Sir Charles Barry could hope for nothing more from any friendly negotiation with the Government. Two courses were open to him. He could have brought the question to a legal issue, standing upon the vitiation of the original agreement, and the invariable practice of the profession. Had he been dealing with a private person, he would undoubtedly have done so; and, in looking back on the question, his friends are sometimes tempted to regret that he did not do so, even against Her Majesty’s Government. But there was serious difficulty in attempting such a course; and he himself was much shaken in health, and had lost much of the sanguine confidence of earlier days. He could not hope for much of that support of his claims in Parliament, which is almost the only influence capable of materially affecting a Government, nor could he rely on the aid of public opinion. The only other course was to submit, under protest, to terms which he feltunable any longer to resist. He addressed accordingly the following letter to the Treasury:—
“Old Palace Yard, 15th July, 1856.“Sir,—I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 10th instant, transmitting to me, with reference to my letter to Mr. Wilson of the 23rd ultimo, a copy of a further Minute of the Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Treasury, dated the 4th instant, relative to my remuneration as the architect of the New Palace at Westminster.“It is with the deepest regret and disappointment that I find that their Lordships have put aside my proposal to refer all matters in dispute between us to arbitration. Their Lordships must be perfectly aware that no individual in my position could with the least chance of success contend with the Government, and therefore that the power of decision virtually rests with themselves. But this very circumstance I had hoped would ensure their determination to refer the case to some authority, the impartiality of whose decision could not be impugned.“However, as their Lordships have thought fit to determine otherwise, and as it is evident, from the tenor of their Minute of the 4th instant, that no further arguments in support of my claim could alter their determination, I have no course left but to yield to necessity, and accept the terms dictated to me; in effect, to submit to a sacrifice of what I fully believe to be fair and legitimate claims, amounting, exclusive of a large sum for interest on payments delayed, to 20,000l.at least.“But, while thus compelled to yield to the decision of their Lordships, I feel it due to myself and to my profession to state that I do not admit the fairness of the arguments, or the accuracy of the statements, upon which it is manifest this decision has been founded; and further, that, after a reconsideration of the whole case, and especially of all the reasonswhich have been urged on the part of the Government, I remain firmly convinced that the arrangement forced upon me in 1839 has been entirely set aside by the non-fulfilment of any one of its conditions; and my claim ought in justice, to say nothing of liberality, to have been allowed in full.“With respect to the completion of the works in hand, I beg to add, that as every other architect employed on public building has been, and is still being paid his full commission, nothing would induce me to continue my services upon the reduced rate of commission proposed but the strong and natural desire I have to complete a work, which, by the devotion of so many years of labour and anxiety, I have endeavoured to render not unworthy of the country.“I am, &c.,(Signed) “Charles Barry.“Sir C. E. Trevelyan.”
“Old Palace Yard, 15th July, 1856.
“Sir,—I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 10th instant, transmitting to me, with reference to my letter to Mr. Wilson of the 23rd ultimo, a copy of a further Minute of the Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Treasury, dated the 4th instant, relative to my remuneration as the architect of the New Palace at Westminster.
“It is with the deepest regret and disappointment that I find that their Lordships have put aside my proposal to refer all matters in dispute between us to arbitration. Their Lordships must be perfectly aware that no individual in my position could with the least chance of success contend with the Government, and therefore that the power of decision virtually rests with themselves. But this very circumstance I had hoped would ensure their determination to refer the case to some authority, the impartiality of whose decision could not be impugned.
“However, as their Lordships have thought fit to determine otherwise, and as it is evident, from the tenor of their Minute of the 4th instant, that no further arguments in support of my claim could alter their determination, I have no course left but to yield to necessity, and accept the terms dictated to me; in effect, to submit to a sacrifice of what I fully believe to be fair and legitimate claims, amounting, exclusive of a large sum for interest on payments delayed, to 20,000l.at least.
“But, while thus compelled to yield to the decision of their Lordships, I feel it due to myself and to my profession to state that I do not admit the fairness of the arguments, or the accuracy of the statements, upon which it is manifest this decision has been founded; and further, that, after a reconsideration of the whole case, and especially of all the reasonswhich have been urged on the part of the Government, I remain firmly convinced that the arrangement forced upon me in 1839 has been entirely set aside by the non-fulfilment of any one of its conditions; and my claim ought in justice, to say nothing of liberality, to have been allowed in full.
“With respect to the completion of the works in hand, I beg to add, that as every other architect employed on public building has been, and is still being paid his full commission, nothing would induce me to continue my services upon the reduced rate of commission proposed but the strong and natural desire I have to complete a work, which, by the devotion of so many years of labour and anxiety, I have endeavoured to render not unworthy of the country.
“I am, &c.,(Signed) “Charles Barry.
“Sir C. E. Trevelyan.”
It will be easily understood that so important a professional controversy could not go on without attracting the attention and enlisting the sympathies of the architectural profession. Accordingly, when the publication of the last Treasury minute showed the determination of the Government to set aside both the claims of professional practice and the offer of independent arbitration, the Architectural Institute felt that they could no longer keep silence.
The Council accordingly addressed Mr. Wilson as follows:—
“Royal Institute of British Architects,16, Grosvenor-street, 9th July, 1856.“Sir,—The attention of the Council of this Institute has been given for some time past to the correspondence between Her Majesty’s Government and Sir Charles Barry, respecting his professional remuneration as the architect of the NewPalace at Westminster, from its commencement to the present time, with especial reference to the principle involved therein.“After careful consideration, the Council deem it incumbent on them to forward to you, in your official capacity, the following resolution, unanimously passed at their meeting on the 5th instant, as a protest against the course proposed to be adopted by Her Majesty’s Government on this occasion:—“‘That five per cent. upon outlay has been, and is, the only rate of charge recognised by the profession, as fairly remunerative in the average practice of architects.“‘That it is to be deeply regretted that it should be proposed to depart from the above rate in the instance of the New Palace at Westminster, a building involving in its design and execution the exercise of the highest professional attainments.“‘That the example which would be set by Her Majesty’s Government, should the course proposed be carried into execution (a legal appeal against their decision being practically impossible), is to be regarded as disastrous to the future prospects of architecture as a liberal profession in this country, as calculated to lower the character of public monuments in England, and unworthy the Government of a great nation, whose obvious duty it is adequately to foster and protect the genius of its artists.’“We are, &c.,(Signed) “Charles C. Nelson,}Hon. Secs.“M. Digby Wyatt. }Hon. Secs.”
“Royal Institute of British Architects,16, Grosvenor-street, 9th July, 1856.
“Sir,—The attention of the Council of this Institute has been given for some time past to the correspondence between Her Majesty’s Government and Sir Charles Barry, respecting his professional remuneration as the architect of the NewPalace at Westminster, from its commencement to the present time, with especial reference to the principle involved therein.
“After careful consideration, the Council deem it incumbent on them to forward to you, in your official capacity, the following resolution, unanimously passed at their meeting on the 5th instant, as a protest against the course proposed to be adopted by Her Majesty’s Government on this occasion:—
“‘That five per cent. upon outlay has been, and is, the only rate of charge recognised by the profession, as fairly remunerative in the average practice of architects.
“‘That it is to be deeply regretted that it should be proposed to depart from the above rate in the instance of the New Palace at Westminster, a building involving in its design and execution the exercise of the highest professional attainments.
“‘That the example which would be set by Her Majesty’s Government, should the course proposed be carried into execution (a legal appeal against their decision being practically impossible), is to be regarded as disastrous to the future prospects of architecture as a liberal profession in this country, as calculated to lower the character of public monuments in England, and unworthy the Government of a great nation, whose obvious duty it is adequately to foster and protect the genius of its artists.’
“We are, &c.,(Signed) “Charles C. Nelson,}Hon. Secs.“M. Digby Wyatt. }Hon. Secs.”
They received the following reply:—
“Treasury Chambers, 15th July, 1856.“Gentlemen,—The Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Treasury have had before them the resolution passed at your meeting on the 5th instant, on the subject of Sir Charles Barry’s professional remuneration as the architect of theNew Palace at Westminster, which was inclosed in your secretaries’ letter of the 9th instant.“Although my Lords cannot recognise your right to call upon Parliament or Her Majesty’s Government to conform to the regulations or opinions of the society in arrangements which may be made with professional gentlemen undertaking public works, their Lordships are anxious that no misunderstanding should exist in the minds of the respectable body which you represent on the subject of the remuneration of Sir Charles Barry as architect of the New Houses of Parliament.“Their Lordships have therefore directed me to transmit to you herewith the enclosed copy of their Minute of the 4th instant, in order that you may be informed of the views by which this Board has been governed in the matter.“You will learn from that Minute that this Board has not in its recent correspondence with Sir Charles Barry proposed any new principle with regard to the professional remuneration of architects employed on public works, but has, on the contrary, endeavoured to carry out in a liberal spirit an arrangement, made in 1838, in consequence of opinions expressed in Parliament, and acquiesced in by Sir Charles Barry in the following year, as shown by the correspondence quoted in the inclosed Minute, which took place in 1838 and 1839, and you will observe that the only objection then raised by Sir Charles Barry regarded the amount of remuneration proposed, and not the principle on which it was based. Their Lordships feel that you might, with greater propriety, call upon a member of your own body for an explanation of the motives by which he was governed, rather than address a remonstrance to Her Majesty’s Government against the deviation, acquiesced in by him in 1839, from the rate of charge recognised by the profession.“I am, &c.,(Signed) “James Wilson.”
“Treasury Chambers, 15th July, 1856.
“Gentlemen,—The Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Treasury have had before them the resolution passed at your meeting on the 5th instant, on the subject of Sir Charles Barry’s professional remuneration as the architect of theNew Palace at Westminster, which was inclosed in your secretaries’ letter of the 9th instant.
“Although my Lords cannot recognise your right to call upon Parliament or Her Majesty’s Government to conform to the regulations or opinions of the society in arrangements which may be made with professional gentlemen undertaking public works, their Lordships are anxious that no misunderstanding should exist in the minds of the respectable body which you represent on the subject of the remuneration of Sir Charles Barry as architect of the New Houses of Parliament.
“Their Lordships have therefore directed me to transmit to you herewith the enclosed copy of their Minute of the 4th instant, in order that you may be informed of the views by which this Board has been governed in the matter.
“You will learn from that Minute that this Board has not in its recent correspondence with Sir Charles Barry proposed any new principle with regard to the professional remuneration of architects employed on public works, but has, on the contrary, endeavoured to carry out in a liberal spirit an arrangement, made in 1838, in consequence of opinions expressed in Parliament, and acquiesced in by Sir Charles Barry in the following year, as shown by the correspondence quoted in the inclosed Minute, which took place in 1838 and 1839, and you will observe that the only objection then raised by Sir Charles Barry regarded the amount of remuneration proposed, and not the principle on which it was based. Their Lordships feel that you might, with greater propriety, call upon a member of your own body for an explanation of the motives by which he was governed, rather than address a remonstrance to Her Majesty’s Government against the deviation, acquiesced in by him in 1839, from the rate of charge recognised by the profession.
“I am, &c.,(Signed) “James Wilson.”
The correspondence ended with their acknowledgement of this reply, accompanied by a statement that “it was only after a careful examination of the whole of the Parliamentary papers connected with the subject, that the Council arrived at their own conclusions thereon, and framed and unanimously adopted the resolution in question.”
It was not indeed likely that the Government would allow this interposition to modify action, which they had formally adopted and publicly announced. But the interposition itself was very gratifying to Sir C. Barry, as an acknowledgment that he was fighting the battle of the profession, and a testimony of the sympathy, which went with him in a difficult and unequal contest.
It would have been well, if his letter of the 15th had been absolutely final. But, as was perhaps inevitable, difficulties of detail arose in carrying out the scheme laid down by the Treasury, and some acrimonious correspondence was the result. Under the irritation caused by these petty disputes, the architect once more embodied his views in a formal protest, which was sent to the Board of Works, and met by a rejoinder from Mr. H. A. Hunt, their surveyor. Neither the protest nor the rejoinder add much new matter to the facts of the case, and they need not be recorded here.
One important matter still remains to be noticed. After Sir C. Barry’s death, his son, Mr. Edward M. Barry, who had long been his assistant in the work, received from the Board of Works an invitation to undertake the task of superintendence of “the works at the New Palace at Westminster, which hadreceived the sanction of this Board, and for which Parliament had made grants of money,” the rates of his remuneration to be “the same as those paid to his late lamented father.” Mr. Barry, of course, rejoiced to have the opportunity of completing his father’s work, and was willing to accept the rate of remuneration, in which Sir Charles had already been forced to acquiesce. At the same time he felt it right to inform the Board of Works that he did so in consequence of this desire to carry out Sir Charles Barry’s designs; “otherwise,” he adds, “I should have felt bound, on public grounds, and in justice both to myself and the architectural profession, to have called the attention of the Chief Commissioner to the fact that the remuneration forced upon my father’s acceptance by the Treasury minute of January 29th, 1856 (against the injustice of which he always protested) is:—
“1. Less than is customary with architects of standing, and adequate in the case of the Palace.“2. Less than has been, and is now, paid to architects employed by the Government on other works.“3. Less than was recently offered by the Government to architects of all nations, in the public competition for the new Government Offices.”
“1. Less than is customary with architects of standing, and adequate in the case of the Palace.
“2. Less than has been, and is now, paid to architects employed by the Government on other works.
“3. Less than was recently offered by the Government to architects of all nations, in the public competition for the new Government Offices.”
In November, 1863, in sending in his professional charges, calculated at the rate of four per cent., Mr. Barry remarked on the extension of the work beyond the amount which was calculated upon in the first instance, and for which money had been voted at the time of Sir C. Barry’s death, and on certain additional duties which had devolved upon him as architect. At the same time, considering the case as one of an exceptional character, on which he had already maintained the abstract principle in his letter of June 8th, 1860, he left the matter entirely in the hands of the First Commissioner. The result was that in March, 1864, the Office of Works informed him that, by order of the Treasury, they were ready to “pay a commission of five instead of four per cent. upon the expenditure for the past and present financial years” (March 31st, 1862-1864). For all subsequent works upon, or connected with, the New Palace of Westminster, Mr. Barry has received, without question, the customary remuneration of five per cent. On the bearing of this proceeding on the question at issue it is hardly needful to remark.
Before collecting in one view the results of the whole controversy, there is one subject closely connected with it, to which it is necessary briefly to advert.
In the course of the controversy constant allusions were made to the great expenditure on the building, and especially to the great excess over the original estimate. In fact, the original agreement imposed by Lord Duncannon had for its object the prevention of such excess, by removing what was, I suppose, held to be a pecuniary temptation to the architect to incur it.
On the whole subject, therefore, of expenditure it is necessary to add a few remarks.
The original estimate for the erection of the building was 707,104l.and it is not unnatural that those, whocontrast this estimate with the amount actually expended, approaching two millions, should look upon the excess as something monstrous. The comparison however of the two sums gives an entirely erroneous view of the case.
The summary on the opposite page, presented to Parliament by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in 1850, of all sums expended, or to be expended, on the New Palace at Westminster is substantially correct, and will throw some light on the subject.
(a.) It will be observed that of the gross sum nearly 500,000l.is apportioned to furniture, fittings, and other decorations (not included in the estimate).The largeness of this amount is due in great degree to the determination, expressed in the Fine Art Commission, and welcomed with acclamation by the public, of making the erection of the building a great opportunity for the encouragement of the fine arts of painting and sculpture. This determination seemed to the architect to necessitate a far greater amount of splendour and perfection in the whole internal fittings; for it was his opinion, strongly urged on the Commission, that the masterpieces of the painter’s and sculptor’s art, if they are to have their full effect, must be in harmony with the decorations surrounding them, and fix (as it were) the standard of their magnificence.It will be, of course, a matter of opinion how far this principle has been successfully carried out in the New Palace at Westminster; but probably few will question its theoretical soundness, or be surprised
(a.) It will be observed that of the gross sum nearly 500,000l.is apportioned to furniture, fittings, and other decorations (not included in the estimate).
The largeness of this amount is due in great degree to the determination, expressed in the Fine Art Commission, and welcomed with acclamation by the public, of making the erection of the building a great opportunity for the encouragement of the fine arts of painting and sculpture. This determination seemed to the architect to necessitate a far greater amount of splendour and perfection in the whole internal fittings; for it was his opinion, strongly urged on the Commission, that the masterpieces of the painter’s and sculptor’s art, if they are to have their full effect, must be in harmony with the decorations surrounding them, and fix (as it were) the standard of their magnificence.
It will be, of course, a matter of opinion how far this principle has been successfully carried out in the New Palace at Westminster; but probably few will question its theoretical soundness, or be surprised
that Sir Charles took advantage of that increase of taste for artistic beauty and magnificence, which had grown up since his designs were originally formed. In any case the expenditure on this head must fairly be regarded, as in very great degree unconnected with the first estimate, and deserving to be judged on its own merits.(b.) It should next be noted that nearly 208,000l.was taken up by the arrangements for warming and ventilation, and for the extra work in fire-proofing which they rendered necessary.The largeness of this amount will surprise no one who remembers that for these arrangements one-third of the cubical contents of the building was demanded; that the Central Tower itself belongs to these extra works; that large portions of the building were carried up for the purpose of providing continuous air and smoke flues, in the cross roofs connecting those in the main building; and that great changes of material were introduced, such as the substitution of iron for slated roofs, and of iron girders and brick arches for ordinary floors.(c.) Besides these two chief causes of increased expenditure, it must be added, that the purchase of extra site and the cost of works (such as the river wall) expressly excepted from the estimate, absorbed nearly 170,000l., and that a sum of 97,000l.was devoted to purposes connected with the building, but not properly forming part of the works.These sums amount in all to 970,000l.The rest of the excess is really and properly connected withthe works, on which the estimate was made. On this it is right to observe—
that Sir Charles took advantage of that increase of taste for artistic beauty and magnificence, which had grown up since his designs were originally formed. In any case the expenditure on this head must fairly be regarded, as in very great degree unconnected with the first estimate, and deserving to be judged on its own merits.
(b.) It should next be noted that nearly 208,000l.was taken up by the arrangements for warming and ventilation, and for the extra work in fire-proofing which they rendered necessary.
The largeness of this amount will surprise no one who remembers that for these arrangements one-third of the cubical contents of the building was demanded; that the Central Tower itself belongs to these extra works; that large portions of the building were carried up for the purpose of providing continuous air and smoke flues, in the cross roofs connecting those in the main building; and that great changes of material were introduced, such as the substitution of iron for slated roofs, and of iron girders and brick arches for ordinary floors.
(c.) Besides these two chief causes of increased expenditure, it must be added, that the purchase of extra site and the cost of works (such as the river wall) expressly excepted from the estimate, absorbed nearly 170,000l., and that a sum of 97,000l.was devoted to purposes connected with the building, but not properly forming part of the works.
These sums amount in all to 970,000l.The rest of the excess is really and properly connected withthe works, on which the estimate was made. On this it is right to observe—
(a.) That the treacherous nature of the soil, discovered after the estimate was made, necessitated a large increase of expense on the foundations (nearly 50,000l.).(b.) That the failure of the Bolsover stone, and the employment of the harder Anston stone, involved a great increase of labour upon it, and therefore of expense.(c.) That the very fact, already noticed, of the piecemeal occupation of the building, necessitating all kinds of temporary arrangements, obstructing progress, and often preventing work from, being done in the easiest and simplest manner, also tended in the same direction.(d.) That large additional requirements were made for the public service in the course of the erection of the building, including the restoration of St. Stephen’s Crypt, the provision of residences for the Clerk of the House of Commons, the Clerk of the Crown, the gentlemen in charge of the ventilation of the building, &c.(e.) That the upward tendency of prices of labour and material, within the time occupied by the erection of the building, naturally told against the public, and very greatly increased the needful expenditure.
(a.) That the treacherous nature of the soil, discovered after the estimate was made, necessitated a large increase of expense on the foundations (nearly 50,000l.).
(b.) That the failure of the Bolsover stone, and the employment of the harder Anston stone, involved a great increase of labour upon it, and therefore of expense.
(c.) That the very fact, already noticed, of the piecemeal occupation of the building, necessitating all kinds of temporary arrangements, obstructing progress, and often preventing work from, being done in the easiest and simplest manner, also tended in the same direction.
(d.) That large additional requirements were made for the public service in the course of the erection of the building, including the restoration of St. Stephen’s Crypt, the provision of residences for the Clerk of the House of Commons, the Clerk of the Crown, the gentlemen in charge of the ventilation of the building, &c.
(e.) That the upward tendency of prices of labour and material, within the time occupied by the erection of the building, naturally told against the public, and very greatly increased the needful expenditure.
All these causes were at work in swelling the excess of expenditure. Some of them were altogetherbeyond the architect’s control; for others he was partially responsible.
It was his earnest desire that the magnificence of the building should be worthy of its grand scale and still grander destination. He thought that, in the pursuit of this object, expense was to a great nation a secondary consideration; for the sum voted year by year for the purpose was after all a sum comparatively insignificant in the aggregate of the public estimates. It is undoubtedly true that his own sanguine temperament led him to undervalue difficulties and expense in carrying out what he thought desirable, and his fastidious taste, showing itself in numerous alterations, tended to increase actual expenditure. But these errors (if errors they were) were but the excrescences of that ardent desire for perfection, which was his real and principal motive. Nor does it seem that the public verdict would greatly condemn his theoretical principles. Those who have attacked the excess of expenditure (when they have not followed mere fashion or acted in pure ignorance) have done so, because they conceived that perfection had not been attained, and that accordingly the expenditure had been so much waste. On the final opinion, which shall be entertained of the building in itself, will depend also the opinion, which will prevail on the secondary question.
Much, however, of the action of the authorities in the matter of the remuneration seemed to proceed on the principle, that, since an architect by increasing expenditure increases his percentage, he should not be allowed to profit by what is at leastprimâ facieamisdoing. On the general bearing of this principle on the remuneration by percentage it is not needful to speak. But those, who knew Sir C. Barry, will be well aware that, in any increase of expenditure, nothing could be further from his thoughts than the idea of his own pecuniary aggrandisement, and nothing was more painful to him than the imputation, expressly or indirectly, of any such unworthy motive.
The fact is, that the present building, and the one for which the estimate was made, although they are one in general principles of plan and design, are yet wholly different both in size and in decoration. To the bearing of this fact on the remuneration controversy, as well as on the question of expenditure, it is needless to do more than refer. The building must be judged in the matter of costliness as it stands; and, when its cubical contents are estimated, and its style considered, it will be found that excessive costliness has been attributed to it without adequate ground.
Such is a brief statement of one of the most interesting and important professional controversies of late years.[88]Without assuming a right to pronounce judgment, certain points may not unfairly be noticed, as summing up the really important features of the case.
I. The attempt to supersede the regular method of professional remuneration by the offer of a fixed sum forthe completion of the workwas practically abandoned by the Government. The question between them and the architect turned on the amount of the percentage (whether it should be four or five per cent.), a question which made a difference to him of some 23,000l., but which did not settle any great principle, or materially affect the public interest, in the general question of the relations of the Government to the architects employed in public works.
II. It cannot be questioned that the Government made use of their power to enforce an acquiescence in their terms, irrespectively of the arguments by which they sustained them. This they did (as will be noticed)—
1. By not unfrequent interpositions of delay.
2. By an attempt (afterwards withdrawn) to construe the acceptance of a payment on account, due on any supposition, to be an acquiescence in the principle of their proposal.
3. By ordering all payments whatever to be withheld until the architect yielded to their terms, and by ignoring all claims for interest, on payments thus deferred and afterwards acknowledged to be due.
4. By refusing all arbitration, either on the general question or on that of the “special services.”
III. It is evident that the real ground of their action, and the reason why that action was allowed to pass almost unquestioned in Parliament,[89]was thegreat increase of expenditure on the building, the delay in its completion, and the unpopularity into which, from these and from other causes, it had been brought. But for these things, the whole responsibility for which they were inclined to throw upon the architect, they would not have ventured, and probably would not have wished, to deal with him on a principle, which, in no other case (not even in the completion of the New Palace itself) did they show any determination to enforce. How far their course can be justified by these grounds of proceeding, it must be left to others to decide.
Such is the general narrative of the erection of the building. It has been given at some length, as forming a curious and not unimportant chapter in the history of modern English architecture. Such critical notice of it, as is necessary here, must be reserved for the next chapter.
I.History of the Growth of the Design.—Influence of external circumstances on the design—Lowness and irregularity of site—Limitation of choice to Elizabethan and Gothic styles—Choice of Perpendicular style—Original conception of the plan—Question of restoration of St. Stephen’s Chapel—Use of Westminster Hall as the grand entrance to the building—Simplicity of plan—Principle of symmetry and regularity dominant—Enlargement of plan after its adoption—Conception of St. Stephen’s porch—The Central Hall—The Royal Entrance and Royal Gallery—The House of Lords, its construction and decoration—The House of Commons, and its alteration—Great difficulty of the acoustic problem—Enlargement of public requirements—Alterations of design in the River Front—The Land Fronts—The Victoria Tower—The Clock Tower—General inclination to increase the upward tendency of the design, and the amount of decoration. II.Brief description of the actual building.—Its dimensions—Its main lines of approach; the public approach—The royal approach—The private approaches of Peers and Commons—General character of the plan—The external fronts—The towers—Criticisms on the building by independent authorities.
I.History of the Growth of the Design.—Influence of external circumstances on the design—Lowness and irregularity of site—Limitation of choice to Elizabethan and Gothic styles—Choice of Perpendicular style—Original conception of the plan—Question of restoration of St. Stephen’s Chapel—Use of Westminster Hall as the grand entrance to the building—Simplicity of plan—Principle of symmetry and regularity dominant—Enlargement of plan after its adoption—Conception of St. Stephen’s porch—The Central Hall—The Royal Entrance and Royal Gallery—The House of Lords, its construction and decoration—The House of Commons, and its alteration—Great difficulty of the acoustic problem—Enlargement of public requirements—Alterations of design in the River Front—The Land Fronts—The Victoria Tower—The Clock Tower—General inclination to increase the upward tendency of the design, and the amount of decoration. II.Brief description of the actual building.—Its dimensions—Its main lines of approach; the public approach—The royal approach—The private approaches of Peers and Commons—General character of the plan—The external fronts—The towers—Criticisms on the building by independent authorities.
I. In considering the growth of the design of the New Palace at Westminster, it is necessary to remember, that it was not left entirely free, to be determined by the taste of the architect or the requirements of the building, but was influenced by the site, by the existence of Westminster Hall, of the Courts of Law, and of a portion of the old St. Stephen’s Chapel, and by the limitation to either the Elizabethan or Gothic style dictated by the judges.
The disadvantages of the site were so obvious—soobvious, that proposals were made to rebuild the Palace on other sites, among which may be noticed the high ground in the Green Park and Trafalgar Square. But in the end the feeling for the old site prevailed, and architectural effect was not unnaturally sacrificed to historical associations.
The site chosen was low; approached moreover from the higher ground of Trafalgar Square, and (in close juxta-position with the principal front) from Westminster Bridge, the parapet of which was then so high as actually to conceal a large portion of the front on the first view from the Surrey side of the river, and to give it the effect of being completely sunk. In some degree this defect might be, and has been, remedied, by the erection of a bridge (as at present) at a much lower level of roadway, and with low parapets; and this was a plan which Mr. Barry always strongly urged. But the only effectual remedy would have been to raise the building on a great terrace (as is done at Somerset House), so as to bring it on a level with the parapet of the bridge. It would have been a costly scheme; but high cost would hardly have deterred him from recommending it. The fatal objection was, that it would have left Westminster Hall and the Abbey, so to speak, in a hole; and this could not have been tolerated. The lowness therefore of the site might be mitigated, but could not be remedied.
Moreover, the site was irregular, almost wedge-shaped in form; and on the land-side Westminster Hall and the Law Courts (the former not parallel to the river front), made a continuous elevation impossible. These points presented great difficulty in plan, especially to one, who held to regularity and symmetry as main principles of design. The Law Courts might be and (he thought) ought to be removed; the other difficulties still remained inevitable.
Between the prescribed styles of Elizabethan and Gothic there was no long hesitation. The former appeared a bastard style, unfit for a building of such magnitude. Gothic was at once chosen. Of all its styles Mr. Barry admired most the Early English; but he then thought it hardly fit for other than ecclesiastical purposes. Finally he chose Perpendicular, thinking that it would lend itself most easily to the requirements of the building, and to the principle of regularity, which he intended to introduce in his design. But, if he could have had a site to his mind, and had been left free to choose his style, there is little doubt that he would have preferred Italian. The example most frequent in his thoughts was Inigo Jones’ grand design for the Palace at Whitehall; his own general ideas were manifested in the great design for the New Public Offices, which was the last important work of his life. He actually prepared some sketches and studies for an Italian design, in defiance of the instructions to the competitors.
But he felt that, under all circumstances, Gothic was the style best fitted for the New Palace, and, if Westminster Hall was to be made a feature in the design, the only style possible; and he was consoled for the loss of Italian mainly by the thought of the facility given by Gothic for the erection of towers, the one method by which he thought it possible to
NEW PALACE AT WESTMINSTER. PLAN OF THE PRINCIPAL FLOOR.NEW PALACE AT WESTMINSTER.PLAN OF THE PRINCIPAL FLOOR.
redeem from insignificance a great building, in which convenience forbade great general height, and for which a low and unfavourable site had been provided.
Under the limitations thus imposed from without, his mind began to work on the conception of a design. The original idea of his plan was sketched out on the back of a letter, while he was on a visit to Mr. Godfrey, one of his early friends. Even this contained the germ of all that was to follow. But the first plan, which he drew out with care, exhibited every one of the great features of the executed building; and even at this early stage his views extended beyond this plan with a view to the completion of the design. He proposed to enclose New Palace Yard, erecting at the angle a lofty gate-tower, visible from Bridge Street to the Abbey. Beyond this point was to be a grand quadrangle, in which the Victoria Tower should be the principal feature, and from that Tower a grand approach was to lead straight to Buckingham Palace.
In considering the plan, Mr. Barry at once saw that Westminster Hall must either ruin any design, or form a principal feature in it. St. Stephen’s Chapel was in ruins; it was difficult to restore it with certainty; and if it were restored, it was natural that it should be reclaimed to ecclesiastical purposes.[90]
This he therefore thought it better to avoid; but the crypt remained, to be preserved and rescued from its former use, as the Speaker’s Dining-room, to a more worthy purpose.[91]He therefore resolved at once to make Westminster Hall his great public approach, and to carry the public through it, and through a hall occupying the site of St. Stephen’s Chapel, right into the centre of the site provided. There were difficulties in the way; the position of the hall and chapel at right angles turned the line of approach; there was a want of parallelism in the one, and of perpendicularity in the other, to the line of the river front, and so to the principal axis of the building; the vast dimensions of the hall itself would tend to dwarf any other hall to which it formed the entrance. But he felt that these were secondary considerations, not worthy of counterbalancing the grandeur and the appropriateness of the general conception. The verdict of public criticism, both at the time of the competition and subsequently, has fully justified his determination.
These points determined, the rest of the plan followed naturally. The Commons must be on the left of the Central Hall, their private entrance in NewPalace Yard, and the Speaker’s residence beyond; the Lords on the right, their private entrance in Old Palace Yard, and the Royal approach again beyond this. The suites of libraries and committee-rooms could nowhere be so well placed as on the river front. This general plan was at once adopted, and from its main features he never swerved. He disliked, as an error of principle, the necessary duality of design, and the need of carrying on the great line of approach to inferior rooms, while the Houses of Lords and Commons lay on the right and left. He would have preferred some one feature incontestably the chief, so as to give the unity which he craved. But the plan adopted was recommended by grandeur, simplicity, and convenience;[92]and these considerations kept him firm and unhesitating in his adherence to it. In fact, he was surprised that none of his competitors had adopted it.
The plan and style being thus fixed, the composition of the design next suggested the question, whether there was anything in Gothic style which ought to interfere with the principles of symmetry, regularity, and unity, so dear to his artistic taste. Many (and his friend Pugin especially) contended for irregularity, picturesqueness, and variety. They would have had a group of buildings rather than a single one, or at any rate a building, in which there should be a general unity of style, rather than an actual symmetry of design, which they stigmatized as “clothing a“classical design with Gothic details.” But Mr. Barry’s notions were widely different. He conceived that, if certain first principles were true, they could not vary in different styles. He believed that symmetry and regularity were essential to unity and grandeur; and on this conviction he acted throughout, though sensible at the time that it would meet with opposition, and occasionally disheartened by the increasing strength of the opposition in after years.[93]This is, of course, no place for the discussion of so difficult a question in the abstract. All that is needful is to indicate the principle, which, as a matter of fact, guided and controlled the design, and which probably accounts for the existence of certain actual features, and the omission of others which might have been looked for.[94]
The character of the building was, of course, to be palatial. There were however but fragments of Gothic palaces to be found in England. Italian Gothic had not yet attracted much observation. The town-halls of Belgium occurred to him, and he went over to that country to see and to admire them,especially those of Brussels and Louvain. They recurred to him afterwards, as examples of visible roofs, and general enrichment. But at the time they did not affect his design, which was mainly “castellated” with embattled parapets, concealed roofs, and an absence of all spires. The great tower, one hundred feet square, was to be treated as a “keep;” the clock-tower differed little, except in size, from the same general character. With his great love of unity and regularity he might have desired a central tower,[95]but it must have been over the central hall, and there it would have been too far back to form a centre to the great river front, and half its height would have been concealed. He always thought that great towers should be seen from their parapet to their base; accordingly, he was content to place his towers in positions where they would form natural and prominent features, without interfering with each other, or with the great river front.
Such were the views which dictated the great outlines of the prize design. He made countless variations, drawings literally by hundreds, as studies of its prominent features, in the course of its formation; but the main principles were deeply fixed in his mind, and to them he always returned.
As soon as he was appointed to carry out the work, he was instructed to remodel his plan. More accommodation was needed, and the Government determined to extend the site southwards. This step had the additional advantage of enabling the architect toenlarge the courts, required to give light and air to so extensive a building. It was the first of many alterations, some undertaken with direct authority, others more or less on his own responsibility, with the strong feeling that they were real improvements, dictated by an “architectural necessity,” and that as such they must eventually be sanctioned.
This willingness to accept responsibility was shown in the first change. The river line was not at right angles to the main approach through St. Stephen’s Hall. If both were strictly preserved, much distortion was inevitable. To diminish it as much as possible, he not only set back the line of the embankment at the southern end, but advanced it at the other end, near the bridge, so as to encroach on the river; and this he did, without consulting either the Conservators of the Thames or the Government. This bold step, sanctioned by its success, still left some remains of the objectionable distortion at the entrance from St. Stephen’s Hall into the central hall. There it still exists, but, owing to the octagonal form of the latter hall, and some contrivances of detail, it is hardly to be detected.
The next important alteration introduced one of the noblest features of the present building. In determining to use Westminster Hall as a public approach, he had feared that any important alteration might rouse opposition; he had therefore proposed merely to enlarge the existing entrance under the great south window. But now the grand idea of St. Stephen’s porch was conceived, the great window was set back, and the present noble entrance to thebuilding was the result. He had proposed also to raise the great roof of Westminster Hall,[96]being thoroughly satisfied of the practicability of the process, and the great improvement of proportion which must result. Considerations of expense alone interfered with its execution.
For the embellishment of the hall he had, as has been shown in the last chapter, grand dreams; frescoes, trophies, and statues, were to have met the eye, “set” in profuse enrichment of colour and mosaic, and the whole was to have formed a British Walhalla.
The central hall was originally intended to be far more lofty than at present; the lowering of its proportions is one of the many changes necessitated by the claims for ventilation made by Dr. Reid.
The most important alteration of all was made in the royal entrance. The tower in the first design was one hundred feet square, the sovereign was to have alighted within it, and the royal procession, turning round a central pillar, was to have returned by the way it came. The reduction of the size of the tower to seventy-five feet square set this plan aside, and it was then arranged, that the sovereign should pass through the tower into an inner hall, and alight at the foot of a grand staircase, leading straight to the robing room immediately behind the throne. But on consideration Mr. Barry grudged the great sacrifice of space, and the interruption of communication on the principal floor, for a staircase, whichcould be used only twice a year.[97]He conceived the notion of the Royal gallery, as a hall for the use of the House of Lords, for the viewing of the royal procession, and for the display of architectural effect, unrestrained by the encumbrances which business renders necessary in the Houses of Lords and Commons. To these considerations he sacrificed the greater magnificence of the original staircase, and on his own responsibility proceeded with the work.
This was the first alteration which excited discontent and opposition. The nature of that opposition is referred to in the previous chapter; its only effect however was to produce a still further alteration, by the formation of the anteroom behind the throne (the Prince’s chamber) for the convenience of the House of Lords. This involved the curtailment of the Royal gallery, and the insertion of a comparatively small room in the royal approach, and was never entirely satisfactory to the architect.
In the House of Lords no great alteration was made, except in height. In the original design the roof was kept low, in deference to authorities in acoustics; but on more careful inquiry it was found that they differed widely from each other, and the architect not unnaturally thought that certain beauty of proportion need not be sacrificed to a doubtful acoustical advantage. The roof accordingly was raised. It could not be made open, because of therequirements for ventilation; but, in fact, even in Gothic buildings Mr. Barry was disinclined to employ open roofs. For inhabited rooms he preferred a coved or arched ceiling, and believed that, in the abstract, a cove was the best method of connecting a horizontal ceiling with vertical walls.
In the gorgeous decorations of the house not a little was due to the work and the influence of Mr. Pugin, which added a stimulus, hardly needed, to the architect’s own love of enrichment. The carved and metal work, and generally the purely ornamental details, were designed by Mr. Pugin, under Mr. Barry’s direction, and subject to his frequent alterations; the painted windows were not only designed by Mr. Pugin, but carried out under his superintendence, the architect only stipulating for a sufficient amount of white glass to produce the “jewelled effect” he admired in many ancient windows.[98]The unsightly black effect of these windows at night was a great difficulty; a system of external gas-lighting was adopted to remedy it, but it has since been disused. The ceiling was a subject of much consideration; Mr. Barry wished to produce as much as possible the effect of solid gold, the enrichment of colour being purely subsidiary. His notion always was that decoration, if begun, should be thoroughly carried out, and that only by failure in this respect, and by partiality of decoration, was the effect of tawdriness produced.
The House of Lords he considered as not a mere place of business, not even a mere House of Lords at all, but as the chamber in which the sovereign, surrounded by the court, summoned to the royal presence the three estates of the realm. He thought, therefore, that it should partake of royal magnificence, and lavished upon it all the treasures of decoration.
The House of Commons underwent many changes. The accommodation required by the original instructions, and the recommendation accompanying them, that every member should be brought as near to the Speaker as possible, necessitated enormous size and a nearly square form; but, on consultation with the authorities of the House, it was found that they considered the accommodation, both for members and for strangers, as unnecessarily and inconveniently large, and that the preponderance of their opinion was in favour of the old oblong form. On their authority the width and available accommodation of the House were greatly reduced. The difficulty really lay in this, that, whereas some accommodation must be provided for each of the six hundred and fifty-eight members, yet, for business purposes, the House must not be too large for the comparatively small average attendance. The Government seem to have dwelt more on the former consideration, the authorities of the House, who knew its practical working, on the other. The architect inclined to obey the latter, especially as their orders coincided with the claims of architectural proportion. The consequence of this reduction, as has been elsewhere stated, was greatdisapprobation by the House of Commons, and the consequent alteration of the chamber, fatal to its architectural effect.
On the subject of the acoustic properties of the House it is right to remark that the difficulties were great and peculiar. In rooms where the speaking is to be from one or two quarters only (as in churches, theatres, or law-courts, in legislative assemblies, where the speaker mounts a “tribune,” &c.), the task is comparatively easy, though even here failure is not unusual. But in the Houses of Parliament a speaker must be audible from every part of the House, even when using that conversational tone which our method of Parliamentary speaking tends to foster. To this is to be added the consideration above alluded to of the fluctuating nature of the attendance. The House of Lords must contain the peers themselves, the sovereign and the court at the upper, the deputies of the Commons at the lower end; yet it is attended usually by a few peers who speak quietly across the table. In the House of Commons the variation of members is less, but the greater pressure of business makes its inconvenience more serious. Add to these the undoubted fact, that very few persons, especially in short conversational remarks, take the trouble to speak distinctly, and use proper modulation of the voice, and that in the case of a new building a certain time seems to be needed (which in the House of Commons was certainly not given), to “season” the House, and accustom the speakers to its pitch, and it will be seen that the architect was not without some plea, to oppose to the censure with which he was sofreely visited. Theories he found to be discordant, and time was hardly allowed for experience and trial of remedial measures.
Such were the modifications of plan voluntarily made by the architect; others were rendered necessary by circumstances. Some additional residences were introduced, refreshment rooms and offices were re-arranged, provision was necessary to meet the immense extension of the business of Parliamentary Committees, alterations made in order to provide for the whole of the public records, and, above all, changes in plan and elevation were necessitated on every side by the enormous claims, both upon the space and arrangements of the building, made by Dr. Reid for his schemes of ventilation. The central tower was wholly due to these requirements; many other parts of the building were carried up, and many smaller turrets were introduced, to meet the requirements of his system. The spaces under the Houses, intended for the horses and carriages of members, were surrendered to him, and the want of them is severely felt. On the whole it has been already noticed that he absorbed one-third of the cubical contents of the building. All these things involved frequent changes, constant thought and labour, and no slight increase of expenditure.
These alterations of plan were naturally followed by considerable alterations of design; some, in fact, necessitated by them, others dependent on certain changes of idea in the mind of the architect himself, and in the general feeling as to Gothic architecture.
Both these kinds of alteration were manifested in