The comparability of the data of civilization and biology brought in its train, however, the natural corollary that the general course of their development was the same. Such an assumption fitted in admirably with the psychological presuppositions of Schurtz, and with the inferences he felt justified in drawing from the historical data. Neither Schurtz, nor, for that matter, any theoretician of his time, ever made any attempt to prove that the method of biological evolution was the same as that of the historical. It was commonly assumed to have been the same; but, quite apart from this acceptance of a fact that seemed to need no proof, the similarity in the evolution of biological and historical phenomena was by implication conditioned by his psychological assumptions. The number of norms are necessarily reduced to a minimum when inherent tendencies are acting on a “group mind,” for it would be tacitly admitting a large range for personal individuality, to assume the existence of many norms; but if there are only a few norms, or, as Schurtz concludes, one norm,—that of the age-group,—variations can only have arisen as differentiations of this norm, due to influences either from within or from without.
We are consequently reduced to a condition exactly parallel to that which we find, according to the theory of evolution, in biology.Variations are the result of a differentiation of some unit. It is the object, in the classification of biological data, to demonstrate, by means of a series of ascending forms, the evolution of the most highly differentiated from the least differentiated. In thus arranging the data, it followed that the least-differentiated forms contained the simple general manifestations of life, and that at the same time the most highly-differentiated forms likewise contained all these simple general manifestations, although they were here, as a rule, so changed as to be entirely obscured, if not unrecognizable.
In a manner almost exactly parallel to the above, Schurtz sought to classify the phenomena of social organization. The highest must contain within itself the simple and general phenomena of the lowest form. Having thus demonstrated to his satisfaction the existence and the necessity of an ordered sequence, he turned his attention to demonstrating that this sequence was psychologically as well as historically conditioned. His line of argument here can best be shown by analyzing the first few chapters of his book.
At the basis of all social organizations lie two elementary forces,—the “instinct for association” and the “sexual instinct.” The sexual instinct is primary, because it is obviously an essential condition of life. The instinct for association is secondary in so far as its expression in outward form is concerned. It is as old as the sexual instinct; but, since at the initial stage of human development the sexual instinct is so strong a force, the instinct of association had no observable influence on the actions of men.
The forms of social organization which the sexual instinct conditions are those based upon certain kinds of blood relationship. These forms are primary. To establish the priority of the forms thus imposed by blood relationship, we have but to remember that, as the relationship of individuals to one another preceded everything else, so the social forms based upon blood relationship must have preceded all other social forms. We are therefore to regard as the earliest stage of social organization that of groups bound together by blood relationship. But what has been the force differentiating these groups? Obviously not the same sexual instinct that has caused the formation of these primary groups. To explain the factors that have caused this differentiation we must call to our aid two phenomena,—first, that of sexual solidarity; and, secondly, that of the instinct for association.
Sexual solidarity has its roots in the nature of man and woman, and is possessed by them in equal intensity. The instinct for association is, however, a specifically masculine trait. It is found among women only in a minimal degree. An important corollary follows from this fact: If women societies are found anywhere, they are to be considered merely as imitations of men’s societies. If women arefound as members in a society, this is to be regarded as secondary and purely adventitious. These, and some more specific points to be enumerated later, must be borne in mind continually, as Schurtz makes a far-reaching use of them.
The instinct for association, he goes on to say, expresses itself, however, between those of like interests; that is, between those who would most likely be of the same age. It is not likely, for instance, to occur between married and unmarried men. We have here two apparently organically determined classes. In the earliest stages of social development, however, when the norms of social expression conditioned by the sexual instinct were still of paramount importance, insistence was most naturally placed upon the most important stage of man’s physiological development,—the age of puberty. The strong line of demarcation between the period preceding and following sexual maturity was so ever-present a fact to the mind of primitive man, that it found expression in the multitude of initiatory rites. In these initiatory rites we have another of the specific “symptoms” with which we shall have to deal afterward.
When the instinct for association developed more strongly, the differences due to age, plus the physiological factor, conditioned the natural formation of two classes,—one of men before puberty, and one of men after puberty. This natural twofold division was also strengthened by another factor; for until the age of puberty, boys were under the influence of women, and were therefore to be reckoned as one with them.
The three groups—men before puberty, unmarried men after puberty, and married men—are thus built upon the basis of age distinction and common interest. They are the norms of primitive social organization, and, as we have seen, their origin is due to inherited instincts. By implication Schurtz has here also assumed the existence of a definite sequence; for the division into pre- and post-puberty groups is a consequence of the sexual instinct, and is therefore primary. Differentiation into the groups of married and unmarried men thereupon followed; but the initiation, which is synchronous with the age of sexual maturity, has introduced another factor, that of promiscuous sexual intercourse; and the regulation that this has demanded is found outwardly expressed in the “men’s house.” The common interests that drew men together into groups have thus far been those conditioned largely by age. In the development of society, however, interests became more and more diversified, and resulted, first, in the disappearance of the age factor as the essential element for associations, and, secondly, in the necessity for more closely organized units with specific characteristics. To obtain this close organization, one of the essential elements was secrecy, and thus developed out of the “men’shouse” those innumerable clubs and secret societies which we find so common to-day.
In such manner we have constructed an ascending evolutionary series. It must not be forgotten that in such a series the highest stage is but a differentiated lower stage. It must likewise be remembered that there is a tendency for intermediate stages to leave vestigial remains wherever they developed into higher stages. We may consequently expect to find traces of “age groups” and “men’s houses” all over the world. In addition, we must remember that a number of “symptoms”—such as “the exclusion of women” from a society, the presence of “an initiation,” of “degrees,” and of “secrecy”—have always been associated with certain stages of growth. They may serve us for criteria of this growth and of the stages thereof, and they constitute proofs of historical identity. They will often appear unassociated with the definite stage assigned to them; but that is immaterial, for their almost universal presence is a sufficient guaranty of their significance. It is not necessary to inquire into their individual significance among definite societies, because a negative answer would prove nothing, as differences from the general scheme outlined can be interpreted most easily in terms of some functional change.
It must of course be remembered that the various points of view from which Schurtz approached his problem were so inextricably interwoven, that it is unwarranted to assume that every position he took was as distinctly analyzed as I have attempted to show.
From two points of view, a psychological and a biological one, Schurtz obtained similar conclusions. It is now only necessary, after we have seen how he established his psychologicalmilieuand his sequence of norms, to investigate the manner in which he approached the ethnological data themselves.
Schurtz claims to have reached his interpretation from an inductive study of the available data. We have seen that there is good reason to suppose that he approached the data with certain preconceptions, the most important of which was the necessity of “ascending stages” in the evolution of society. He had to determine, before everything else, the initial stage of social evolution, and to look for it or for as close an approximation to it as might still be found to-day. However, as soon as we accept what Schurtz thought were the necessary consequences of the two tendencies,—of the instinct for association and of the sexual instinct,—obviously, then, that organization which conforms closest to the conditions there imposed would be the most primitive.
He thereupon found himself confronted with the relatively easy task of finding such an organization. He found it in Australia, and selected it as the starting-point of his series. In justice to Schurtz and other theoreticians, it should, however, be said that the Australiancultures impressed many then, and continue to impress many now, as cultures that either had been stunted in their growth, or had developed only as far as the most primitive stages. From that point on, the construction of a series was a simple task.
Such, in brief, is the position of Schurtz.
He wished to convey the impression that his theory was based entirely upon an inductive study of the data; but we have seen that, by means of two powerful tendencies, he in reality based his interpretation upon a deductive study. He does, it is true, claim that the existence of these tendencies was established inductively; but even if we were to grant this, it is apparent that he subsequently disassociated the tendencies from the data, and used them as new entities from which to re-interpret the facts.
It has been pointed out before that Schurtz did not believe that the absence of any or all of the “symptoms” constituted an argument against his theory. In the same way, any evidences of convergent evolution, of the appearance of “symptoms” of higher stages associated with those of a lower stage, would not militate against his position. Such phenomena were to be regarded as purely adventitious. Dissemination of cultures, he held, was possible; but, although similarities due to such an agency might obscure the normal development, this normal development could hardly be fundamentally disarranged thereby.
The theory of Schurtz might be examined from two points of view. One might critically examine the validity of the assumptionsper se, and the justifiability of his inferences; or one might temporarily lay aside the theory entirely, and examine the data individually. It is the latter method of approach that I shall here adopt.
With this purpose in view, I have selected for examination and interpretation the data furnished by the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin, the Winnebago Medicine Dance, and the Omaha Shell and Pebble Societies. The investigation of specific data will, however, not have any general validity, unless it can be shown that their specific content is the result of certain very general psychological tendencies.
The common elements in the ceremonial complexes have led to the predication of their identity, and it will be best therefore to begin our study with an analysis of them.
III.The Shooting Ritual.—It might perhaps be expedient, before discussing the phenomena of “shooting” in general, to analyze what is supposed to be its precise nature among the various tribes possessing it in one form or another. Generally speaking, the essential idea lies in the simulation of being shot by a missile, and re-acting bysimulating muscular contractions until the individual falls prone upon the ground. The general theory of the Ojibwa-Menominee and of the Winnebago is, that death must thereupon normally result, but that certain conditions may change this fatal effect into one of temporary unconsciousness. Among the Omaha, the simulated death is interpreted as the dramatic representation of the death of certain persons known in the ceremony of the Shell Society as “children.” Among the Santee Dakota, it seems to have had no very definite meaning.[16]
The Ojibwa,[17]Menominee,[18]Winnebago, and Dakota are at one in interpreting the effects of the shooting as the result of the magical powers inherent in the missile used. Efficiency in shooting, however, depends not merely upon the missile, but also upon the shaman using it. According to the esoteric interpretation of the Winnebago, the specific results could only be obtained by being a member of the Medicine Dance. There are indications that this specific efficacy was associated with the general magical power of shamans,—a power that had been obtained through personal visions, not in any way connected with this society. For the Ojibwa-Menominee, this latter seems to have been by far the more important source for efficacy. For example, the otter-skin bag could be used with the same effect quite apart from the performances of the Midewiwin. In the Omaha ceremonies it is not quite clear exactly what renders the shooting efficacious, and whether the result is inherent in the magical power of the missile.
In all the ritualistic complexes there are variations both as to the manner in which the shooting is done, and as to the portion of the body aimed at. Excluding the Omaha societies, these variations in all cases depend upon the status of membership. The Ojibwa-Menominee shooting is in nature and in interpretation quite similar to that of the Winnebago; while the Omaha presents a number of variations from the type.
In the Ojibwa-Menominee ceremonies the shooting ritual is always associated with the admission of a new member. This includes, of course, also the initiation of individuals into higher degrees, wherever such exist. The shooting is done principally by the newly initiated individual, because he is supposed to be trying his powers. There occurs, besides this, a general shooting, in which all members indulge, and which is supposed to increase their shooting powers. The strengthening of their power is supposed to resist the effects of the shot. Among the Omaha this general shooting is unassociated with initiation, while among the Winnebago it is found associated both with initiation and with the basic ceremony. It is therefore of considerableimportance to understand what relation this general shooting ritual bears to the specific shooting associated with initiation. Shooting is either an element primarily associated with initiation, and afterwards separated, or it is some general element that has become associated with any of a large number of other cultural elements. In order to determine this, we have next to examine with what elements shooting becomes associated.
Among the Kwakiutl[19]there is a dance in which an individual (mā′maq’a) throws disease into the people. This disease is represented by some object, either a stick or a harpoon-head. The shooting has precisely the same effect as in the Medicine Dance. No association of shooting of any kind occurs with initiation into a society.
The Kwakiutl example brings up the real question involved in the shooting. To what extent is the shooting ritual of the Medicine Dance of the Winnebago merely one of the forms of disease-throwing which is so common a practice of sympathetic magic? The Central Algonkin Midewiwin are really loose associations of men and women, whose powers are obtained more from individual revelations obtained outside of the Midewiwin than from the benefits of membership in that society. Shamanistic practices appear to form an integral part of this society. But apart from this, the shooting of disease, or of any malignant power, at an enemy, is an extremely common feature among the Central Algonkin as it is among all other American shamans. The question that presents itself is, whether the shooting, as found in the Ojibwa-Menominee and Winnebago Medicine Societies, is not one aspect of this same general shamanistic practice.
To judge from the speeches and the songs of these societies, the main religious function is to obtain the power to resist the influence of the shot. The muscular contortions and the various movements the individual shot at goes through, are intended to be symbolical of this resistance. What the members expect to obtain are powers sufficiently strong to resist any malignant influences that they might meet in the general course of a lifetime; that is, we are dealing with a very general manifestation of shamanism, and we ought therefore not to be surprised to find it wherever shamanism occurs, either entirely unassociated, or associated with a large number of different elements. We find it unassociated in a large number of places scattered over North America. Among the Kwakiutl it is associated with a certain dance; among the Central Algonkin and Winnebago, with initiation. If it can now be shown that among the Omaha, and among the Winnebago also, we find it again in a different association, then the association of shooting with an initiation ritual will have to be regarded as oneof a number of complexes into which shooting has entered. Whether, in a specific case, shooting, or the initiation-shooting complex, is historically related to a similar ritual among other tribes, is a question that only direct historical evidence or a strong historical probability can determine. The presence of shooting in a number of different ceremonies, however, will not in itself demonstrate any relationship between these ceremonies.
We will now examine the nature of the complex with which shooting is associated in the night division of the general ceremony of the Winnebago Medicine Dance and in the Omaha Pebble and Shell Society.
A large number of the societies among the Winnebago and Omaha are based on the common possession of revelations from the same animal. We may have a society “of those who have had communication with the Thunders,” or with the Nights, or with the Grizzly Bear, or what not. The bond of such a society is generally expressed outwardly, by the possession of some “gift” which is intimately connected with the animal, be it a head-dress, a tail, facial decorations, or the right to the use of a certain drum, etc. The only society among the Winnebago where no revelation is required for admission is the Medicine Dance. There are, however, a number of elements which connect the Medicine Dance with the other type of society so common among the Winnebago. For instance, there is an outward mark of membership; namely, the otter-skin and the “migis.”[20]On the warpath the Winnebago wraps the otter-skin around his shoulder to signify that, as a member of the Medicine Dance, he is protected from the attacks of his enemies. In the shooting ritual of the night division of the general ceremony of the Medicine Dance, and in the Medicine Feast, there are a number of features similar to those of the Winnebago Buffalo, Grizzly Bear, Night, etc., Societies. From the point of view of organization, the only difference would seem to be, that, instead of a common bond lying in a supernatural communication, it lies here in the mutual shooting. If we wished to describe the Medicine Dance in terms of Winnebago society norms, we might call it a “society of those who shoot one another.” The shooting forms an integral part of the ritualistic complex, much in the same way as do the set songs and the set speeches. In the basic ritual of the day ceremony, the shooting occurs in two combinations,—on the one hand, as an initiation-shooting-complex, set off more or less from the general ceremony; and, on the other hand, in a complex that is a repetition of one which occurs at night, and which forms unquestionably the basic portion of theentire Medicine Dance. We will return to a discussion of this subsequently.
Shooting in the Omaha Pebble and Shell Societies is associated precisely in the same manner as in the basic ritual of the Medicine Dance. In the Pebble Society we have, as a matter of fact, exactly the condition which we assumed might perhaps be the correct interpretation of the Medicine Dance. The society is named “Those who shoot the Pebble.” In the Shell Society the bond of union is similarly the shooting, the society being called “Those who shoot with a Shell.”
It therefore seems quite probable, taking into account the fact that three Siouan (one Winnebago and two Omaha) societies present a shooting feature in their basic rituals, that this ritualistic complex is a general characteristic of this area. To sum up, a shooting ritual has entered into a complex quite different from that existing among the Kwakiutl, Central Algonkin Midewiwin, and in one part of the day ceremony of the Winnebago Medicine Dance. We must therefore conclude that the association of shooting with initiation is merely one of many possible associations, and that the shooting found in the basic complex must be regarded as historically different from the shooting found in the initiation complex.
Returning to the question of shooting as associated with an initiation ritual, it must be granted that it is somewhat improbable that this particular association should have arisen independently among two tribes living in closely contiguous geographical areas. We may therefore assume that the Winnebago either borrowed from the Central Algonkin, orvice versa. All indications point to the former as having been the case.
The shooting, then, as found in the societies discussed, is merely one phase of sympathetic magic. A cultural element common to a very large area has become associated with a special significance and with special ceremonies. For the cultural areas discussed, this association seems to have developed into two types of complexes,—the shooting-initiation complex of the Central Algonkin, and the basic complex of the Omaha and Winnebago.
IV.The Initiation Ritual.—The elements common to the Central Algonkin Midewiwin and to the Winnebago Medicine Dance consist of two parts,—an initiation and a shooting. Of these, the shooting was shown to have been a more or less free element, capable among other tribes of entering into an indefinite number of associations; that, indeed, in the Medicine Dance itself, it had become associated with two different ritualistic complexes. We have already examined the shooting ritual; and we will therefore proceed to examine the initiationritual, in order to understand its precise significance and its position in the general ceremony and in the complete ceremonial complex of the Medicine Dance.
1.Ojibwa-Menominee.—The simplicity of the organization of the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin impresses one at a glance. Only a small number of individuals take active part. It is similarly impossible to discern any elaborate ritual. A few ritualistic myths are told, some songs sung, speeches delivered, and then preparations are made for the shooting of the novice. The ceremony practically ends as soon as the shooting terminates. In this semi-public performance there is practically only one ritualistic complex, that of the shooting-initiation. The only purpose of this complex seems likewise to be the initiation of an individual into the Midewiwin.
This initiation ritual, we know, is only the terminal element in a long course of instruction which the novice must go through. It is during this instruction that the specific teachings and practices of the Midewiwin are elucidated, and it is then that the symbolism used in the bark records is explained.
These teachings and practices, apart from some ethical teachings of the most general nature, vary with each mide. In each case the novice is taught the mide’s individual songs, his particular tricks and practices, his specific herbs, and the uses to which he puts them. The bond connecting the teaching of the mides is of the loosest nature.
When the instruction is over (and it is over as soon as the novice has exhausted the wealth he expects to spend in each particular case), the novice is ready for initiation. But into what is he really being initiated? It would seem purely into the powers purchased from a certain mide. If this particular mide did not chance to be a member of the Midewiwin, the same or an extremely similar method of transference of personal powers would be gone through. In other words, the novice is being initiated into the status of a mide. If one may speak of any formal initiation here, it consists in giving to the new mide some object which is generally regarded as a symbol of the preceptor’s power. It may be a medicine-pouch, or herbs, or anything, in fact. But is this not precisely what takes place at the initiation into the Midewiwin? There, a person is presented with the “migis” and otter-skin bag, which is symbolical of the powers of a certain type of shaman, the mide.
The Midewiwin, from this point of view, is hardly a society at all. It does, nevertheless, possess some of the essential characteristics of a society: a number of individuals form a rather definite unit, owing to their possessing in common a number of ritualistic myths, a symbol and common status, in the eyes of outsiders.
As a society, the Midewiwin presents no such unit as does thedefinite organization of the Winnebago Medicine Dance or the Omaha Shell and Pebble Societies. The bond of unity in the Midewiwin lies in the fact that all members are mide. An individual is a mide, however, not by reason of membership in the Midewiwin. The powers that make him a mide have nothing to do with the Midewiwin at all. They are purely personal. The Midewiwin is primarily, then, an association of mide; not of individuals who have become mide because they belong to that society. It is because of this fact that the individuality of the members is so potent a factor, and it is because of this fact that no strong ceremonial unit exists. It is for the same reason that initiation into the society presents, in all its essentials, the picture of a normal transference of individual mide power.
Historically I do not doubt that it really is such a transference. As the idea of the Midewiwin as a ceremonial unit developed more definitely, the individual transference of the individual mide power may have become associated with initiation into the Midewiwin itself. It is perfectly natural, when all the mide became members of the Midewiwin, that the transference of power should not have been thought of apart from the society to which the mide belonged. It thus followed that obtaining knowledge from a mide would be synonymous with joining the Midewiwin.
As the Midewiwin grew in popularity, and as all the mide and a majority of the other members of the tribe joined it, there came to be associated with it certain specific benefits, that had in themselves nothing at all to do with the mide, but which were generally characteristic of Central Algonkin culture. The association of these specific benefits played necessarily an important part in the history of the society, because it meant that an individual, in joining the society, obtained much more than certain mide powers. He obtained, in fact, all the mide powers, plus those specific benefits which membership in the Midewiwin now brought with it. Through the transference of the objects symbolical of the mide’s power,—“the migis” and the otter-skin bag,—shooting now initiated him not only into the status of a mide, but also into that of a member of a society with an esoteric ritual. The shooting itself no longer bore the impress of a general shamanistic practice, but stood as a symbol of initiation into a society. At the transference of individual shamanistic power, shooting did not occur. It must consequently have become associated with initiation when the loose union of the mide developed into a more or less definite society.
Summing up briefly, we may be justified in saying that the initiation ritual of the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin is a transference of individual power as found among the individual mide, modified by the addition of another element, the shooting-incident. The initiationcan in no way be regarded as necessarily associated with shooting, but this association will have to be regarded as simply a characteristic of the Central Algonkin Midewiwin. In other words, just as “shooting” may enter into an indefinite number of associations, conditioned by the cultural individuality of an area, so initiation may similarly enter into an indefinite number of combinations.
2.Shell Society.—In the Shell Society of the Omaha there is no specific initiation ceremony. According to the origin legend, an animal appears to a family consisting of father, mother, and four children, and helps them to obtain food. They, in order to show their gratitude, offer him their children. The children are subsequently shot and killed. As they lie on the shore of a lake, four tremendous waves sweep them away. They afterwards emerge from the midst of the lake, and assure their parents that, although they are dead, they are quite content, and they would advise them to put off their mourning, return to their own tribe, and form a society. They could obtain new members by selling to other people the powers they had obtained. The shooting that occurs in the ceremony proper, and which is interpreted by the Omaha as a dramatic representation of the shooting of the four children, has nothing to do with initiation into the society. Initiation consists entirely in the transference of certain knowledge and symbols by one of the owners of the society to any individual who is considered eligible, and who has paid the requisite price.
As a matter of fact, only members are shot. The shooting, whatever may have been its original significance, is here but one element in an intricate ritualistic complex similar to the basic ritual of the Winnebago Medicine Dance. Its purpose seems to be exclusively that of “strengthening” the powers of the members.
Anything approaching the dramatic initiation into the Midewiwin does not exist. Admission into the society is in no way connected with the shooting ritual, although the shooting ritual is actually found in the society.
3.Pebble Society.—The nature of initiation into the Pebble Society is not definitely known. As membership, however, depends upon supernatural communications from the same animal, it probably is the same as that found among other Omaha societies of the same kind. Initiation would thus consist in the obtaining of the supernatural communication itself. Every person who has had a supernatural communication with a spirit—in this particular case, the water spirit—is eligible for membership into the society. Shooting is found, but it is in no way connected with admission or initiation into the society. It has, it would seem, practically the same significance as in the Shell Society.
4.Medicine Dance.—In the Winnebago Medicine Dance, membership does not depend upon supernatural communication of any kind, but must be purchased from the leader of one of the five bands. A long preparation is necessary, lasting in olden times as long as four years. The individual is then initiated into certain of the teachings of the society. It makes no difference into which of the five bands he is initiated. The knowledge he obtains will, to all intents and purposes, be the same, excluding certain songs. This does not mean, of course, that there may not be information belonging to the member as an individual, which is taught to the novice; but it is understood that any powers belonging specifically to an individual, and which the novice wishes to purchase, have primarily no connection with the society. As every leader is likely to be a prominent shaman as well as a member of the Medicine Dance, it would be quite impossible to draw a hard and fast line between what belongs specifically to him as a shaman, and what belongs to him as a member of the Medicine Dance. However, it is generally understood that a leader is initiating an individual into those powers that are the special property of the society.
As among the Ojibwa-Menominee, initiation is accompanied by a formal transfer of a “shell” and of an otter-skin bag. Externally the general ceremony of the Medicine Dance might consequently be regarded as similar to the semi-public ceremony of the Midewiwin. There are two features, however, which stand out prominently in the general ceremony of the former, which must be explained before we can accept this external similarity as real. They are, first, the peculiar position of the initiation ritual of the general ceremony; and, secondly, the presence of another ritual, the basic ritual, and the importance it assumes.
Precisely the same ritual that we found among the Ojibwa-Menominee—the initiation-shooting complex; that is, initiation associated with shooting, the transference of the otter-skin bag and of a shell, plus a number of incidental elements—occurs in the general ceremony. This complex intervenes between the performance of the basic ritual by the North and West Bands. There is absolutely nothing in the basic ritual preceding or following the initiation that could possibly be interpreted as a preparation for the latter. As it is found there, the initiation seems quite out of place, and conveys forcibly the impression of being intrusive. The general ceremony is by no means terminated when initiation is over; but the West Band continues with its performance of the basic ritual as though there had been no interruption, even though the interval between North’s and West’s performance of the basic ritual generally lasts a number of hours. The initiation ritual is, on the whole, treated as an incidental feature. It can certainlynot be the main or most important ritual of the general ceremony. As a matter of fact, it occurs only in the day ritual of that ceremony. In the night ritual it is absent. A ritual of which shooting is one of the essential features occurs in the latter, but, as we shall see later, this has nothing to do with the initiation.
That the shell and the shooting are unquestionably considered necessary and essential for initiation, is borne out conclusively by the numerous references in the speeches. We must therefore not permit the position of the initiation ritual in the general ceremony to interfere with its interpretation as a real initiation into the society. However, this position may have been due to secondary causes. It is quite impossible to determine them definitely now; but it is possible, by studying the significance and nature of the basic ritual, to explain to a very large extent the reason for the position of the initiation ritual.
The basic ritual is a definite ceremonial complex, which constitutes the most conspicuous unit of the Medicine Dance. Both in the night and the day ritual of the general ceremony, each individual band repeats it, and in both cases the ceremony terminates as soon as the last band has finished it. A number of other rituals separate the various performances of the basic ritual, and even intervene between the separate constituent elements of the ritual itself. In each case, nevertheless, the basic ritual is continued as soon as the disturbing ritual has been removed. It is for these reasons that it seems to me unquestionable that we are dealing here with the essential ritualistic unit of the general ceremony. What strengthens this impression is the fact that a ritualistic complex similar in its general nature, although not in the component elements of which it is made up, is found in almost all the other societies of the Winnebago. In the Buffalo, Grizzly Bear, Ghost, and Night Societies, there is a basic ritual of essentially the same functions and significance. In all these societies, likewise, objects of specific value to the members are passed from one individual to another; and this “passing” is accompanied by songs, speeches, and ritualistic details. Although the complex differs for each society, it nevertheless presents a definite ritualistic unit, which must be repeated by each person, or each band belonging to the society, as the case may be.
To judge from the general tenor of the speeches, the purpose of the ritual in every one of these societies is the “strengthening” of powers obtained in a vision. Now, the tenor of the speeches in the basic ritual of the Medicine Dance is precisely of the same nature; and as we have there, in addition, the characteristic passing of the “blessing,”—that is, the passing of the drum, the gourds, and the associate actions, speeches, songs, and dances; in other words, the means of assuring the continuance and the strengthening of the specific powers,—therecan be little doubt that the basic ritual is essentially the same for all these societies.
Of course, the demonstration that the basic ritual is at present the main and most important ritual in the Medicine Dance, does not prove that it is historically primary. There are, however, a number of facts that speak in favor of this assumption. In the first place, it is undoubtedly the characteristic ceremonial complex of all Winnebago societies, and likewise of a large number of societies among other Siouan tribes; and, secondly, it is associated with an organization that is typical of other Winnebago societies. It differs from these primarily in the fact that membership is purchased, and not obtained through supernatural communication from some animal. Even the absence of the customary manner of admission might perhaps be hypothetically accounted for, for we have an interesting instance of the disappearance of the “vision” qualification in the Night Dance. The Night Dance, now known as the Sore-Eye Dance, previously required for admission a vision from the night spirits. This qualification has now disappeared, and its place has been taken by purchase, pure and simple, as in the case of the Medicine Dance. Now, it is possible that the same development may have taken place for the Medicine Dance. In the absence of any such positive evidence, however, as has been adduced for the Night Dance, this assumption can only be regarded as a possible explanation.
If the basic ritual is to be regarded as the principal and characteristic feature of the Medicine Dance and as historically primary, then the intrusive character of the initiation ritual may be explained by regarding it as secondarily associated. We are of course in no position to say in what way this association occurred, and we are therefore not in a position to tell whether the initiation ritual was associated from the very beginning in such a way as to perform the functions of a normal initiation into a society, or whether it was at first a purely adventitious addition with no special significance.
If it was regarded from the very beginning as an initiation, there seems no reason why it should have been given the position in the general ceremony that it now possesses. It consequently seems better to regard its position as older than the references made in the speeches to its functions as an initiation into this specific Winnebago society.
There can be little doubt that the initiation-complex of the Medicine Dance was borrowed from the Central Algonkin Midewiwin. We may consequently conclude that, notwithstanding the present interpretation of the initiation as an initiation into the Medicine Dance, it is historically really an initiation ritual of one ceremony that has become secondarily associated with another. In support of this, it can be pointed out that no initiation bearing the slightest resemblanceto this one, occurs in any other of the numerous Winnebago societies, and that the Medicine Dance really possesses two initiations,—the one being the purchase of membership; and the other, that mentioned above. It might also be added that non-members never speak of the shooting as an initiation. To them the shooting always appears as a shamanistic practice associated with the “strengthening” of power. The esoteric interpretation, however, regards this “secondary” initiation as primary.
Summing up briefly the results of the analysis of the three initiations discussed, we must emphasize again the fact that we are dealing with initiations essentially different in nature. In the Ojibwa-Menominee it is evidently a formal transfer of shamanistic powers from one individual to another, which has subsequently become synonymous with admission into the social status of a mide and then with admission into a society. In the Shell Society the transfer of powers is analogous to the purchase of specific powers by one individual from another; and as these have become associated with a society, the individual buying them purchased at the same time admission into the society. In the Pebble Society, initiation is synonymous with the acquisition of power through supernatural communication from some animal. There is no transfer at all, except in so far as the spirit animal transfers something to the person fasting. Initiation is connected simply with the individual. No initiation into the society exists. In the Winnebago Medicine Dance, whatever may have been the primary method of initiation, we have to-day a definite initiation like that found in the Midewiwin. This, however, has been borrowed from another ceremony, and secondarily associated. Even now it is not in its proper organic position in the general ceremony, despite the fact that an esoteric re-interpretation has transformed it into a specific initiation into the Medicine Dance.
Initiation is thus seen to be both a concept and a ritualistic complex, varying considerably in different tribes. As a ritualistic complex, it has entered freely into innumerable associations, which can only be determined by a study of each specific ceremony. The same holds true with regard to the concept of initiation. It is also apparent that the concept has a marked influence in determining the nature of the ritualistic complex connected with it, andvice versa. In both cases, then, we have to examine not merely the nature of these two phenomena in a given area, but likewise whether they represent historically primary concepts and complexes, before we can make any attempt to investigate what are the concepts that underlie all initiations.
V.The General Ceremony.—In the foregoing remarks we have dealt with the nature and significance of those specific rituals that goto make the larger complex we have called the “general ceremony.” We will now proceed to examine the nature and significance of this general ceremony itself.
1.Ojibwa-Menominee.—The general ceremony of the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin is to all intents and purposes the initiation ritual itself. There is really no other ritualistic complex with which it is associated; nor is there any feature which interrupts in any way the dramatic progress of events from the beginning, to the actual initiation of the new member. In reality this general ceremony must be looked upon solely as the completion of a long course of preparatory instruction. Nothing, indeed, accentuates the minor part which the actual “society” aspect of the Midewiwin plays than this slight development of the general ceremony. The long course of preparatory instruction, in which the shaman, as an individual, plays the major part, seems practically to be the main feature.
2.Shell Society.—In the Shell Society the general ceremony consists of a large number of ritualistic complexes. The basic ritual runs like a red line through the whole, and with this are associated the following rituals: the passing of the invitation-sticks, the opening of the pack by the keepers, the circling of the fire “by the four children,” the filling of the wooden bowl with water, and finally the shooting. Both the secret and the public ceremonies consist almost exclusively of the shooting, and of the “passing” of the drum and the ritualistic details associated with it. The meeting terminates as soon as the last of the five ceremonial bands has finished this basic ritual.
3.Pebble Society.—In the Pebble Society the characteristic passing of the drum likewise occurs, and with it occur the details connected with it, as well as the preparation for shooting and the actual shooting. The number of ritualistic complexes is much smaller than in the Shell Society. However, this may be due to the meagreness of our information. As contrasted with the marked unity of action displayed in the Shell Society, we find here a marked tendency for individual development, that is perhaps to be expected, considering that the bond of union (namely, the powers obtained through common visions) is a rather vague one from the point of view of organization.
4.Medicine Dance.—In the Medicine Dance the general ceremony includes, in addition to the basic and initiation rituals, a secret ceremony that takes place outside of the lodge itself. As in the Shell and Pebble Societies, there are here also two sessions, but both seem to be secret.
The significance of the general ceremony mentioned is the performance of a ritual for a variety of purposes, the principal of which are, first, purely the perpetuation of the ritual; and, secondly, the “strengthening” and renewal of certain special powers. These twoseem to be pre-eminently the functions of those Omaha and Winnebago societies that are based upon common visions. In the former the element of initiation plays no part at all. The meetings of the society take place at almost any convenient time of the year. For the Winnebago the element of initiation is more pronounced. The meetings are called for two reasons,—either for the purpose of initiating a member, or for the purpose of acquiring additional powers.
In each case the general complexes are different, and in each case they depend upon associations that are both historically and psychologically determined by the specific cultural characteristics of the area in question.
VI.The Complete Ceremonial Complexes.—The general ceremony is only one element in an extremely elaborate complex. Its position in this complex has been touched upon before. We have now, however, to examine this complex itself, and to see what are the ritualistic elements that form it. And in this final complex we have again to see whether there is a tendency for certain elements to be associated in a definite manner; and, if this proves to be the case, how this definite association is to be interpreted.
1.Ojibwa.—The Ojibwa Midewiwin consists of a long course of preparation, and a formal public initiation into a society containing four degrees. We have seen that the preparation is entirely shamanistic in character, and that the general public ceremony is to all intents and purposes as much an initiation into the status of a mide as it is into a society. This interpretation is again strengthened by the marked association of the general ceremony with shamanistic tricks. Among the Cree it appears that this function of the Midewiwin is of prime importance.[21]In the “degrees” we have another confirmation of its shamanistic character. The four degrees are merely the four instalments in which an old shaman sells his knowledge and power. The number 4 has no especial significance, except in so far as it is the sacred number of the tribe. Miss Densmore[22]found eight degrees among another division of the Ojibwa; and the number will doubtless be found to vary from division to division. The requirements for admission into the second, third, and fourth degrees, are greater payments, and greater evidences of religious fitness. The possessors of the various degrees do not form distinct classes. Those of the first degree alone, possess one degree only. There is no passing from one to another degree, but simply an addition of degrees, so that an individual with the fourth degree possesses all the other degrees; in other words,degrees are merely marks of increased power. It is for this reason that an initiation practically the same as that for the first degree is necessary for the other degrees. The fact that a new initiation into the society is necessary for each degree, and that the distinctions represented by the degrees are merely transferences of increased shamanistic powers, differing accordingly as they have been obtained from one or another shaman, emphasizes strongly the specific shamanistic nature of the Midewiwin.
As we have said before, the Midewiwin is a society, not so much because it is an association of mide, but because there have come to be associated with it certain functions of a religious and social nature, setting it off as a unit. The fact that the members are mide will, of course, have an enormous influence on some of the functions that the society is supposed to possess.
The powers of the individual mide are those connected with the healing of wounds, the curing of disease, the ability to transform one’s self into any animal or object at will, the performance of seemingly impossible tricks, and lastly the practice of evil magic. In the teachings of the individual mide in his rôle as a member of the Midewiwin, all these elements are present; but there are, in addition, two other powers which are specifically Midewiwin functions,—namely, the power to prolong life, and the power to assure a successful passage to the future world. The power of prolonging life is not supposed to be an effect of the shooting. The belief is, that membership in the society, and the proper observance of the ritual and precepts, will enable an individual to surmount successfully the crises of life and the evil designs of his enemies. Just as the proper observance of ritual and precepts prolongs life, so it will likewise insure the safe passage of a soul from this to a future world. According to William Jones, “it was believed that the soul followed a path to go to the spirit world, and that the path was beset with dangers to oppose the passage of the soul; but that it was possible to overcome the obstacles by the use of the formulas which could be learned only in the Midewiwin.”[23]
To assert dogmatically that these two powers do not come within the scope of the individual mide, may perhaps be unwarranted; but at present the evidence among the Ojibwa is certainly negative. However, the Midewiwin is considered to be intimately associated with these specific functions. They are not associated with the specific powers of the mide. In reality, they are the general religio-magical possessions of the tribe, that have been secondarily associated with the Midewiwin.
2.Menominee.—Practically all that has been said of the Ojibwa applies in equal degree to the Menominee Midewiwin. But two importantdifferences are noticeable,—first, a member is always succeeded by a near relative; and, secondly, not only is the Midewiwin connected with the function of insuring the safe passage to the future world, but the ceremony itself begins at the grave of the deceased member as soon as the mortuary rites are over. They may even be regarded as a continuation of the same.
3.Shell Society.—In the Shell Society the organization, in contradistinction to the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin, is not based on individuals as such, but on definite ceremonial group units. There are five to-day, but there seem to have been more formerly.
We find a fourfold designation for the lodges. They are known to-day as those of the eldest son or sun, second son or stars, daughter or moon, and youngest son or earth. Sometimes, however, these same are known in order as Black-Bear, Elk, Buffalo, and Deer Lodge. The first “old man’s lodge” (uju) is also known as that of the Eagle.
The general ceremony has been described before, and we will therefore proceed to discuss what appears to be the purpose of the society, what powers its members possessed, and with what functions it was associated.
The definite purpose of the society seems to be the performance of a certain ritual. That in addition there is likewise the desire to increase or at least strengthen the powers received at purchase, is extremely probable, but this cannot be definitely stated. What can be definitely stated, however, is the fact that an absolutely essential condition for efficacy of the powers obtained is the performance of the ritual; and in this it is radically distinct from the Midewiwin, for there the powers obtained from the shaman have no relation to the ritual. The efficacy then, of the powers, remains always what it was when taught to the new member.
In discussing what the powers of the members are, it is again essential to distinguish what they possess by virtue of membership, and what they possess as individuals. We should most naturally expect that certain conceptions, certain cultural possessions, belong to a large body of Omaha. If, then, we find them in a certain society, it is most natural to assume that they have not been obtained by reason of membership therein, but that this society will reflect general Omaha ideas. This or that society may emphasize certain ideas, and may develop them along certain lines, but it certainly does not originate them. They have no relation of cause and effect to any particular society. This has sometimes been assumed to be the case, and such a view comes out clearly in Miss Fletcher’s[24]statement that all secret societies among the Omaha dealt more or less with magic as well as with healing by means of herbs and roots. It is palpably not becausethey are secret societies that their members have developed any such tendencies, but because, as secret societies, they reflected Omaha customs and modes of thought. For the same reason Miss Fletcher’s conclusion, that because in both the Shell and Pebble Societies shamanistic tricks are performed, they may possibly be historically connected, is unwarranted. The observance of shamanistic tricks is so general a phenomenon, that all that can be said, when two societies are found emphasizing them, is that two societies emphasized or developed one or many Omaha customs. There is no need of assuming any historical connection unless this has been shown to be the case.
Let us now return to what is distinctive in the powers of a member of the Shell Society.
The name of the society is “Those-who-have-the-Shell.” It is the possession of the shell that separates them from other societies. In the ideas clustering around the powers of this object we are most likely to find one of the important specific advantages of membership. As far as can be gathered from Miss Fletcher’s account, the shell is connected with certain magical qualities. It is difficult to say what specific magical qualities are meant. However, to judge from the nature of the general ceremony and the songs, we are really dealing with magic in its most general sense, but connected in this case with a specific object, a shell; that is, we might imagine hypothetically that the society originated in connection with the vision of an individual, in which the magical power was associated with a shell. The same power might, in the case of another individual, be associated with a drum, a flute, a gourd, a stone, or what not. Apart from difference in ritualistic detail, and in the nature of some of the elements that go to make up the general ritualistic complex, it is this association of magical powers with one object in one case, and with another in another case, that constitutes the difference between the various Omaha societies.
To illustrate how general is the magical power of the shell in the Shell Society, and how essential is the specific object possessing the magic, we will give the following instances. In the origin myth, shooting is supposed to kill the “children;” in the general ceremony it probably serves to strengthen powers already acquired; in the ceremony for punishing offenders, of which we shall speak later, it is merely an example of sympathetic magic.
Together with the magic specifically associated with the shell, the members exercised individual magic; as, for example, killing a horse because its owner had offended him, or killing another member by magically having a snake hidden near the place where the other was accustomed to work. These instances of the exercise of magic must not, however, be considered as specific of the society.
In addition to the association of the Shell Society with magic in its more general aspect, and also in its application to some specific object, we find it associated with general shamanistic practices, with conceptions relating to life after death, and with a magical ceremony for punishing offenders. The shamanistic practices have been dwelt on before. All that can be said about the connection of the society with ceremonies performed upon the death of a member is, that the deceased is carried to a tent in which the regular ceremonial is gone through.[25]Whether this ceremony has any definite connection with ideas relating to the journey of the soul to the future world, is not known.
By far the most interesting ceremony associated with the Shell Society is that for punishing offenders.[26]The main purpose seems to be the punishment of an individual “in order to keep the people in order and check crime, such as molesting wives or daughters and destroying property and so causing mischief in the tribe.” This was effected through a sacred figure supposed to represent the society.... “The arms contained poisons for punishment, and the leg the magic shells which made it possible to administer this punishment.... When a man committed an offence that seemed to demand punishment, the society met at night, and if it had determined to punish the man, then this figure was brought out.”[27]Now, it must be borne in mind that there is here no suggestion of any legal procedure, but merely, as we shall see, an application of the magical powers of the society to a very specific social purpose. Punishment consisted in causing the offender to become sick through the application of poison to a figure supposed to symbolize him, which is drawn on the earth. This figure was subsequently shot at. When the ceremony was over, the leaders waited until they had been informed that the offender had become sick, when they assembled in a tent and sang until the man died.
In this ceremony we have again a shamanistic practice which was probably exercised by many members of the tribe, associated in one of the societies with a definite and specific function. But this specific function, plus the other traits that have been enumerated as characteristic of the society, go to make up a complex that is looked upon as a definite unit.
4.Pebble Society.—The remarks made on the purpose of the Shell Society are, generally speaking, applicable to the Pebble Society. Instead of being attached to a shell, the magical powers are here attached to a translucent pebble. The possibility for a greater variability in the nature of the powers obtained was given by the fact that allthose who had had a vision of water, or its representative, the pebble or the water-spirit, could become members. The water-spirit was always associated with the granting of knowledge relating to medicinal herbs and the power of healing sickness generally; and we find in the society, consequently, a large preponderance of individuals with such powers. The association between these powers and some definite object, in this case the pebble, is not as intimate as that found to exist between corresponding powers and a similar object in the Shell Society; in other words, the shaman, as an individual, is more prominent.
The most important association of the society is that connected with the curing of disease. It would be erroneous to consider this function as a secondary association, as it is conditioned by the fact that the visions from the water-spirit would necessarily be connected with “the powers” relating to medicinal herbs and their healing virtues.
5.Medicine Dance.—The Medicine Dance, looked upon in its entirety, is composed of a long course of preparation (now discontinued), the Four Nights’ Preparation, the sweat-bath ceremony, the night and the day divisions of the general ceremony, and the secret brush ceremony. These ceremonies have all become amalgamated into a more or less firm unit, whose individual characteristics we have touched upon before.
The society is known in Winnebago asMañkan′ni, the wordmañkan′, meaning “medicine” in its medicinal aspect, as opposed towasê′, meaning “medicine” in its magical aspect. As far as can be seen from a detailed study of the rituals, no prominence seems, however, to be given to the therapeutic or herbalist aspect. There are, it is true, medicines for general therapeutic practice and for hunting, fishing, love, and especially for “bad” purposes. But in the ceremony as given to-day, and as described by those well versed in the ritual of the society, these medicines find no place.
There is, however, a very persistent exoteric interpretation of the Medicine Dance, according to which the members are regarded primarily as powerful shamans concerned preferably with the practice of “bad” magic. In this practice they are greatly aided by the fact that their membership in the society increases their magical powers, especially that connected with the ability to transform themselves into all kinds of animate and inanimate objects for the furtherance of their evil designs. The most feared shamans—those who are distinguished from all others by the possession of the iron moccasins (manzua′gudjê)—belonged to this society. This exoteric interpretation does not, however, seem to tally with the designationmankan′ni. Personally I think this term is a popular one, and has no real significance as acharacterization of the functions of the society, at least to-day. This exoteric interpretation is in all probability true to a certain extent. It would, however, be essential to determine whether these shamanistic powers are characteristic of members as individuals, and only secondarily connected with them as members of the society, before we can properly understand their significance. That membership was connected in any way with an increase of shamanistic powers, is certainly improbable. These powers are unquestionably identical with the general shamanistic and magical practices mentioned previously in the Shell and Pebble Societies.
In other words, the general shamanistic and magical beliefs of the tribe are found present in this society, as they are found in other societies.
What would tend to minimize our considering these features as in any way significant of the Medicine Dance, is the fact that there has been no tendency to develop or emphasize any specific aspect of magic, and that shamanistic practices are absent and appear entirely disassociated from the society.
The purpose of the Medicine Dance is in part the desire to attain a long life, a safe journey to the next world, and the possibility of a return to this life again, preferably in human shape. All these benefits may be obtained by taking an active part in the ceremony, and by performing to the best of one’s ability all the duties of a member. Although it is essential to participate in the entire ritual in order to obtain these benefits to the fullest extent, nevertheless the phenomena of shooting and being shot at play an especially important rôle in this connection.
Long life means essentially the life consisting of a normal length of years, with all the possessions of wealth, social and intellectual distinction, that would naturally be included. Among the Winnebago, this concept of years is very definite, because they believe that to each individual has been assigned a life containing a certain number of years, a certain amount of wealth, a certain number of enemies killed on the warpath, etc. If a man, therefore, dies before he has reached the end of his “predestined” life, the residue, it is hoped, will be distributed among his relatives.
When in the Medicine Dance they pray for long life, what they mean is the ability to surmount the crises of life. Whatever may be the nature of these crises,—whether they relate to family disasters, sickness, old age, etc.,—it is expected that they will be overcome by membership and active participation in the society. There seems to be no suggestion that this is attained through the influence of magic. It is mere membership and obedience to the society’s teachings, ambition to raise one’s status by purchasing more and more privileges, that accomplishthe desired end in view. The safe journey to the future world and the belief in transmigration may be obtained in a similar way. If one performs his duties and rises to the highest distinction, he will have no difficulty in attaining his object and in successfully overcoming all the obstacles to his passage.
The prayer for long life is specifically addressed to the Rabbit, the mythical founder of the society, and indirectly addressed to Earth-Maker (man′’una), the spirit who sent him to clear the earth of the obstacles to man’s progress. It is the only prayer ever addressed to him. No supernatural communication is possible. As a matter of fact, it is only in this and in the Winter Feast that Earth-Maker is associated with this specific power of granting long life.
It would be quite erroneous to imagine that the prayer for long life, passage to the next world, and transmigration, are ideas specifically connected with the Medicine Dance. As a matter of fact, they constitute the characteristic cultural traits of the Winnebago, and crop out everywhere in the folk-lore and in the general rituals. The question of the safe passage to the next world is perhaps even more specifically associated with the Four Nights’ Wake. The purpose of the wake is to enable the deceased to successfully overcome the four great obstacles on the road to the spirit home of his clan. This is accomplished, first, by the performance of a definite ritual; and, secondly, by some warrior relating one of his exploits on the warpath and putting at the disposal of the deceased the spirit of the man he had killed, to act as a servant to him. The close relation between the ethical worth of the deceased and of the one who relates the exploit, on the one hand, and the safe journey to the spirit world, on the other, comes out as strongly here as it does in the Medicine Dance; but it seems unnecessary, for that reason, to predicate any historical connection between the two. They both reflect the cultural background around them.
Similarly the various elements that make up the life which the members of the Medicine Dance pray for,—the food-supply, the power of healing, success on the warpath, a normal quota of years,—these are all definitely associated with spirits and ceremonials. Success in war is associated, not with one society, but with a number of societies. It would, however, be manifestly erroneous and unnecessary to claim that it belongs essentially more to the one than to the other society, unless direct historical proof for such a statement were forthcoming.
6.Summary.—We are now in a better position to see in what the nature of the complete ceremonial complex consists. The unit it consists of is loose in the Ojibwa-Menominee, and strong in the Shell and Pebble Societies and in the Medicine Dance. The specific componentelements are to a large extent different in each. It is utterly impossible now to discover the origin of the differences in the individual component elements; but it is quite clear that the forces tending to develop the larger ceremonial complexes have been, not those of a dissociation, but distinctly those of an association, of elements.
These associations may be of the most diverse kind. Certain features may always have been associated with certain other elements, such as medicinal herbs and medicines with the water-spirit, as in the case of the Omaha and Winnebago. This, then, is for all practical purposes an ultimate unit. If, consequently, we find an intimate connection between a vision from the water-spirit and the practice of medicinal herbs, we must not consider this as a secondary association that has come about through the influence of a ceremony.