CHAPTER X.

Causes of the Expedition to Candia—Court Intrigue—Turenne and the Duke d’Albret—Preparations for the Expedition—Beaufort Commands it—Departure of the Fleet—Its Arrival before Candia—State of this Island—Description of the Place besieged—Last Council of War—Plan of Attack, which is fixed for the Middle of the Night of June 24, 1669—The First Movements are successful—Terrible Explosion of the Magazine of a Battery—Fearful Panic—Rout of the French—Re-embarkation of the Troops—Certainty of Beaufort’s Death.

The causes of the expedition to Candia have not been entirely indicated. It is said[190]“that public opinion in France, having received the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle badly, the army especially complaining of it, Louis XIV. and Louvois eagerly seized the opportunity of diverting this unquiet zeal, of making this flame burn out, and that they willingly allowed themselves to be persuaded by the Nuncio and the Venetian Ambassador to send assistance to Candia, menaced by the Turks.” To this consideration, which certainly was of great weight, it is necessary to add the influence of a court intrigue, and to explain the very particular motives which Louis XIV. had for pleasing the Pope.

Louvois having succeeded in causing his brother, Le Tellier, to be appointed to the coadjutorship of Rheims, in preference to the Duke d’Albret, nephew of Turenne, and the illustrious Marshal, not having been more successful in getting his relation named coadjutor of the Archbishop of Paris, Louis XIV., to appease his resentment, promised the young abbé a cardinal’s hat. Madame de Montespan, related to the d’Albret family, and already all-powerful, exerted herself with all her influence to hasten the fulfilment of this promise. On the other hand, the Prince d’Awersberg, one of the principal ministers of Leopold, had received from Grémonville, the French Ambassador, the assurance of Louis XIV.’s support to obtain from Clement IX. a cardinal’s hat, in return for his assiduity in serving near the Emperor the interests of the King in the great affair of the treaty for the partition of the Spanish monarchy, signed secretly in 1668. The Pope knew how to turn this double demand to his own profit.[191]He enlarged greatly upon his extreme desire to satisfy the Most Christian King, but also upon his fears of irritating the other Catholic nations by a preference which would be insulting to them. He alleged the necessity which then existed for him not to render any Power discontented, and for causing them all to be united in repelling the common enemy of Christianity. “Thus, Monseigneur,” wrote our envoy at Rome to De Lionne, “your Excellency will very easily perceive that if I had something positive to say as to what his Majesty has resolved to do with reference to the affairs of Candia during next season, I should meet with more facility herefor the advancement of the promotion.”[192]That the piety and religious sentiments of Louis XIV. may have counted for something in his resolution to send troops to Candia to fight against the Turks, is possible. That he may have been determined by the necessity of offering glorious amends to the army, discontented at the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, can certainly not be denied. But, nevertheless, one must not overlook the influence which would have been exercised upon Louis XIV.’s decision by the certainty of satisfying the Pope in so tender a point, and by being able at one and the same time to keep his engagements towards the Minister of the Empire, content Turenne, and please Madame de Montespan. In any case it is impossible to reckon among these numerous causes a pretended desire to get rid of Beaufort, and there is no need to invoke so unlikely a motive, while so many positive grounds exist to explain this expedition.

The Duke de Beaufort was naturally chosen to command it.[193]In spite of his violence of character, everything called him to it; his birth, his rank of High Admiral, the commands which he had already held in several naval expeditions, and a certain aptitude which he possessed for the sailor’s rude and perilous calling. Under his orders, Rochechouart, Count de Vivonne, had the direction of thegalleys, and the Duke de Navailles was the commander of the landing forces. These troops were 7,000[194]in number, and were officered by theéliteof the nobility,[195]who made it a duty of chivalry to serve against the infidel. It was in some sort a new crusade, and, if it excited less enthusiasm than when people undertook to deliver the tomb of Christ, if the powerful lever of a robust faith, which had formerly raised up entire nations, had long since become weakened, French audacity and valour found a certain romantic attraction in a distant expedition, directed against a country and an adversary equally unknown.

In a few days collections, organized throughout the kingdom, had met the expenses of fitting out the expedition; and June 5, 1669, the fleet left Toulon during the finest possible weather, which lasted the whole of the voyage, and rendered it extraordinarily quick. Composed of twenty-two vessels of the line and of threegaliotes,[196]the fleet joined, onthe 17th, fourteen Venetian boats charged with horses, near Cape Sapienza, off the point of the Morea. On the 19th, at five o’clock in the morning, the western extremity of the Isle of Candia was sighted. At the head of the squadron sailed the flag-shipLe Monarque, its poop covered with brilliantly-gilt carvings by Puget, and at its mast-head the papal standard, richly embroidered with the arms of the Holy See. At the sight of the land, which was in possession of the Turks, ensigns of a thousand colours were displayed onLe Monarque. Every other vessel in its turn immediately joined in this proud salute. The French cannon burst forth, the Turkish batteries replied to it from the port of Canea, and, amidst the uproar of this inoffensive discharge, amidst the resplendent gleams of the rising sun, the fleet passed majestically before the enemy; and, doubling the point of the island, directed its course towards the capital, which it had come to defend.

By degrees, as it approached, the delightful spectacle of fertile meadows bounded afar off by green wooded hills, which but lately had been offered to the sight, became changed to a picture of desolation and mourning. During several years the Turks, commanded by the Grand Vizier Mahomet-Kioprili, had little by little taken possession of the entire island, with the exception of the principal town, which the Venetians were holding by desperate efforts against an enemy that unceasingly recruited its losses, and advanced slowly but with indefatigable tenacity. The French fleet, continuing its course, sees before it a country bearing traces of long and cruel devastation. The mountains shorn of their forests to meet the necessities of war, present their bare and ravaged sides to the view. The soil is untilledand arid. Beside immense quarries rise lofty engines for throwing stones upon the besieged. To the deep silence of these solitudes succeeds the reverberations of artillery, whose detonations, at first confused, soon become quite distinct. At times a flash of reddish flames is suddenly perceived,—it is an advanced work blown up by a mine; at others a shell rapidly traverses the air, and, perhaps, lights upon and destroys a building of the town. At last, just as the soldiers, crowded upon the decks, reach the end of their voyage, their attentive looks discern the camp of the Turks, surmounted by waving banners and protected by breastworks, sandy spots where the cavalry are exercising, vast stores of arms, machinery at work, wounded being carried on litters, a formidable army in a state of commotion, animation, movement, and life; and, in the background, standing out from the horizon, the ramparts of Candia overlooked by its silent steeples, its almost deserted towers, with here and there some domes which glitter in the sun.

The evening following their arrival, Beaufort, Navailles, and the general officers, cautiously left the roadstead where the squadron had cast anchor, and in a little row-boat, with carefully muffled oars, succeeded in eluding the vigilance of the Turks, and in penetrating into the port of the besieged town.[197]Their disappointment on arriving there was extreme; and after having been witnesses, during the day, of the energy and vigour displayed by the besiegers, they convinced themselves, during the evening, of the dejection and impotence of the defenders of Candia. Whilst the Ambassadorof the Venetian Republic had affirmed at Versailles that their number still amounted to 14,000 men, it was, in reality, reduced to 6,000 combatants, who, discouraged and ill, considered the loss of the town as inevitable, and continued to fight through duty, but without hope.[198]The gunners had nearly all perished in the subterranean galleries, where the Turks had pursued them with the implacability of fanaticism. Of the two principal bastions of the place, one, the Bastion Saint-Andrew, was already in the power of the enemy; and the Venetians were too weak to preserve the other—that of the Sablonnière—much longer. The streets, blocked up with rubbish, scarcely afforded a passage for the troops. Here and there smoking ruins, in the midst of an open space, bore witness to a recent fire. Far apart were houses, their upper stories turned into casemates, and looking like isolated citadels, where the unhappy inhabitants had crowded to take refuge. In the open places were to be seen a few soldiers pacing up and down in silence, or perhaps some wounded being carried from the trenches and accompanied by a priest. Everywhere were the certain signs of utter discouragement and of approaching defeat.

“The universal opinion is that the town can only be succoured by a general engagement,” wrote the Intendant Delacroix to France.[199]He expressed the opinion of the Council, which had assembled on the 20th at Candia. This was unanimous; and Saint-André-Montbrun,[200]Beaufort,Morosini (the captain-general of the Venetians), as well as Navailles, saw some chances of success only in a vigorous sortie from the side of the Sablonnière. There, in truth, a portion of the Turks were separated from their principal army, and exposed to the cross-fire of the town and fleet, and ran, moreover, the danger of being driven into the sea, which was close at hand.

The definitive plan of attack was determined on in a final Council of War, held on the 24th, at seven o’clock in the evening, and its execution fixed for the middle of the following night. Beaufort assembled on board his ship all the captains of the army; and the disembarkation of troops, which commenced at nine o’clock in large and strong launches, was finished, without impediment, by midnight.[201]As each company disembarked, it proceeded to the esplanade situated by the side of the bastion of the Sablonnière. Surprise being the principal condition of success, the officers gave their orders in a low voice, and the soldiers advanced, with many precautions. The troops of Candia not on duty in the bastions were only informed of the plan of attack at one in the morning by their chiefs, who came to awake them, and lead them to their post. When the clock of the church of Saint-Mark struck two, the foot-soldiers were all assembled on the esplanade.[202]In spite of their number, nothing save the pale reflection of their muskets betrayed their presence. Immovable and silent, they awaited the signal of departure; and on this calm and peaceful night, which was about to be marked by a bloody struggle, one heard as yet only the regular and monotonous footsteps of the sentinels on the ramparts. Soon the dull trot of horses advancing over the sand is joined to it. Two hundred of the King’s musketeers and five companies of cavalry have come to reinforce the infantry, and are followed by Beaufort, Navailles, and a numerous staff. After having given the countersign,[203]and confided his young nephew, the Chevalier de Vendôme, to the watchful care of the Marquis de Schomberg and the Baron de Saint-Mark, charged to follow him everywhere in the fight,[204]Beaufort addresses a few brave and energetic words, to those about him,[205]and the command is given to advance in silence. The soldiers placed under De Navailles’ orders went towards the right. Beaufort was to occupy the left with a large portion of the marines and with his guards, commanded by Colbert de Maulevrier, the Minister’s brother. It was arranged that the two divisions should reunite at a signal to be given by that of Navailles.[206]

Arrived at a point very near to the Turks, Beaufort’s troops, in order to wait till the night should be lessobscure, and to give Navailles, who had a longer distance to traverse, time to reach the designated spot, lay down on their stomachs, admiral, soldiers, and officers—the latter occupying themselves only with the concealing of the links, and with recommending, in a low voice, the most minute precautions. Three-quarters of an hour before daybreak the drums of the Turks were heard. Some sailors, at Beaufort’s orders, approached the Turkish camp by crawling; and, returning in the same manner, brought the intelligence that it was only the usualréveilléewhich had just been beaten, and that the enemy were in complete ignorance of the danger which menaced them.[207]The troops remained extended on the ground, silent and motionless, and Beaufort listened attentively to catch the signal indicating that Navailles’ division had commenced the attack.

This general had arrived with the same good luck at the extreme right. After having been joined there by his reserve and his rearguard, he sent the former, commanded by the Count de Choiseul, a little to the westward of Candia, so as to prevent any communication between the two Turkish camps, and kept his rearguard with him, in order to protect the most threatened points. Then he led forward Dampierre’s corps, charged to commence the attack, and creeping towards a little hill, which afforded him a good view, he awaited the result.

Meanwhile, Beaufort, although sure of the quietude and inaction of the Turks, was with difficulty restraining his fiery impatience, when, half an hour before dawn, he heard at the extreme right a deafening discharge of musketry. Immediately he arose, and all his troops with him, ordereda salute to be beaten and the charge sounded, and springing to the head of the first battalion, cleared the entrenchment which defended the Turkish camp. Colbert, followed by the company of Guards, rushed towards the left, with the intention of surrounding the adversary. With equal impetuosity they all traversed a ravine which they encountered in the rear of the entrenchment, and without suffering themselves to be checked in their onslaught by the stony nature of the soil, carried at the first attack the trenches of the enemy, who abandoned them after having fired off their arms. The surprise and fright of the Turks were extreme. They fled in disorder, pell-mell; and many of those who escaped Beaufort threw themselves into the sea, pursued by Dampierre’s troops. All at once, towards the right, an immense flash of fire was seen, and a fearful explosion shook the ground. The soldiers and sailors surrounding Beaufort stopped suddenly; but he, without appearing alarmed by this noise, the cause of which he did not know, exclaimed, “Courage, children! courage! Since they spring a mine in our front, it is a sign that they are flying.” He succeeded for a moment in overcoming the terror of his troops, and even prevailed on them to advance a few paces.[208]But on the detachment commanded by Dampierre the effects of this terrible catastrophe were something very different. Caused by the explosion of a magazine, containing twenty-five tons of powder, which had been set alight through the imprudence of a musketeer, it had destroyed an entire battalion of French Guards, and had produced everywhere an unspeakable terror. The troopswere persuaded that the enemy had undermined the whole of their works, and that the ground they were marching over was about to open under their feet. From point to point did this belief spread, until the terrified soldiers threw away their arms and fled with precipitation. It was in vain that Navailles, Dampierre, and the other general officers endeavoured to restrain them. The panic became universal, and the shameful and dreadful cry of “Sauve qui peut!” resounded from all parts. This disorder was increased still more by an error which even the obscurity of the night can scarcely explain. The fugitives, meeting Beaufort’s sailors, threw themselves upon them as enemies. The long garments of seven or eight Armenians who were at their head, contributed, it seems, to confirm a fatal mistake.[209]In this horriblemêléeno one recognized any one else, and fellow-countrymen killed one another in the belief that they were slaying the infidels. Beaufort, utterly abandoned, endeavoured to correct this disastrous error.[210]On his wounded horse, covered with blood and with his clothes rent, he threw himself into the midst of the agitated groups, exclaiming, “To me, my children! I am your admiral. Rally around me!”[211]Heroic, but unavailing efforts! Supreme appeal of a voice till then so dear, but now unrecognized—a voice which had just uttered its last words! The bewildered soldiers remained insensible to these generous supplications, and it was only when daylight began toillumine this field of carnage that the confusion ceased with the cause which had produced it. But then the Turks, who had had time to recover their courage, and who proved themselves as prompt in rallying as they had been alert in taking to flight, rushed on, shouting the name of the Prophet, and with irresistible impetuosity became in their turn assailants, and pursued the French to the very gates of Candia.[212]

When, under the shelter of the ramparts, an account was taken of the loss, and after the wounded who had managed to reach the town had been examined, Beaufort’s absence was perceived. Those who explain this absence by an abduction which Colbert, his enemy, had ordered, do not fail to note the presence of the Minister’s brother, Colbert de Maulevrier, by the side of Beaufort during the battle, and they see in the commandant of the Guards the executioner of the Minister’s vengeance. But how can this singular belief be held, when a letter from Maulevrier to his brother, the first which he wrote to him after the battle, far from giving the Minister an account of Beaufort’s abduction, contains these words:[213]—“The unhappy fate of M. l’Amiral is the most deplorable thing in the world. As I was obliged to go backwards and forwards during the whole time that the attack lasted, in order to assemble what I could of the troops, there was no one of whom I did not make inquiries respecting him,[214]and not one could ever tell me anything ofhim.” It is true that these words, if they destroy the supposition of an abduction ordered by Colbert, may still allow it to be supposed that Beaufort was a prisoner of the Turks. But the laconism of this portion of the letter is accounted for when one discovers from the remainder of it that the writer was suffering from his wounds, worn-out with fatigue, and solely preoccupied with his restoration to health. It is true again that Navailles, in his despatch, makes use of the wordperte,[215]applicable equally to the death of the Admiral and to the hypothesis that he was a prisoner in the hands of the Turks. But how can a single doubt remain when the account addressed to the Minister of Marine states that the Chevalier de Flacourt, having been sent to the Turkish camp with a flag of truce, for the purpose of making inquiries respecting the Admiral, learned that he was not among the prisoners;[216]and when a report addressed to Colbert on the 27th, not by a sick man, deprived of news, but by a witness in a position to know everything, infers that the Admiral was dead?[217]How can one have any further doubts, above all, when the circumstances just related, and the courage displayed by this bold adventurer, render this end so probable? That the age of Beaufort, born in 1616, which would make the mysterious corpse of1703 a nonagenarian, almost suffices to overthrow the system of Lagrange-Chancel and Langlet-Dufresnoy, is incontestable. But this proof not having appeared sufficiently decisive to these writers, it became essential to seek for every kind of testimony, in order, so far as was just, to restore to this grandson of Henri IV. the glory of having died with arms in his hand on the field of battle, and of having thus crowned a life of adventures by an end worthy of his valour, his race, and his country.

FOOTNOTES:[190]M. Camille Rousset,Histoire de Louvois, already quoted, vol. i. p. 257.[191]Letter from the Abbé Bigorre to De Lionne, December 28, 1668:—Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section Rome, 1669.[192]Letters from the Abbé Bigorre to De Lionne, December 28, 1668. After the expedition to Candia, M. d’Albret alone received the hat. See despatches from the Abbé Bigorre to De Lionne, July 9, 1669, and from the Abbé de Bourlemont to De Lionne, August 9, 1669:—Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section Rome, 1669.[193]Instruction que le roi a résolu être envoyée à M. le duc de Beaufort, pair, grand maître, chef et surintendant général de la navigation et commerce du royaume, sur l’emploi de l’armée navale que S. M. met en mer sous son commandement pendant la présente campagne:—Imperial Library, Manuscripts, Colbert’s Papers.[194]Letters from De Lionne to the Cardinal Rospigliosi upon the troops promised by Louis XIV., January 11 and February 26, 1669:—Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section Rome.État des armées de mer et de terre envoyées par le roi très-chrétien en Candie, en la présente année1669:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine. Letter from Louvois to the Governors, February 20, 1669:—Archives of the Ministry of War.[195]Among them were the Count de Choiseul, MM. de Castellan and de Dampierre, Marquis de Saint-Vallier, Duke de Château-Thierry, Marquises d’O, d’Huxelles, and de Sevigné, &c. &c.:—Letter from Madame de Sevigné to Bussy-Rabutin, August 18, 1669. At the end of 1668, Count de Saint-Paul and Count de la Feuillade had gone to succour Candia at the head of three hundred volunteers. But they returned after a very murderous sally, having lent the Venetians an assistance more brilliant than actually efficacious.[196][These were small vessels of light draught, without any foremast.—Trans.] The galleys, to the number of thirteen, commanded by Vivonne, were delayed several days off the coasts of Italy, and only arrived a week after Beaufort:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.[197]Letters of Saint-André-Montbrun:—Manuscripts of the Imperial Library. Letters from Navailles to the King:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.[198]Letter from Navailles to the King, July 5, 1669.[199]Letter from Delacroix to Louvois, June 22, 1669:—Archives of the Ministry of War.[200]The Marquis de Saint-André-Montbrun, a French nobleman, had been for several years in Candia, and by his courage and talents had finished by becoming, under Morosini, the chief general of the Venetians.[201]Rélation de ce qui s’est passé dans la sortie qui s’est faite en Candie par toutes les troupes du roy, tant de terre que de mer, pour l’attaque du camp de la Sablonnière, le 25 du mois de Juin, 1669:—Archives of Ministry of Marine, Campagne 3. In my account I have chiefly followed this unpublished manuscript, which has every sign of authenticity.[202]Rapport adressé par le sieur Brodart à Colbert, à la radde de Candie, à bord de la Princesse, le 27 Juin, 1669:—Manuscripts of the Imperial Library,Papiers Colbert, 153bis. Unpublished document.[203]The countersign was: “Louis and forward!”[204]Rélation de ce qui s’est passé dans la sortie, &c., already quoted. This was the nephew, who became the famous Vendôme. He displayed on June 25, 1669, very great courage, and was rather seriously wounded.[205]Le siège de Candie, manuscript of Philibert de Jarry:—Imperial Library.[206]Letter from Colbert de Maulevrier to his brother Colbert. “At Candie, this Sunday, the last day of June, at five o’clock in the evening:”—Manuscripts, Imperial Library,Papiers Colbert, 153bis.[207]Rélation, &c., already quoted:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.[208]Rélation, &c., already quoted:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.[209]Mémoires de Saint-André-Montbrun, pp. 362, 363.[210]Rélation de ce qui s’est passé en la sortie faite sur le camp des Turcs du côté de la Sablonnière, la nuict du 24ᵉ au 25ᵉ Juin, 1669, en Candie:—Archives of the Ministry of War, 238. “M. l’Amiral remained abandoned by all his marines, and did not have a single one of his guards with him.”[211]Relation, &c., already quoted:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.[212]Navailles, despairing of being able to save Candia, re-embarked his troops at the end of August, and set sail on the 31st; but as we are only occupied here with Beaufort, there is no need to relate the end of an expedition which the disaster of June 25 had caused to miscarry.[213]Manuscripts of the Imperial Library,Papiers Colbert, 153bis.[214]This was of course during the battle.[215]Archives of the Ministry of War, 238.[216]Rélation, &c., already quoted:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.[217]Manuscripts of the Imperial Library,Papiers Colbert,Rapport adressé par le sieur Brodart à Colbert, &c., already quoted. [The biographies of the Duke de Beaufort say it was commonly believed at the time that, according to the barbarous custom of the Turks, his dead body was beheaded by them, which would account for its not having been found on the field of battle.—SeeBiographie Universelleof Michaud, &c.—Trans.]

[190]M. Camille Rousset,Histoire de Louvois, already quoted, vol. i. p. 257.

[191]Letter from the Abbé Bigorre to De Lionne, December 28, 1668:—Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section Rome, 1669.

[192]Letters from the Abbé Bigorre to De Lionne, December 28, 1668. After the expedition to Candia, M. d’Albret alone received the hat. See despatches from the Abbé Bigorre to De Lionne, July 9, 1669, and from the Abbé de Bourlemont to De Lionne, August 9, 1669:—Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section Rome, 1669.

[193]Instruction que le roi a résolu être envoyée à M. le duc de Beaufort, pair, grand maître, chef et surintendant général de la navigation et commerce du royaume, sur l’emploi de l’armée navale que S. M. met en mer sous son commandement pendant la présente campagne:—Imperial Library, Manuscripts, Colbert’s Papers.

[194]Letters from De Lionne to the Cardinal Rospigliosi upon the troops promised by Louis XIV., January 11 and February 26, 1669:—Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section Rome.État des armées de mer et de terre envoyées par le roi très-chrétien en Candie, en la présente année1669:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine. Letter from Louvois to the Governors, February 20, 1669:—Archives of the Ministry of War.

[195]Among them were the Count de Choiseul, MM. de Castellan and de Dampierre, Marquis de Saint-Vallier, Duke de Château-Thierry, Marquises d’O, d’Huxelles, and de Sevigné, &c. &c.:—Letter from Madame de Sevigné to Bussy-Rabutin, August 18, 1669. At the end of 1668, Count de Saint-Paul and Count de la Feuillade had gone to succour Candia at the head of three hundred volunteers. But they returned after a very murderous sally, having lent the Venetians an assistance more brilliant than actually efficacious.

[196][These were small vessels of light draught, without any foremast.—Trans.] The galleys, to the number of thirteen, commanded by Vivonne, were delayed several days off the coasts of Italy, and only arrived a week after Beaufort:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.

[197]Letters of Saint-André-Montbrun:—Manuscripts of the Imperial Library. Letters from Navailles to the King:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.

[198]Letter from Navailles to the King, July 5, 1669.

[199]Letter from Delacroix to Louvois, June 22, 1669:—Archives of the Ministry of War.

[200]The Marquis de Saint-André-Montbrun, a French nobleman, had been for several years in Candia, and by his courage and talents had finished by becoming, under Morosini, the chief general of the Venetians.

[201]Rélation de ce qui s’est passé dans la sortie qui s’est faite en Candie par toutes les troupes du roy, tant de terre que de mer, pour l’attaque du camp de la Sablonnière, le 25 du mois de Juin, 1669:—Archives of Ministry of Marine, Campagne 3. In my account I have chiefly followed this unpublished manuscript, which has every sign of authenticity.

[202]Rapport adressé par le sieur Brodart à Colbert, à la radde de Candie, à bord de la Princesse, le 27 Juin, 1669:—Manuscripts of the Imperial Library,Papiers Colbert, 153bis. Unpublished document.

[203]The countersign was: “Louis and forward!”

[204]Rélation de ce qui s’est passé dans la sortie, &c., already quoted. This was the nephew, who became the famous Vendôme. He displayed on June 25, 1669, very great courage, and was rather seriously wounded.

[205]Le siège de Candie, manuscript of Philibert de Jarry:—Imperial Library.

[206]Letter from Colbert de Maulevrier to his brother Colbert. “At Candie, this Sunday, the last day of June, at five o’clock in the evening:”—Manuscripts, Imperial Library,Papiers Colbert, 153bis.

[207]Rélation, &c., already quoted:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.

[208]Rélation, &c., already quoted:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.

[209]Mémoires de Saint-André-Montbrun, pp. 362, 363.

[210]Rélation de ce qui s’est passé en la sortie faite sur le camp des Turcs du côté de la Sablonnière, la nuict du 24ᵉ au 25ᵉ Juin, 1669, en Candie:—Archives of the Ministry of War, 238. “M. l’Amiral remained abandoned by all his marines, and did not have a single one of his guards with him.”

[211]Relation, &c., already quoted:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.

[212]Navailles, despairing of being able to save Candia, re-embarked his troops at the end of August, and set sail on the 31st; but as we are only occupied here with Beaufort, there is no need to relate the end of an expedition which the disaster of June 25 had caused to miscarry.

[213]Manuscripts of the Imperial Library,Papiers Colbert, 153bis.

[214]This was of course during the battle.

[215]Archives of the Ministry of War, 238.

[216]Rélation, &c., already quoted:—Archives of the Ministry of Marine.

[217]Manuscripts of the Imperial Library,Papiers Colbert,Rapport adressé par le sieur Brodart à Colbert, &c., already quoted. [The biographies of the Duke de Beaufort say it was commonly believed at the time that, according to the barbarous custom of the Turks, his dead body was beheaded by them, which would account for its not having been found on the field of battle.—SeeBiographie Universelleof Michaud, &c.—Trans.]

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