Chapter 11

Not only were the citizens called on to support by their charity almshouses and schools, and to furnish loans for youthful enterprise, but the poor made a constant demand on their bounty, and in the sixteenth century poverty was greatly on the increase. The town rulers were confronted with a problem which, then and subsequently, has been found incapable of solution—the problem of the "unemployed." In the reign of Henry VIII. a terrible influx of vagabonds from the country set in, well-nigh driving the local rulers to distraction. Here we first gain some glimpses of a surplus populationof shiftless, landless, moneyless folk, driven by the decay of tillage to seek work in the towns. These families, together with the whole labouring class, were later reduced to unspeakable poverty by the debasement of the coinage and depreciation of silver, circumstances which, while affecting wages but little, greatly increased the price of food. This difficulty was at first unfamiliar to men's minds. Society had been hitherto somewhat stationary. Individuals lived and worked where their fathers had lived and worked before them, or at least remained in a town where they had been able by a seven years' appenticeship or by purchase to obtain civic rights. But townspeople were jealous of granting freedom to any but the well-to-do, who would be able to share the burden of taxation, and the wanderer, who by quitting home had dropped out of the framework of local society, became one of a herd of vagabonds liable to be punished according to the utmost rigour of the law.

The town rulers did not attempt to solve this question, they shelved it. This wretched population was perpetually ordered to "pass on." "And those bygge beggers," says an order of leet passed in 1518, "that wilnot worke well to gete their levyng, but lye in the felds and breke hedges and stele mannys fruyte ... let theym be banysshed the town, or els punysshe theym so without favor, that they shalbe wery to byde therin."[597]And again and again aldermen were exhorted to cause "lusty beggars and vagabonds" to "voyde out of their ward" upon pain of imprisonment.[598]Only such impotent and needy beggars as were licensed, and had the city seal, the sign of the elephant, on their bags, were allowed to remain and demand charity.[599]But the worthy men of the leet did not refuse to aid thosewho suffered undeservedly from the acutest misery. "If any by infirmity or multitude of children be not able by his labour to sustain his family," the aldermen were ordered to provide for their sustenance out of the town chest.

FOOTNOTES:[506]Rough stones were used for paving (Riley,Liber Albus, xliv.). TheChamberlain's Accounts(Corp. MS. A. 7) contain frequent allusions to paving: "Item, paid for paving within the Bablake gate, iiis." "Item, ii lods pebuls for the same, xviiid."[507]Built 1812 (Poole,Coventry, 345).[508]Poole, 345.[509]"Daily hurt" comes from having goats at large (Leet Book, 361). In London only the swine of S. Antony's hospital were allowed to be at large in the streets, and "chiens gentilz,"i.e.dogs belonging to the gentry (Riley,Liber Albus, xlii.).[510]Leet Book, 306.[511]In London the length of inn-signs was limited to seven feet (Liber Albus, lxv.). Signs were also affixed to shops to attract the eye; of this custom the barber's pole is a relic. Merchandise was usually kept in cellars partly underground beneath the solar or front dwelling-room. In great thoroughfares goods were displayed in covered sheds projecting in front of the dwelling-place (Turner,Dom. Arch.i. 96; iv. 34). Shops were usually open rooms on the ground floor, with wide windows closed with shutters (Liber Albus, xxxviii.).[512]Leet Book, 272, 100.[513]We hear of the "daybell" rung probably at dawn, and the curfew rung by the clerks of S. Michael's and Trinity churches (Ib., 338). A "larum bell" was rung on the occasion of the quarrel between Somerset's servants and the watch (Paston Letters, i. 408). Probably there was a recognised "change" in the ringing for each of the various summonses. The ringing of changes is said to have been peculiar to this country. Bells, before they were hung up, were baptized and anointed with holy oil, blessed and exorcised. Their uses were expressed in the Latin lines:"Laudo Deum verum—plebem voco—congrego clerumDefunctos ploro—pestum fugo—festa decoro."(Strutt,Sports and Pastimes, 291, 292.)[514]Leet Book, 234.[515]In 1450 the chamberlains requested that four men should be appointed out of each ward to guard the gates, and these four were to choose one man to keep the keys and close them every night at nine (ib., 254).[516]Jusserand,Wayfaring Life, 169.[517]Sharp,Antiq.131. In 1362 licence was given to a recluse, Robert de Worthin, to inhabit a dwelling adjoining the church.[518]Miracles were worked at S. Osburg's shrine, and her birthday was a local holiday. Palmer Lane and the Pilgrim's Rest preserve in their names token of ancient customs. For the wooden image of our Lady of the Tower see Fretton,Memorials of the Whitefriars' Monastery, Harris,Troughton Sketched, 6.[519]Leet Book, 422.[520]There is a specimen at Berkswell, near Coventry, and at Malvern.[521]Leet Book, 643. The prisoners paid the gaoler 1d. a week for their lodging when they had their own bed, 3d. a week if the gaoler provided them with one; over and above, debtors paid the gaoler 5d. for fee, if the debt for which they were liable exceeded 40d.[522]Ib., 192. See also for punishment of immorality,Ib., 219[523]Harl. MS. 6388, f. 22. The other lists have Eliphane. I have no doubt that the right reading is Clapham. This man was an ally of Warwick, and led the rabble of Northampton to the battle of Edgecote in 1469. He was beheaded next year.[524]Ib., f. 25.[525]Harl. MS. 6388, f. 8. A slight exaggeration, no doubt.[526]Ib., f 23.[527]Leet Book, 775.[528]Ib., 447[529]Ib., f. 11. The filth and street sweepings were ordered to be carried "beyond the stake set in the dyke beyond the Friars' Gate," or to pits without the gates (ib., 30).[530]Leet Book, 455. The worthy men of the leet besought the mayor that there might be certain citizens appointed to have oversight of the river, each in their several district, and that the rules for cleaning it should be duly kept (ib., 108).[531]Such as timber frames for houses, trunks of trees, etc. (Green, ii. 29, 30).[532]In London the bedels of each ward had a hook to tear down burning houses (Riley,Liber Albus, xxxiv.).[533]Leet Book, 389.[534]The spring was called Cunduit Head (Corp. MS. C. 227).[535]There is still a yard called Cunduit Yard close to Bablake church.[536]Leet Book, 208, 338.[537]Ib., 157.[538]Rogers,Six Cent.140.[539]Green,Town Life, ii. 36. Profits on wine were in some cases 2d., in others 4d. a gallon.[540]Leet Book, 33.[541]Leet Book, 23. The three most common kinds of bread werewastel,—bread of the finest quality;coket(seconds); andsimnel, twice-baked bread, used in Lent (Green, ii. 35).[542]Leet Book, 24.[543]Ib., 25.[544]Ib.[545]Ib., 518-9.[546]Leet Book, 771.[547]Wright,Domestic Manners, 337.[548]Leet Book, 306. Probably carts made for town use were always narrow; see illustration in Wright'sDomestic Manners, 344. Compare the trollies made for the "Rows" at Yarmouth.[549]The old name for the thoroughfare between Trinity church and Butcher Row. A spicer is equivalent to the modern grocer.[550]Cf. Milk Street, Fish Street and S. Margaret Pattens in the city of London; Bridlesmith Gate and Fletcher Gate (fletcher = an arrow maker) in Nottingham. See on this subject Mr Addy'sEvolution of the House. It was customary for the members of each calling to live close together.[551]Poole, 396.[552]Leet Book, 233[553]Ib., 798.[554]See Corp. MS. B. 75 for description of the Trinity guild lands, of which the Drapery was a parcel. The annual rent payable to the Trinity guild of a half bay in the Great Drapery was 6s. 8d. (C. 194).[555]Leet Book, 666. All people dwelling outside the town liberties were called "foreign."[556]For regulations concerning "foreign" bakers,ib., 717, 799.[557]Leet Book, 646.[558]Rogers,Six Cent., 340.[559]Rogers,op. cit.152. In Leicester there were no pleas held when the great merchants were absent at fairs (Green, ii. 25).[560]Merchants from Dublin, Drogheda, London, and Kingston-on-Hull, were members of the Corpus Christi guild; so were many local country gentlemen and yeomen.[561]Devon and Ireland supplied coarse cloth sold in the Drapery (Burton MS. f. 98-103).[562]Gasquet,Monasteries, ii. 285. This took place shortly before the dissolution.[563]The "Marprelate" printing press was for some time at Coventry (Morley,Sketch of Literature, 431). Rogers thinks unlicensed books were sold at fairs. "I cannot conceive how the writings of such an author as Prynne could have been disposed of except at the places which were at once so open and so secret" (Six Cent., 149).[564]Corp. MS. E. 6. This court was kept in accordance with the Statute of Merchants of 1283. A merchant had the power of bringing a debtor before the mayor, when the debtor bound himself to pay the debt by a certain day; if he failed to do so, the mayor caused all his movables to be seized to the amount of the debt and sold. If, however, he had no movables within the mayor's jurisdiction, application was made to the chancellor, who caused a writ to be sent to the sheriff within whose county the debtor had movables, ordering these to be seized. If the debtor had no movables, he was detained in prison until terms were made, the creditor meanwhile providing him with bread and water, the cost of which was added to the amount of the debt (Ashley,Econ. Hist.pt. I. 204).[565]Rogers thinks that rebellions were often planned at fair time.[566]RogersSix Cent.136-7; Ashley,Econ. Hist.pt. I. 98.[567]Gasquet,Monasteries, ii. 96. It seems that the amount of assistance rendered to wayfarers by monasteries has been much exaggerated.[568]Wright,Domestic Manners, 333-4. Larwood and Hotten assign another reason for this practice. Great men's town houses were frequently let during their absences from home (History of Signboards, 4).[569]Corp. MS. C. 202;Leet Book, 386.[570]Fretton,Mayors of Coventry, 10.[571]Ib., 12; Poole 403.[572]Paston Letters(ed. Gairdner), I. cxiii. Worcester often preferred to call himself by his mother's maiden name.[573]Rot. Parl., v. 569.[574]Leet Book, 550.[575]Sharp,Antiq., 61. It seems an incredible sum, and the statement should be received with caution.[576]Leet Book, 302.[577]Harl. MS. 6388, f. 13. Onley is said to have been the first Englishman born in Calais after it was taken by Edward III.; his father was a standard-bearer in the English army.[578]Proceedings Privy Council, i. 355.[579]Rogers,Six Cent., 99.[580]Archæological Journal, iv. 69.[581]Sheppard,Litteræ Cantuarienses(Rolls Series, 85), iii. 81.[582]Besant and Rice,Sir Richard Whittington.[583]Dugdale, i. 194.[584]The City of London school was founded on Carpenter's devise.[585]Poole, 292-301.[586]Leet Book, 658; Fretton,Mayors, 14.[587]Thomas White, alderman and vintner, of Coventry, Henry Over, and others.[588]Poole, 303[589]Corp. MS. A. 79, f. 63.[590]Rogers,Six Cent., 165. Leach in hisSchools of the Reformationgives this theory substantial support.[591]Green, ii. 13-16. The drapers had a school at Shrewsbury, the merchant-tailors in London. The guild of S. Laurence of Ashburton had charge of the grammar school, founded by Bishop Stapeledon in 1314. Other schools—as far as we know—not immediately connected with guilds were at Hull, Rotherham, Ewelme, Canterbury, Reading, Appleby, Preston, Liverpool, Cambridge.[592]Leet Book, 190;Vict. Coun. Hist. Warw.ii., 318.[593]Ib., 101.[594]Leet Book, 118.[595]Ib., 190.[596]Rogers,Six Cent., 165;Agric. and Prices, iv. 502. Even artizans could draw up accounts.[597]Leet Book, 658.[598]Ib., 652.[599]Ib., 677. "A token of ther bagge of the signe of the Olyfaunt."

FOOTNOTES:

[506]Rough stones were used for paving (Riley,Liber Albus, xliv.). TheChamberlain's Accounts(Corp. MS. A. 7) contain frequent allusions to paving: "Item, paid for paving within the Bablake gate, iiis." "Item, ii lods pebuls for the same, xviiid."

[507]Built 1812 (Poole,Coventry, 345).

[508]Poole, 345.

[509]"Daily hurt" comes from having goats at large (Leet Book, 361). In London only the swine of S. Antony's hospital were allowed to be at large in the streets, and "chiens gentilz,"i.e.dogs belonging to the gentry (Riley,Liber Albus, xlii.).

[510]Leet Book, 306.

[511]In London the length of inn-signs was limited to seven feet (Liber Albus, lxv.). Signs were also affixed to shops to attract the eye; of this custom the barber's pole is a relic. Merchandise was usually kept in cellars partly underground beneath the solar or front dwelling-room. In great thoroughfares goods were displayed in covered sheds projecting in front of the dwelling-place (Turner,Dom. Arch.i. 96; iv. 34). Shops were usually open rooms on the ground floor, with wide windows closed with shutters (Liber Albus, xxxviii.).

[512]Leet Book, 272, 100.

[513]We hear of the "daybell" rung probably at dawn, and the curfew rung by the clerks of S. Michael's and Trinity churches (Ib., 338). A "larum bell" was rung on the occasion of the quarrel between Somerset's servants and the watch (Paston Letters, i. 408). Probably there was a recognised "change" in the ringing for each of the various summonses. The ringing of changes is said to have been peculiar to this country. Bells, before they were hung up, were baptized and anointed with holy oil, blessed and exorcised. Their uses were expressed in the Latin lines:"Laudo Deum verum—plebem voco—congrego clerumDefunctos ploro—pestum fugo—festa decoro."(Strutt,Sports and Pastimes, 291, 292.)

"Laudo Deum verum—plebem voco—congrego clerumDefunctos ploro—pestum fugo—festa decoro."

(Strutt,Sports and Pastimes, 291, 292.)

[514]Leet Book, 234.

[515]In 1450 the chamberlains requested that four men should be appointed out of each ward to guard the gates, and these four were to choose one man to keep the keys and close them every night at nine (ib., 254).

[516]Jusserand,Wayfaring Life, 169.

[517]Sharp,Antiq.131. In 1362 licence was given to a recluse, Robert de Worthin, to inhabit a dwelling adjoining the church.

[518]Miracles were worked at S. Osburg's shrine, and her birthday was a local holiday. Palmer Lane and the Pilgrim's Rest preserve in their names token of ancient customs. For the wooden image of our Lady of the Tower see Fretton,Memorials of the Whitefriars' Monastery, Harris,Troughton Sketched, 6.

[519]Leet Book, 422.

[520]There is a specimen at Berkswell, near Coventry, and at Malvern.

[521]Leet Book, 643. The prisoners paid the gaoler 1d. a week for their lodging when they had their own bed, 3d. a week if the gaoler provided them with one; over and above, debtors paid the gaoler 5d. for fee, if the debt for which they were liable exceeded 40d.

[522]Ib., 192. See also for punishment of immorality,Ib., 219

[523]Harl. MS. 6388, f. 22. The other lists have Eliphane. I have no doubt that the right reading is Clapham. This man was an ally of Warwick, and led the rabble of Northampton to the battle of Edgecote in 1469. He was beheaded next year.

[524]Ib., f. 25.

[525]Harl. MS. 6388, f. 8. A slight exaggeration, no doubt.

[526]Ib., f 23.

[527]Leet Book, 775.

[528]Ib., 447

[529]Ib., f. 11. The filth and street sweepings were ordered to be carried "beyond the stake set in the dyke beyond the Friars' Gate," or to pits without the gates (ib., 30).

[530]Leet Book, 455. The worthy men of the leet besought the mayor that there might be certain citizens appointed to have oversight of the river, each in their several district, and that the rules for cleaning it should be duly kept (ib., 108).

[531]Such as timber frames for houses, trunks of trees, etc. (Green, ii. 29, 30).

[532]In London the bedels of each ward had a hook to tear down burning houses (Riley,Liber Albus, xxxiv.).

[533]Leet Book, 389.

[534]The spring was called Cunduit Head (Corp. MS. C. 227).

[535]There is still a yard called Cunduit Yard close to Bablake church.

[536]Leet Book, 208, 338.

[537]Ib., 157.

[538]Rogers,Six Cent.140.

[539]Green,Town Life, ii. 36. Profits on wine were in some cases 2d., in others 4d. a gallon.

[540]Leet Book, 33.

[541]Leet Book, 23. The three most common kinds of bread werewastel,—bread of the finest quality;coket(seconds); andsimnel, twice-baked bread, used in Lent (Green, ii. 35).

[542]Leet Book, 24.

[543]Ib., 25.

[544]Ib.

[545]Ib., 518-9.

[546]Leet Book, 771.

[547]Wright,Domestic Manners, 337.

[548]Leet Book, 306. Probably carts made for town use were always narrow; see illustration in Wright'sDomestic Manners, 344. Compare the trollies made for the "Rows" at Yarmouth.

[549]The old name for the thoroughfare between Trinity church and Butcher Row. A spicer is equivalent to the modern grocer.

[550]Cf. Milk Street, Fish Street and S. Margaret Pattens in the city of London; Bridlesmith Gate and Fletcher Gate (fletcher = an arrow maker) in Nottingham. See on this subject Mr Addy'sEvolution of the House. It was customary for the members of each calling to live close together.

[551]Poole, 396.

[552]Leet Book, 233

[553]Ib., 798.

[554]See Corp. MS. B. 75 for description of the Trinity guild lands, of which the Drapery was a parcel. The annual rent payable to the Trinity guild of a half bay in the Great Drapery was 6s. 8d. (C. 194).

[555]Leet Book, 666. All people dwelling outside the town liberties were called "foreign."

[556]For regulations concerning "foreign" bakers,ib., 717, 799.

[557]Leet Book, 646.

[558]Rogers,Six Cent., 340.

[559]Rogers,op. cit.152. In Leicester there were no pleas held when the great merchants were absent at fairs (Green, ii. 25).

[560]Merchants from Dublin, Drogheda, London, and Kingston-on-Hull, were members of the Corpus Christi guild; so were many local country gentlemen and yeomen.

[561]Devon and Ireland supplied coarse cloth sold in the Drapery (Burton MS. f. 98-103).

[562]Gasquet,Monasteries, ii. 285. This took place shortly before the dissolution.

[563]The "Marprelate" printing press was for some time at Coventry (Morley,Sketch of Literature, 431). Rogers thinks unlicensed books were sold at fairs. "I cannot conceive how the writings of such an author as Prynne could have been disposed of except at the places which were at once so open and so secret" (Six Cent., 149).

[564]Corp. MS. E. 6. This court was kept in accordance with the Statute of Merchants of 1283. A merchant had the power of bringing a debtor before the mayor, when the debtor bound himself to pay the debt by a certain day; if he failed to do so, the mayor caused all his movables to be seized to the amount of the debt and sold. If, however, he had no movables within the mayor's jurisdiction, application was made to the chancellor, who caused a writ to be sent to the sheriff within whose county the debtor had movables, ordering these to be seized. If the debtor had no movables, he was detained in prison until terms were made, the creditor meanwhile providing him with bread and water, the cost of which was added to the amount of the debt (Ashley,Econ. Hist.pt. I. 204).

[565]Rogers thinks that rebellions were often planned at fair time.

[566]RogersSix Cent.136-7; Ashley,Econ. Hist.pt. I. 98.

[567]Gasquet,Monasteries, ii. 96. It seems that the amount of assistance rendered to wayfarers by monasteries has been much exaggerated.

[568]Wright,Domestic Manners, 333-4. Larwood and Hotten assign another reason for this practice. Great men's town houses were frequently let during their absences from home (History of Signboards, 4).

[569]Corp. MS. C. 202;Leet Book, 386.

[570]Fretton,Mayors of Coventry, 10.

[571]Ib., 12; Poole 403.

[572]Paston Letters(ed. Gairdner), I. cxiii. Worcester often preferred to call himself by his mother's maiden name.

[573]Rot. Parl., v. 569.

[574]Leet Book, 550.

[575]Sharp,Antiq., 61. It seems an incredible sum, and the statement should be received with caution.

[576]Leet Book, 302.

[577]Harl. MS. 6388, f. 13. Onley is said to have been the first Englishman born in Calais after it was taken by Edward III.; his father was a standard-bearer in the English army.

[578]Proceedings Privy Council, i. 355.

[579]Rogers,Six Cent., 99.

[580]Archæological Journal, iv. 69.

[581]Sheppard,Litteræ Cantuarienses(Rolls Series, 85), iii. 81.

[582]Besant and Rice,Sir Richard Whittington.

[583]Dugdale, i. 194.

[584]The City of London school was founded on Carpenter's devise.

[585]Poole, 292-301.

[586]Leet Book, 658; Fretton,Mayors, 14.

[587]Thomas White, alderman and vintner, of Coventry, Henry Over, and others.

[588]Poole, 303

[589]Corp. MS. A. 79, f. 63.

[590]Rogers,Six Cent., 165. Leach in hisSchools of the Reformationgives this theory substantial support.

[591]Green, ii. 13-16. The drapers had a school at Shrewsbury, the merchant-tailors in London. The guild of S. Laurence of Ashburton had charge of the grammar school, founded by Bishop Stapeledon in 1314. Other schools—as far as we know—not immediately connected with guilds were at Hull, Rotherham, Ewelme, Canterbury, Reading, Appleby, Preston, Liverpool, Cambridge.

[592]Leet Book, 190;Vict. Coun. Hist. Warw.ii., 318.

[593]Ib., 101.

[594]Leet Book, 118.

[595]Ib., 190.

[596]Rogers,Six Cent., 165;Agric. and Prices, iv. 502. Even artizans could draw up accounts.

[597]Leet Book, 658.

[598]Ib., 652.

[599]Ib., 677. "A token of ther bagge of the signe of the Olyfaunt."

CHAPTER XV

Daily Life in the Town (continued)—Religion and Amusements of the Townsfolk

Highabove market-place and churchyard, above booth and stall, and the life and movement of a busy crowd, rose a forest of magnificent spires, three from the cathedral and one from either parish church. And after the day's chaffer many a busy trader would turn aside and enter the long aisles to listen to the chanting of vespers or tell his beads before the image of his patron saint.

In these days of tempered enthusiasm and lukewarm local interest we can hardly realise what a source of joy and pride these churches were to the townsfolk. Self-denial had enabled them to raise these goodly buildings, which they gave of their best to beautify. The painters, masons, carpenters, and carvers of the city did the work; the red sandstone, which, alas! so soon crumbles and decays, came from the local quarries; and though the grand outline of S. Michael's may be due to some bishop of the thirteenth century,[600]the design of the building, with which we are now familiar, came from the brain of a local architect—some parish priest, perhaps, or master mason of the city. For the churches of Trinity andS. Michael's were practically built anew from their foundations, neither perhaps by one family of merchants, but by the whole body of parishioners in the hey-day of the city's wealth,[601]while the small collegiate church of S. John the Baptist was raised by the Trinity guild. All these show the influence of the new "Perpendicular" style; but S. Michael's more than the rest is a triumph of the amazing lightness and technical skill so characteristic of the architecture of the fifteenth century—a style which, though lacking the strength and mystery of the earlier Gothic of the thirteenth century, has yet a certain majesty of its own.

Having once built the churches, the townsfolk made provision for continual prayer and supplication to be held therein. With a touching belief in the efficacy of prayer, even vicarious, and a business-like intention of making the best of both worlds, these worthy men devoted large sums to the support of chantry priests, who, while their patrons were engaged in secular business, prayed for the souls of the faithful departed and for living members of the town guilds and brotherhoods.[602]In the lady chapels of S. Michael's the priests of the Trinity guild chanted daily the "Antiphones of the Virgin" and the psalmDe Profundison behalf of the founders of the fraternity.[603]Similarly a priest said mass at the altar of Our Blessed Lady in Trinity church "for the good estate of King Richard and Anne his Queen,the whole realm of England, and all those by whom this altar is sustained ... and for their souls after death," remembering especially his patrons, the brethren of the Corpus Christi guild.[604]The dyers' and drapers' priests had their appointed task, so had the chaplains of S. John the Baptist's and S. Nicholas' churches, while the bedesmen, as their name implies, in the almshouse offered daily prayers for the welfare of the members of the Trinity guild.

HOLY TRINITY CHURCH

But the good folk were not content with offering their supplications by proxy. Although much of the spiritual fervour of the thirteenth century died away in the later Middle Ages, the townsfolk were methodical and regular in their religious observance and attended church with due decorum on Sunday and holy-days. In the pews sat the city officers and their wives each in their degree, the various craftsmen occupying no doubt the special chapels called after their names, and the apprentices and servants sitting or standing "in the alleys."[605]The walls of the churches were bright with fresco, where even the most ignorant could learn the stories taken from the lives of the saints or from Holy Writ; it is only within living memory that the smoke has blackened a rediscovered representation of the Last Judgment above the chancel arch of Trinity church. And when the worshippers lifted their eyes to the window-glow they beheld amid the company of the saints scenes taken from local legend, the old compact for the freedom of the market between Leofric and Godiva, the blazoning of the arms of founders and benefactors, and the insignia of trade and craft.[606]For the mediæval artist saw no firm line sundering the things of religion from the affairs of daily life, and the people did not care to keep their civic patriotism and inspirations solely forthe guild-hall. In the aisles and chapels lay the most honoured of the city dead; Bond and Haddon were laid among their fellow drapers, and the tomb of Ralph Swyllington, recorder, may yet be seen on the mercers' side in S. Michael's church.

SWILLINGTON'S TOMB, S. MICHAEL'S CHURCH

The craft companies paid an annual rent for the chapels within their keeping, whither they repaired at least once a year to keep the festival of their patron saint and present their offerings. Thus each of the cappers subscribed twelve pence a year towards the maintenance of the furniture in S. Thomas's chapel in S. Michael's, and presented a penny as an offering on the feast of the translation of the saint.[607]In these chapels, where theglory of goldsmiths' and artist's work testified to the munificence of the craftsfolk, dead members of the brotherhood were occasionally buried, and theirobitsor anniversaries kept.

It was a common practice to bequeath house property to provide funds for the continual commemoration of the testator's death and prayers for his soul's peace. Thus in 1492 Richard Clyff, late parson of S. George, London, bequeathed to the church of Holy Trinity, Coventry, a tenement in Well Street "to the entent ... that the Wardeyns of the same Church, for the tyme beinge yerely, for evermore, observe and kepe within the same Church, in the vigyll of Saynt Alphege, placebo, and dirige over nyght, by ii well-dysposyd prestys, there to be said devoutly without note; and on the morowe after, ayther of the same prestys to say messe of Requiem for the soules of John Cliff, and Margarete hys wyff, hys ffader and moder, hys own Soule, all hys ffrendys Saulys, and all Crystyan Saulys." Other features of the obit were the distribution of alms to the poor, and the feast which followed the service. Thus on the day whereon Robert Burnell's obit was kept 4s. was given to the poor, and 3s. 10d. expended in bread and ale.[608]

When a craftsman died, the whole company of his brethren were present at his burial, which, if he were a noteworthy citizen, would take place with much solemnity at the Greyfriars' or one of the parish churches.[609]Funeral masses were invariably said in the cathedral, the offerings remaining to the use of S. Mary's minster and convent; the candles also that had burntabout the coffins[610]were left in the cathedral after the dead had been borne away to their graves. Whether the people of Coventry disliked this practice we cannot tell, but it brought the convent into collision with the Greyfriars, who, as an active and popular body within the town, were rather disposed to call the authority of the monks in question. The matter of the funeral candles and offerings touched the former very nearly, for their chapel was a favourite burial place; and in 1446 Friar John Bredon threw down his glove. We would fain know if brother John were a mere busybody or a born reformer; perhaps he belongs rather to the latter than the former class, as he also appears, it seems, as a champion of the poorer folk against the deceiving victuallers.[611]Be this as it may, he was a man of great influence with the citizens, and, together with the prior, had helped on a former occasion to still the religious excitement which had followed on the preaching of Grace, the hermit. The enmity between the friars and the convent was at last the cause of his overthrow. Concerning this matter of the candles, the friar was so moved to bitterness that he openly preached and affirmed "in the parish churches of this same citee ... that alle maner offerynges owen to be yeven alonely to theyme that mynistren the Sacraments to the parisshens," and bade the people give these candles to the parish churches; "permytting my selfe," he says, "to defende theyme that so did." Moreover, the friar declared "that in Englond was not so bonde a Citee as this Citee of Coventry is, in keping and observyng the said custome";and in bills which he set up on the church doors he "promysed to delyver the pepull of this same Citee from the thraldom of Pharao." The prior of S. Mary was not to be daunted by this audacious front, and petitioned the King against Friar Bredon. In due time sentence was pronounced, and a form of recantation arrived prescribed by parliament. In presence of the Forty-eight[612]the friar was compelled to admit that the custom he had inveighed against "is a custom commendable, and soowyng to be kept and observed to encrese of mede, by pleasure made to Almighty God, who graunte to you and me to lif in this world aftir juste lawes and lawful customs vertuously, soo that we may deserve to rejoyse (enjoy) hevenly recompense everlastyngly."[613]After which recantation he was banished the city.

The citizens were as thorough and systematic in their pastimes as in their prayers, and all sorts of amusements of a vigorous character, wherein they gladly indulged, were rarely discouraged by the corporation. The practice of archery was looked on as part of every man's necessary training, and crafts were ordered to keep butts in good repair, so that all members of their fellowships could keep their hands well in use.[614]Bull-baiting, a favourite sport, gave its name to the Bull-ring hard by Trinity church;[615]but the traces of "le cokfyting place"[616]and of the bowling-green near the Charter-house[617]have been lost.

PULPIT, HOLY TRINITY CHURCH

Bear-baiting was highly popular likewise, and frequent gifts to Sir Fulk Greville's bearward[618]form a feature in the chamberlains' accounts in the early days of Elizabeth. Like all the great Queen's subjects the men of Coventry delighted in theatrical representations, and now that the local religious drama was dead, theirappreciation of the strolling players' art caused constant inroads to be made on the public purse. The wardens were frequently called upon for payments, such as "to the Earle of Darbyes players vs.," "to the lord Chamberlain's players xs.,"[619]items which accord ill with the payments for sermons at this time.[620]In the end the sermons gained the day, and it would be hard to find in the Midlands—save Banbury—a more staunchly Puritan town than Coventry under the Stuarts.

In the sixteenth century the corporation appear to have become disquieted at the reckless lives and illicit amusements of those over whom they ruled. A new era was about to dawn, wherein mediæval barriers would be broken down; and it seems as if the discreet and worthy burghers were afraid of the lawlessness and unrest which had entered into the spirit of society, and which in itself was the sign of coming change. Orders directed against gaming,[621]or intercourse, especially on the part of apprentices, with women of evil fame had always been a feature of the regulations passed by the leet; but as time goes on the mention of "unlawful games" becomes more and more frequent. As early as 1510 the aldermen of the several wards were charged to make search "for all them that keep misrule," who on being discovered were to be committed to ward, or, if they persisted in their evil ways, to be banished the city.[622]In 1516 this command was followed up by a fresh ordinance enjoining them to make inquiry for vagabonds, "as well women as men," suspected alehouses, "blynde ynnes," unlawful games, and the like.[623]But the evil appeared to increase as the century advanced,and in 1548 a complaint of leet reveals a state of things which has quite a modern look, so little change has human nature and human habit undergone these three hundred and fifty years. Many, we learn, passed their time drinking in taverns, and "playnge at the cardes and tables,[624]and spende all that they can gett prodigally upon theym selfes to the highe displeasure of God and theyre owne ympovershyng, whereas," the worthy men of the leet were of opinion, "if it were spente at home in theyre owne houses theyre wiffes and childerne shulde have part therof."[625]It was forthwith decreed that any of these prodigals, whether "labourer, journeyman, or apprentice," if discovered resorting to any alehouse on a work day should be imprisoned for a day and night.

In those days, as in our own time, the lower classes had the keenest appreciation of all that appertained to sport, and the loafer loved to roam the country lanes with a dog at his heels. Long time since the prior had complained how the citizens hunted and hawked in his warren, and in the sixteenth century the corporation were hard put to it to keep this passion within the bounds prescribed by the statutes of the realm. People, we hear in the eighteenth year of Henry VIII., who did not possess the necessary qualification, a 40s. freehold, presumed to keep birds and dogs, whereby idleness "is greatly encreased"; henceforward they were forbidden to keep hawk, hound, greyhound, or ferret, or to presume to hunt with the same under a heavy penalty.[626]

Other practices in which the citizens indulged were looked upon with an unfavourable eye by the rulers of the town, brawling being expressly forbidden. No one was allowed to carry defensive weapons through the streets, and hosts were charged to bid their stranger guests leave their swords behind them, when they had occasion to leave the hostels wherein they had takenlodging.[627]The penalty for smiting "with a knife drawyn" was half a mark, unless the smiter were "himself defendant." "No man of craft," another order runs, "bear no bills, nor gysarnes, nor great staves," upon pain of forfeiture of the same weapons. Those who were driving cattle to market could, however, carry a small staff in their hands.[628]These orders did not suffice by any means to abolish brawls, and sometimes lords, knights and squires, the "mighty" men of the country round, fought out their ancient family quarrels among the dwellings of the burgher folk;[629]at others the citizens had their own grievances to urge against one or other of these mighty men, and drew sword upon him and his retainers. In these cases there would be, most likely, death or shedding of blood, while in disputes arising among the citizens themselves merely blows and beatings would be given on either side, but with such violence that combatants were afterwards often spoken of as "in despair of their lives" from the injuries they had received.

Troubles of this kind were a feature of the times when the gentry flocked into the city to see the far-famed Corpus Christi shows, or to be near the Court, for Henry VI. and his Queen tarried frequently at Coventry. On Corpus Christi even in the year 1448 Sir Humphrey Stafford and his son Richard were attacked in the Broadgate[630]after nightfall, as they came from Lady Shrewsbury's[631]lodging, by Sir Robert Harcourt and his men. Richard was slain and his father wounded in the darkness and confusion, while two of the Harcourt faction died also in the fray. All this took place, says John Northwood, writing to Viscount Beaumont, "as men say, in a Paternoster while." It was a terrible business; Northwood, evidently striving to be exact, could hardlydescribe how it happened. The two chief enemies, he says, "fell in handes togyder, and Sir Robert smot hym (Sir Humphrey) a grette stroke on the hed with hys sord, and Richard with hys dagger hastely went toward hym, and as he stombled on of Harcourts men smot hym in the bak with a knyfe, men wotte not ho hytt was reddely; hys fader hard noys and rode toward hem and hys men ronne before hym thyderward, and in the goyng downe of hys hors, on, he wotte not ho,[632]be hynd hym smot hym on the hede with a nege tole,[633]men know not with us with what wepone, that he fell downe and hys son fell downe be fore hym as goode as dede." And the whole affray—characteristically enough—was "be cawse of an old debate that was betwene heme for takyng of a dystres as hyt is told." The law was not always prompt in bringing gentlefolk to account, and Sir Robert Harcourt at that time escaped justice, only to be overtaken by revenge, however, twenty-two years later, when he died at the hands of the Staffords.[634]

Among the citizens also certain feasts and merry-makings ministered occasion for riots and quarrels. Such were the Lammas feasts, whereon the chamberlains, with a tumultuous following, opened out the common pasture lands that encircled the city. Such again were the three great processional nights, the vigils of Corpus Christi, of S. John the Baptist (Midsummer eve) and S. Peter. "The people come at Lammas," runs an order of Leet, "in excess number and unruly, to ill ensample"; and it was laid down that only a few from each ward, who had been appointed by the corporation, should accompany the chamberlains on their annual ride. Moreover, "great debate and manslaughter and other perils and sins" fell out on Midsummer eve and S. Peter's night, because so "great a multitude" was gathered together at that season within the city, "thatit lieth in no man's power ... for to please them all";[635]and the Church tried to interfere in the interests of peace, but without success. Occasionally the good folk of the place fell to blows, it would seem, on ordinary working days, without having their presence at a merry-making to urge in extenuation of their fault. Thus in 1444 the corvesars, or tanners of leather, fell out about some obscure point or other with the weavers, and so hotly did the quarrel rage between them, and so frequent the exchange of deadly blows, that Thomas Burdeux, weaver, was said to be in "despair of his life" by reason of the sore beating he had received. The quarrel was allayed, according to the wisdom of the mayor and his discreet council, by the drinking of a certain amount of ale among the fellowship of both crafts at their joint expense.[636]

But few pleasures appealed to the mediæval citizen so strongly as that of dining well; and besides these peace-promoting drinkings there were many occasions whereon members of guilds and crafts met together to feast and do their best to justify the reputation, which still clings to city folk and aldermen, of loving good cheer. The meals of the Middle Ages were long and heavy. The highly-flavoured cookery, with its strange mixture of meat and sweets—fowls stuffed with currants was a favourite dish—would appear barbarous to modern epicures; but such as it was, vast preparations and much money were lavished upon it. The members of each craft fellowship met once a year to hold a feast, while the brethren of the Trinity guild celebrated the Assumption and S. Peter's Eve by a banquet and probably also the festival of the Decollation of S. John. The Corpus Christi had a "Lenton" dinner, a "goose" dinner in August, and a "venison" one in October,[637]and in 1492 they spent £26, 0s. 4d. on their feasts, a sum only 13s. less than the annual stipend due to the five priests supported by the guild.[638]But the record of common feasting is not yet exhausted. The members of the Corpus Christi fraternity met together at a breakfast on the morning of the festival of the Body of Christ, and all the crafts supped on cakes and ale on the great processional nights. One dozen spiced cakes, three dozen white cakes, "a seysterne" and a half of ale with "comfets," and a pound of "marmalet" were ordered for the carpenters' merry-making on Midsummer eve, 1534.[639]Nor were the journeymen forgotten on these joyous evenings; they partook of plainer fare—bread and ale—at their master's expense.

On Midsummer and S. Peter's eves the townsfolk gave themselves up to mirth and jollity, decorating banqueting-halls, streets, and houses with birchen boughs and all manner of greenery.[640]This custom was, Stowe tells us, also observed in London, where every man's door was "shadowed with Greene Birch, long Fennel, S. John's wort, Orpin, white Lilies, and such like, garnished with Garlands of beautifull flowers, and had also Lamps of glasse with Oyle burning in them all the night."[641]But lamps were not the only means of illumination on those joyous nights. "On the Vigils of Festivall dayes and on the same Festivall dayes in the Evenings," continues the London chronicler, "after the Sun-setting, there were usually made Bone-fires in the streets, every man bestowing wood or labour towards them. The wealthier sort also before their doores, neere to the said Bone-fires, would set out Tables onthe vigils, furnished with sweete bread and good drinke, and on the Festivall days with meats and drinkes plentifully, whereunto they would invite their neighbours and passengers also to sit, and be merry with them in great familiarity, praysing God for his benefits bestowed on them. These were called Bone-fires, as well of amity amongst neighbours, that being before at controversie, were there by the labour of others reconciled, and made of bitter enemies loving friends."[642]

It is good to dwell on this scene of frank gaiety and open-handed hospitality, the pleasantest, to my thinking, that has come to us from mediæval times. The dusk lighted by the flicker of the bonfires, the flower-wreathed houses, the merry groups, the hand-clasp in token of reconciliation, what a picturesque glimpse we have here of common union and common joy to which our fêtes and holidays nowadays can afford no parallel!

But the chief glory of these festal nights was the setting forth of the armed watch.[643]This was not such an imposing spectacle in Coventry as in London, where the route extended, says Stowe, "to 3200 Taylors yards of assize." The procession way was lighted by 700 cressets, and the marching watch numbered 2000 men. Yet the Coventry folk made great preparation for their humbler show, which was undertaken, so said the drapers' craft with pardonable pride, "to the lawde and prayse of God and the worship of this city." All the craft fellowships met together to consult as to ways and means some days beforehand, "at the mayor's commandment," and dire penalties were laid on those who should refuse to attend on Midsummer night when the chief master sent his "clerk or sumoner" to warnthem.[644]When all was ready for the procession, the worthy folk rode forth, two by two, each man in the livery proper to his calling, the least important brotherhood going first, the others following, each in their degree, until the train of fellowships closed with the mercers, the senior craft.[645]The journeymen, perhaps on foot, followed their masters, and the chief folk of the corporation rode conspicuous in their scarlet cloaks, each one having an attendant torchbearer.[646]But the chief glory of the procession was the sight of the watch riding in shining armour, and bearing battle-axes, swords and guns. Thus the dyers sent forth two clad in complete white armour, and four in brigandines, the drapers four "in almayne revetts," while the smiths among others hired four, and the butchers made provision for six armed men.[647]Moreover, a crowd of minstrels and hirelings bearing cressets, torches, spears gay with pennons and bells,[648]streamers whereon were depicted the arms of the various crafts,[649]and mirth-provoking figures of giants and giantesses,[650]caused the streets to fill with colour, light, music, and laughter. The citizens in the dusk of those June evenings beheld a right gallant show. There was the sound of minstrelsy, broken by a sudden discharge of guns,[651]with the murmur of many voices and the tramp of many feet, and between the rows of densely packed crowd the torchlights glinted on the bright advancing line of the armed watch, or glowed on thestately figures of my masters the mayor, sheriffs and aldermen, arrayed in scarlet, bringing up maybe the rear of the train. In this manner did the good folk of Coventry celebrate the vigils of S. John the Baptist and S. Peter, according to the ancient custom of the city, until the changes of the sixteenth century, or the growth of Puritan feeling, or poverty, or a combination of all these, caused the observance to be laid aside. The riding on S. Peter's eve was discontinued after 1549,[652]though Midsummer eve was still celebrated by a procession for some years after that date.

On the morning of the Corpus Christi festival, before the Mystery Plays were acted, another procession of the crafts, more strictly religious in character than those we have described, also took place. Following the train of companies of traders and artificers came the members or priests of the Trinity guild bearing the Host, the various religious bodies of the city probably walking behind the Sacrament. The Corpus Christi guild provided gorgeous vessels, wherein the consecrated elements were placed, and four burgesses hired by the fraternity carried a canopy of costly material over the same, while the effect of the religious ceremonial was heightened by banner and crucifix coming from the treasuries of the guilds. A pageant setting forth scenes in the life of the Virgin, the Annunciation, which, on account of its mystical meaning, was highly appropriate to the occasion, and the Assumption also figured in the train, and the records of the Corpus Christi guild show the payments made to the persons who represented S. Gabriel bearing the lily,[653]the Virgin with a crown of great price upon her head, the twelve apostles, including S. Thomas of India, eight virgins, S. Margaret and S. Catherine. And the smiths caused the actor who was to represent Herod in their pageant to ride on horseback in agorgeously painted coat in the procession. After this portion of the festival was over, the craftsfolk set forth the famous plays or pageants, whereof the fame filled Coventry from time to time with royal and noble visitors, and all the good folk of the surrounding country. Henry V. in 1416, Margaret of Anjou in 1457, Richard III. in 1485, Henry VII. in 1487, and again with his Queen, Elizabeth of York, in 1493,[654]witnessed these shows, which in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries were at the height of their popularity.

Among the everyday people who came at this season in crowds to Coventry, merchants combined business with religious edification, since the fair followed hard on the plays,[655]with others the latter counted most. "If you believe not me," says a preacher in theHundred Merry Tales, at the conclusion of his sermon on the Creed, "then for a more surety and sufficient authority, go your way to Coventry and there ye shall see them all played in Corpus Christi play."[656]We may take it that the dramatic illusion was notably sustained in these plays, and that they "fortified the unlearned in their faith." The men of this midland city had a passion for acting; they performed on every occasion; such adepts were they at their art that we hear of their playing at Court in 1530, at Bristol and Abingdon in 1570, and four times in Leicester between 1564 and 1571-2.[657]In this manner did Warwickshire folk prepare for Shakespeare's coming. The soil on which the Elizabethan dramagrew with such luxuriance, had been tilled for well-nigh two hundred years by nameless actors, who set forth on local stages the tragedy, which for simple dignity, has no peer among the tragedies of the world.

The famous Corpus Christi pageants were not of lay but of clerical origin. The church was the earliest theatre; clerks the first actors; and the earliest plays grew out of the dramatic rendering of parts of the Easter and Christmas services—a colloquy between those representing the angel at the sepulchre and the women bearing precious ointment,[658]or the singing by a choirboy "in the similitude of an angel" perched "in excelso"—aloft—of glad tidings to personators of the shepherds of Bethlehem,[659]or the successive utterance of clerks in the character of Isaiah, Habakkuk and other prophets of appropriate testimony to the coming of Christ. From such simple, liturgical sources there developed first in clerical, then in lay, hands, a religious drama which ultimately covered the whole field of Christian history from the Creation to the Day of Doom. In view of the near connection between the Coventry monks and the Lichfield canons, it is of great interest to note that thePeregrini—the appearance of Christ to the travellers at Emmaus—an early development of the Easter cycle, and thePastores, or the Christmas Shepherds' play, were regularly performed at Lichfield under Bishop Hugh of Nonant.[660]Of other plays, calledMiraculaor Miracles, whereof the source was not the liturgy, but rather the life of a saint, there is frequent mention; such an one in honour of S.Catherine was performed before 1119 at a monastic school at Dunstable on the road between London and Coventry. Nearly 400 years later a "miracle" on the same subject was seen in the "Little Park" just outside the walls of the midland city.

As the liturgical plays grew long and elaborate they ceased to be included in the church service; and gradually it came about that the churchyard, since it would admit of more spectators than the church, was deemed a more fitting place for their representation, as at Beverley, where about 1220 a crowd assembled to witness a play on the Resurrection.[661]Thence, so greatly did the laity love these shows, they passed to convenient greens and highways, somewhat to the scandal of rigider moralists, who held that, though clerks might act in church plays, it was a "sight of sin" for them to hold these performances in a more secular neighbourhood. It was probably in response to this feeling that the regular clergy—save on occasions the friars—gradually withdrew from out door plays, and that lay performers, controlled by the growing and wealthy craft-guilds, practically replaced clerks. The vulgar tongue ousted Latin, and plays proper to Easter and Christmas, linked together into one whole religious story, were acted on the great processional feasts, when daylight is longest, Corpus Christi or, less frequently, Whitsuntide. The process, still somewhat obscure to us, whereby the performances passed under secular control, would seem to be complete in the fourteenth century. Local tradition places the earliest representation at Chester in 1328, while we have more certain knowledge of them at Beverley in 1377, York in 1378 and Coventry in 1392. What part, if any, was played by the professional entertainers, wandering "mimes," minstrels and jugglers in the gradual secularization of the plays we know not, neither is there definite information about the earliest dramatic authors, save thattradition points to Ralph Higden ofPolychroniconfame as author of the Chester cycle. Plays, however, were so frequently revised and expanded by local folks, clerks and laymen, that they sometimes became, like the Coventry craft-plays, affairs of metrical patchwork. The last redaction these special dramas underwent was at the hands of Robert Croo, a jack-of-all-trades theatrical, by whom they were "neuly translate" or "neuly correcte" in 1535.[662]

OLD HOUSE IN COX STREET

Each Coventry craft was required by the authorities to contribute towards the setting forth of a pageant at the festival. The more important fraternities—such as the mercers and drapers—were able to bear the expenses of furnishing stage scenery, paying actors, and providing suitable accessories without any aid from bodies outside their ranks. But among the lesser crafts it was usual for two, three, four, or more to band together in order to lessen the individual burden,[663]while in all cases the journeymen probably contributed towards the expenses of their masters' pageant.[664]The task of adjusting these payments according to the means of the various inferior craft companies, was a delicate one, and often brought trouble upon the corporation. None of them cared to undertake the expenses and responsibility involved in the provision of a play. The smiths in 1428 petitioned the leet to be released from the burden;[665]the dyers in 1494 could not be induced to take the load upon their shoulders;[666]while for many years the skinners, fishmongers, cappers, corvesars, butchers, and others contrived to evade payment towards the support of a pageant, until a complaint arose from some of the contributory crafts that they were over-burdened with charges consequent thereon.

This primary difficulty being overcome, the crafts took no little pains to make the representations as perfect as possible. They provided the dresses and stage furniture from their own funds, each company having a pageant-house[667]usually in Mill Lane, now Cox Street, wherein these properties were stored. They paid the composer of the piece, if need were, or the copyist; the actors also, who were maybe lower craftsfolk, had a fixed hire, with "bread and ale" at rehearsals, and between the repetition of the performance on the festival day in different quarters of the town. All were required by order of leet to play "well and sufficiently," "lest any impediment should arise" in the performance, under pain of 20s. to the town wall,[668]and in order that they might be perfect in their several parts, there were usually two, or in the case of a new play no less than five, rehearsals before the festival,[669]some of these taking place in the presence of the assembled fellowship, while the "keeper of the play book" attended, no doubt in the capacity of prompter.

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